 Next, we'll move on to Dr. Elsharabagi. Thank you, Josh. And thank you all for being here. I would like first to say that I really appreciated how Josh talked very cautiously using the word Arab Spring, which I never used because the spring happens to people and the toppling of Mubarak did not happen to Egyptians. Actually, Egyptians toppled Mubarak. And also the spring is beautiful in the United States and Europe, but spring in Egypt means dust winds. It's not really particularly pleasant. And therefore, I feel the term has been manufactured outside of Egypt and outside of the Arab world. Secondly, I need to be candid with you as much as I'm in pain for what's going on in my country at this moment. I am still very optimistic. I do not think that we can talk about the Egyptian Revolution as saying, for example, after the Revolution or post-revolution, because I think that the Egyptian Revolution is still going on. It has not yet been over. And the reason why I am in pain is because I think that what's going on in Egypt now is going back. The politics of Egypt now goes back to how politics was handled under Mubarak. What I mean by that is the political polarization, and I would explain, because we're here in a public forum, that we have two polls in Egypt, the Muslim Brothers and some Islamist parties. And on the other side is the liberal left and other parties as well. This polarization to me is killing Egypt, and I think that Americans will totally understand what I mean because they are suffering from polarization themselves and the polarization has led to the sequestration and led to all of the great luck in Congress. And I think that you will understand exactly why I'm in pain. But it's more dangerous in Egypt because Egypt now is in a critical moment of its history where it should be working on getting together in order to rebuild a country that Mubarak and his regime has actually undermined and pushed into a colossal failure for 30 years on all fields and in all different dimensions. And therefore, what I would like to talk about is that in my view, I do not think that this polarization is inevitable, was inevitable or is inevitable, and it doesn't have to be perpetuated. And to me, I think that the different, the two sides would better stop quarreling about the details and face the core problems and core issues about which they are really quarreling. I would explain these two arguments by saying for the fact that it's not inevitable, is that as many of you might already know, the Egyptian Revolution did not happen out of the blue. There has been a long struggle by Egyptians in order to get rid of the corruption, brutality, and repression of the Mubarak regime. And I would just refer to a movement that was the spark in 2003, which is the Qifaya movement and Qifaya means enough. And the movement of Qifaya, the brilliance of it was that it was cross-ideological. People from the far left to the far right were involved in Qifaya. And that is a clear indication that Egypt is not destined to be polarized. Later on, there were also labor protests, protests by people who were marginalized by the neoliberal policies of the Mubarak regime. And here is when the young generations have started to be heavily engaged. Now, because still the different political forces in Egypt, the political elite in Egypt, under Mubarak could not work together, this was the main cause they were incapable of toppling Mubarak. Mubarak had been brilliant in the divide and rule. And this was the main reason why the Egyptian political forces were not able to topple him. Well, the young generation took it into their own hands and they were the ones who triggered the revolution. None of them was partisan and none of them was into this polarization. The political elite, the polarized political elite, stepped in into the revolution that was triggered by the young generation. And throughout the 18 days of toppling Mubarak, everybody was working together. I.e., the young generation has actually forced it on everyone to just be up to the responsibility and work together. Now, the fatal mistake in my view that the young generation has made immediately after the toppling of Mubarak is that they deferred to the older generation. And the older generation, instead of actually taking the same elite that was incapable of making the change that Egypt needs, instead of taking the spirit of the 18 days, which was a golden moment to start a national dialogue and build a consensus on the real issues that are facing Egypt and that there are no consensus about, instead of doing that, they return to their politics as usual of polarization once more. And that polarization actually has not started by the Muslim brother coming to power. It actually started immediately after the revolution. And instead of, you know, building together in order to build the future of Egypt, I think that what happened was that each side was trying to drag the military towards it. What I think is going on right now is that all of the issues that are on the table in Egypt that are discussed in Egypt are not really the real issue. So there are quarrels about the law on elections. There is a quarrel about the constitution. We need guarantees in order to do this or the Muslim brothers are doing this and so on. These are not, in my view, the real issues because this is just a manifestation, a symptom of the lack of trust that comes from the lack of national consensus on the three main issues. Let us face it, this lack of trust comes from the fact that there is no consensus in Egypt about the relationship between religion and state. And this is one of the issues that must be faced, have a dialogue on, and reach a consensus. And none of the two sides is going to be winning. There has to be compromises. What I learned from American politics is the concept of compromise, which actually is very clear even in the American constitution. Now, the other, the second issue that people do not want to face and as a main issue of lack of national consensus is the socioeconomic situation. The third issue is the issue of foreign policy. Where do we want to take Egypt in foreign policy? These are the three main core issues that Egypt has to, all the Egyptian political forces have to agree on. And these are the core issues that nobody talks about, and they are the reason why there is a lack of trust and each side is acting as if the other might do this or that. It seems to me, without dealing with these issues, we are going to be perpetuating the same old politics as usual. In order to do that, I think that, and all of them are my friends here, that the Muslim brothers coming into this national dialogue have to abandon the arrogance of power. And the opposition also have to stop this arrogant sense of superiority of ideology and all or none kind of politics. Without this on both sides, I think these three issues are not going to be solved and therefore we're going to be going into these vicious circles forever because people are not facing the real issues. I would probably stop here and thank you very much and let us have a little discussion. Thank you very much, Dr. Sherbagi. And last but certainly not least, Dr. Dodog, the floor is yours. Thank you, Josh. I'm kind of getting used to being here. I was here yesterday. And probably I have a feeling that I'm going to be offered a job in this place, but if I perform well, so that's a good motivation for me. Actually, I'm going to talk from a little bit different perspective. I mean, the overall tone that we have been hearing unfortunately is towards the negative sides. By nature and also by following up what's really happening, I'm optimistic and I would like to reflect this on you one way or the other. But first of all, I would like to clarify something. People keep on talking here about the Muslim Brotherhood. We are talking now about practicing politics and going into elections and trying to seek majority and government, so we are talking about political party. I represent the Freedom and Justice Party. And maybe to your surprise, many of you may not know that more than 70% of the members of the Freedom and Justice Party right now do not belong to the Muslim Brotherhood. Our membership is probably exceeding 500,000 people right now. After one year of establishment, one and a half years of establishment, not more than only 25% to 30% do belong to the Muslim Brotherhood. So this is just a clarifying point. I do agree with my colleagues that I don't like the term to translate our thawr into uprising. This is very short in describing what really happens. And I also do agree that we are still going through the revolution. But I hope that we don't end up with someone like El Qaddafi. He ended up with maybe a couple of days before he died. He was saying that his revolution is still continuous. I mean, since he made the revolution in 1969, he thought that his revolution is still continuing until he was killed. But hopefully, we are going to have our real revolution succeed much earlier than that. Do you intend to speak for 30 years? No, no, no, no, no. And if I want to go to the overall context of our panel today, which seems to be like a comparative look at other countries that went through the same conditions. I'm afraid that this issue was not touched by my colleagues. So let me a little bit touch upon this. Actually, comparing what happened in Egypt to these countries now, I mean what we achieved in Egypt compared to the other countries, I do believe that by far we are at a much better position, at a much more superior position in terms of achieving what we wanted to achieve. And let me explain how. First of all, we managed to, like other countries, we managed to all of the sudden, within very few days, to get rid of Mubarak himself as the tyrant that everybody wanted him to go away. And we also, once and for all, ended the inheritance project that Mubarak wanted to give to pass his authority to his son, and that also was over. Nobody expected on the 24th of January, or maybe even on the 28th of January, that the events would have led to these results. But afterwards, we had several other achievements that did not really take place in other countries. First of all, for the first time in Egyptian history, we had a freely elected president, whether some like that president and some do not like that president, yet that is a freely elected president coming out of a group of candidates, two stages of elections, and he was elected by 51% or 52% of the votes. That's a significant achievement for Egypt. It did not happen since the establishment of Egypt 7,000 years ago. So this is a significant achievement, and it is thanks to the revolution. Number two, we had parliamentary elections and also for the first time, but not in Egyptian history, maybe in 60 years because Egypt had, used to have a very good practice of democracy before the 1952 revolution with very active political parties and very active political life and parliament and constitutions and all these sort of things. But this stopped for 60 years and then came back, and all of a sudden you find more than 30 million people standing in lines, very long lines to give their votes to the person or to the list that they believe represent them the best way possible. It is true that that parliament was later on dissolved by a very wrong decision, a very wrong court decision that I believe that was very wrong and I believe Dr. Hamza, who shares this opinion with me, but nevertheless, no matter if you agree with that parliament or do not agree with it, the notion that people, for the first time in so many years, believe that their vote makes a difference and whatever they put in the box will be reflected as a result in selecting who they believe would represent them the best way possible. This is also a significant achievement. And if the previous parliament was dissolved, we are going to have another parliament and another parliament so that we are never going to get back to the day where somebody else used to vote on behalf of me or Dr. Manar or this day will never come back. Number three or four, we could achieve a constitution. And again, some people may not like the end result of this constitution document. It passed with a reasonable majority, yes, maybe not an overwhelming majority, a reasonable majority, but still it is very important at this critical stage to have a document like this which defines clearly the limits between the different authorities and the checks and different checks and balances. And this is the part actually that is not really that much disputed. Differences are about other things that can be discussed and changed with time but to put the country on the correct path of forming the democratic institutions, this is something that is well established in the constitution and I believe it's a very good basis to start. And if you compare this to the other so-called Arab Spring countries, they are nowhere near this. Last month I was in Tunisia in a seminar comparing the democratic path in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya and in Tunisia they have been working on the constitution for more than a year and a half or almost a year and a half and it doesn't seem to me that they are going to reach a document very soon. Still not succeeding in achieving a consensus. Of course the top leaders are not directly elected. If you talk about Libya it's even more dramatic. You have people having arms everywhere in the country, the state functions are not functioning and it's a mess. They have been trying to work on the constitution for nine months and put any single word in the document. So I hope their path gets better but definitely if I look to Egypt I have a feeling that we are on a much better path. In the Freedom of Justice Party our strategy has always been that the top priority in the country after the revolution is to have the democratic institutions established. This is very important and that was really the path that was established in the referendum back in March of 2011 where it was envisaged to have a parliament and president elected only after six months of the date of the referendum and followed by having the constitution. There were a lot of arguments at that time about whether the constitution should come first or the elections come first or the new parties are not ready for elections so let's wait a little bit longer. I think this is one of the mistakes that led us to what we are going through right now. I mean if we really had these democratic institutions six months after the revolution we probably would have been in a much better shape. But nevertheless time has not passed completely. Yes we are going through problems, yes there are economical difficulties, there are social difficulties but nothing beyond the solution and hopefully when we have the House of Representatives elected hopefully in few months we are going to put ourselves on the road for real reform and real change. Of course we cannot wait, I know that many people here do not like the idea that we are tying the big reform with completing the parliamentary elections which maybe they have a point but still it has been proven everywhere in the world for countries going through transitions, major transitions like the one we are going through is that the most important step is to have democratic institutions formed in order to be able to push yourself forward and have the reform that you really want to have in place. Definitely I agree with Dr. Amra Hamzawi on everything negative he said about the opposition and I don't agree about it, I'm just kidding. I'm always of the opinion that we are all on a learning curve. I always use this. This is between a liberal party representative and a representative of freedom and justice. Your life what I'm going to say right now? I believe that everybody in Egypt is on a learning curve and this applies to starting from the freedom and justice party opposition, the military during the time they were in control of the political scene over a year and a half after the revolution but I'm also putting actually some blame on the youth of Egypt and I was having a discussion this morning with a young man of one of my best friends here and I hear the normal complaint that young people have never been empowered and they are not getting their chances and all this kind of arguments and I simply told him that if we acknowledge that almost 80% of the population are younger than 40 years of age, who's preventing young people from being actively involved in the political scene and getting the support of this big mass? I mean who is electing older people? If 80% of the voters are young and they are still electing the older people there must be something wrong. They are not convinced that the young people are still, are well enough to take care of the political scene and the young people are not yet prepared to do this work or they are convinced with the older people. But what I believe is that the young people coming out of the revolutionary phase and feelings they are very enthusiastic in a way that they need to calm down a little bit and really think about or at least some of them think about having their own political parties, their own institutions in order and their own programs and their own ideas of reform in order to present that to the population that they belong to and they get elected and they pursue the reform they want and this is actually bound to happen. I mean in 10 years from now this 80% is going to be 90% and this is bound to happen. But I mean they take some of the blame I believe. But finally, I forgot something very important to mention about positive achievements. After 60 years of military control of the political scene we managed very quickly to end this phase. And this is quite a significant achievement compared to many other countries that went through the same kind of change that the military used to control the political life. This morning we were having a discussion with the particular Dr. Amr. Actually I took the least amount of time. The final word, the positive one. I felt that what I heard from Dr. Hamzaoui about he gave some propositions of like an agenda to be discussed towards achieving some consensus at this stage and I found most of what he said very reasonable, very positive and really going to help with some discussions on our part but I believe that now we are starting to move ahead. The only thing that happened was that Josh suggested, made a suggestion that actually it was agreed between me, Dr. Amr and Dr. Ziad from the opposition and the majority to say thank you but no thank you to that proposition. I'm glad that I can unite people. Okay, I'm going to stop here. Fantastic. Thank you very much.