 Ground is the question of a Socialist Labour Government. We're meeting in the aftermath of one of the most radical Labour conferences actually that we've seen for a long time and there was a very radical mood there. The party passed policies like abolishing private schools, huge investment in social care and the NHS, and so on and as everyone in this room will be aware there was a big vote in favour of the reintroduction of Clause 4 into the Labour Party constitution i'r hôl o Gadw nim yma, wrth gwrs, yngsil o NHSC. That is to be finally removing this flairite strain on the labour movement in Britain the Labour Party's constitution and with that behind us. On the front of us obviously we are on the brink of Brexit in one form or another. We are also expecting big strike action from the CWU in the next period. the labor movement and the student movement. I do also have to give to the meeting this evening greetings from Mark Sawaltcaw, who was gutted that he couldn't be here this evening, but he wanted to send his greetings to the meeting. Mark Sawaltcaw is currently standing for re-election to be the general secretary of the PCS Union, which is a militant, a radical left union. Mark rydw i'n ei cyfrifocu ar y platform ar y Claw's 4, yw'r gwell i'r Cadw Llywodraeth Cymru, a'r cwrs yn ei cyfrifocu yn y cwrs. Felly mae'r gweithio i'r gweithio ar y cyfrifocu'r cyfrifocu. A yw'r cyfrifocu yma, mae'r Mike Hogan, rwy'n gyfrifocu Llywodraeth Cymru, ac mae Mike yw unrhyw o'r cyfrifocu Claw's 4 ar y Claw's 4 fel y byddoedd o'r Cadw Llywodraeth Cymru yn ganun i'r cyfrifocu yma, er oes yn y cwmhlu'r moddyl a'r ddechrau'n ddweud i'r moddyl i'r moddyl hefyd. Felly, mae'n rwy'n fwyau o'r gwaith i'r moddyl i'r moddyl. Ddoddi'r cyffordd, Ben. Roeddwn i gweithio ddim i'r beirio'n cyfrif ei wneud gwneud yma. My MP this week is really poor, talking about the stain of the Blairites. My MP this week actually supported, failed to vote, along with the rest of the Liberal Democrats, failed to support a Labour Party motion in order to stop the Health and Social Care Act to repeal the Health and Social Care Act, which the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn, put forward was being essential if we were to go to a no deal Brexit to defend the NHS. And we have a Liberal Democrat MP in Liverpool Waverchry, despite the fact that the Liberal Democrats got 3,000 votes, a 12th of the vote of Labour in our constituency, which was up on the previous election, and yet we have a Liberal Democrat MP who has now shown her support for austerity and shown her support for privatisation. And in that last election she said that the Health and Social Care Act put profits before patients. And that's no surprise because the Blair Wing of the Labour Party is the pro-capitalist wing of our party. The progress and all the rest of the parasites are there merely to support capitalism and to keep capitalism safe from the likes of us. Well, we're here to prove them wrong. And what has happened in our party is that she is, obviously, she's now joined the Liberal Democrats. Somebody asked me on the streets of Liverpool how do you feel about the fact that your MP has left the Labour Party? Well, I felt like, I said, I feel like sending her a cake and a congratulations because she's gone. The Labour Party members and the Labour voters did not want the kind of politics that we get from the Blairites. We've now had another defection from the Labour Party in the seat next door with Louise Elman. And this, to us, this is a cause of celebration. It's a cause of celebration and the Blairites leave the party because it has become uncomfortable for them. And I say that for one practical reason. This rally is about fighting for the socialist Labour government. And one of the biggest dangers to that socialist Labour government would be MPs being elected as Labour MPs and then refusing to support the programme that we did at Ben mentioned, a conference. Refusing to support a Labour government and putting it in chaos. So we desperately need that socialist Labour government because of austerity and the rest of it. But I want to go back to why I support and why I became a socialist and a Marxist. I joined very long time ago, discussing history and the history of the movement during this weekend. I joined the young socialist in 1977 and the militant in 1978. And the reason why I did that, because I lived on a council estate in Liverpool and on that council estate which was connected to an industrial estate. In 1977, 78 and 79, before the advent of Margaret Thatcher, we saw de-industrialisation on a grand scale. We saw factories closing and manufacturing industry being ripped out of our community and workers being thrown onto the dole. And I say that for one very important reason. It's because when Margaret Thatcher came in and started to attack the waiting class, the problems that we faced in the 1980s were the problems rooted in the crisis of capitalism. They weren't because the Tories were particularly evil. We used to say in the militant that Margaret Thatcher is not attacking the waiting class because she's evil. She's evil, she probably is, but she's not attacking us because of that. She's attacking us because she's representing her particular class. The only explanation that I got for what I saw around me that made sense was the ideas of Marxism. I saw every so often cars being heaped up in every spare place around the estate where I lived. That was because of the crisis of overproduction of capitalism. I saw when a factory closed in speak, the Dunlops factory, what we call a special crisis of British capitalism, a factory where there was a total lack of investment in that factory. And I say this and this movement led to us Marxist in Liverpool taking a stand against Margaret Thatcher's government. We took a stand in Liverpool City Council and we took a stand to fight back against that particular government. That particular fight was led by Marxists and led by revolutionaries. And why was it that revolutionaries led that particular fight? Why was it that we took that cause? Because we had the confidence in working class people in Liverpool. We had the confidence that giving a radical lead, giving a fighting lead against Thatcher, that we could see a mass campaign. We saw a mass campaign on the streets, 50,000 demonstration support in the council. We saw the Labour vote double within the city up to 90,000. So radical policies work and radical policies are popular. We saw that in the last general election. We saw three and a half million votes added by a radical manifesto and by a socialist leader of our party. We have the confidence that we can take those socialist ideas forward. But I want to go back to this point about why we're facing this issue today. We're facing austerity today because austerity is resulted from the crisis of British capitalism. It's resulted from that deep-rooted crisis. And I look at it in this way. That when that crisis hits, the capitalists, the bosses in society are not going to make sacrifices. You think about the conversations that were had in Thomas Cook. You think about when Thomas Cook was going towards its crash. That the conversations at the top of that particular organisation amongst those bosses were, we're not going to lose our bonuses. We're not going to sacrifice as a result of this. It's a 9,000 workers are going to be sacrificed. 22,000 workers across the world are going to be sacrificed. And who cares about the people who are going to be stranded all across the planet? So long as our wealth is safe, then who cares? And that is the general attitude of the capitalist class. That is a general attitude that is seen through in austerity. Austerity is nothing more than what Mark said is a class war over the share of wealth in this society. And they're going to make sure that when economic crisis happens that it's our share that gets cut, not their share. And that's why we need a socialist campaign. The Labour Clause 4 campaign has raised the ideas of fundamental ideas of socialism within the Labour Party. It's done that across the country. It's done that in a great way across the Labour Party. And it's got a real echo. And it's got a real echo from workers. It's got a real echo from the constituencies. It even got an echo from the leadership. And I noted Rebecca Long Bailey's speech because Rebecca Long Bailey quoted the Socialist Clause 4. She quoted the Socialist Clause 4 after she said something else significant. She said, if all we're going to do is water down austerity, then we might as well go home now. If all that we're doing is supporting that, we might as well go home now. Because what we should be about is changing society. And we say, we're with you Rebecca, we're with you on that in wanting to change society. Because that fundamental change is needed. And I'll end on this point on a sort of personal note of why we need to see an end to capitalism where to see real progress in our society and amongst our communities. When I was born, which was a very long time ago, when I was born, I'm not going to tell you how long ago, when I was born, my father had to leave his job. He worked on the docks in Liverpool. He was a Liverpool docker. And at that time Liverpool dockers, it was a casual occupation. You worked depending on whether your face fitted. You worked depending on whether you were picked for work that day. And he left the docks and he got a job in a factory because he needed steady income because I'd come along. Well, during the 60s and 70s, the dockers in Liverpool and the dockers around the country and the docks like Tilbury in London fought against our casualisation. They fought a titanic battle to get proper decent civilised terms and conditions. And they fought and won that battle in what was called the dock labour scheme. But in the 1990s in Liverpool, the dockers were locked out and they were betrayed by the trade union, I have to say. Betrayed by the then transport and general workers union. And because of that, that led to a defeat. But also because of the defeats that some of those situations. We've seen the return on a grand scale of precarious work. We've seen the return of casualisation on a grand scale where you're a student. You could have a precarious people involved in your life and the person who brings you a pizza to your teacher in your university or college could be on a precarious contract. So the fight of our movement against casualisation, which was won at a certain stage. If you win fights and you win reforms, the first thing the bosses do and the first thing the boards will do is to try and take them back off you. And then becomes a continual battle and all your life is involved in a continual struggle. Well, I don't think that humanity should be involved in a continual struggle just for the basics of life. We should release human beings from that basic struggle. Within this room there's probably enormous talent. There's probably enormous political talent, but there's also enormous artistic talent, scientific talent, another talent within this room. Socialism will release that talent. Socialism will release us from this eternal treadmill of having to struggle to survive. And I want to end on the waves and it's a very fitting that we have Irish comrades in the room. I want to end on the waves of James Connolly. And James Connolly said, he wrote a poem, a song, and he said that our demands most moderate are, we only want the eighth. And what I want to add to that is why not? Why shouldn't we have the eighth? On behalf of humanity, on behalf of the toiling masses of the world, why shouldn't they control the eighth and take it from the billionaires and the billionaire class? In 1975 I voted to leave the common market and there was a massive debate at that time and the trade unions were two-thirds in favour of leaving it and what the trade unions thought at the time turned out to be true, that the industry would go to Germany, the finance would go to Britain and the farming services would go to France and working class people knew that and that was the prerequisite really for Thatcher. And people, you know, they talk about the free movement of labour within the EU. In 1974 I went to Germany. I didn't know, you needed a passport. I turned up in Wakefield and they said, we're going at 12 o'clock Paul, you need a passport. I went to the post office and I bought one and they gave you it and that's what it was like. Tonight I've had to provide a passport to stop in an hotel in London and that's the free movement of labour from Wakefield to London. I went to a meeting last Saturday in Wakefield on the history of the Labour Party in Wakefield like most people's in the Labour Party. I know my own area from the day I joined it but not necessarily before that and it was a really interesting debate. Wakefield unbelievably in 90s the MP for Wakefield Earl was returned unopposed but his father died two years later and he went to be the Earl of Fitzwilliam and there was a by-election and I read the report from the Yorkshire Post at the time about the Labour campaign and God does nothing change in 117 years. He said, I went to the Labour Party rooms outside the Labour Party rooms were very shifty people meaning on lamppost looking extremely foreign. That was in 1904 and Wakefield were foreigners probably came from Rotherham and Sheffield. But what also interesting was some of the names they talked about were Tory councils at the time. For people like I am from Wakefield for people like me they weren't people. They were the names of all the big factories in Wakefield all the names that came out on the Tory roll was the names and it described the factory wayfield it doesn't matter what it was but every Friday morning the owner of the factory came to the factory in his hunting gear on his horse to make sure everybody was alright before he went fox hunting. That was the sort of person that was representing Wakefield and I learnt the massive amount of my political life in the miners' strike because you learn things from talking to people and listening and a lot of miners said to me Paul this strike is not about coal and I couldn't understand that. In Wakefield there were 13,000 miners and 20 pits and I couldn't understand why it wasn't about coal because everything on the telly was talking about how are we over producing coal how are we on other debates don't you? My mate said look Paul if we'd worked 24 hours a day seven days a week for plain time and the minimum wage there'd be more pits opening it's about the organisation of the industrial working class in Britain and I realised now I knew it was a big dispute in it everybody knew it was a big dispute by the number of police that were living in your village but it was the defining post-war moment for British industry really every union meeting you went to after that people said well the miners couldn't win and I think what's interesting I think Ken Livingston's only ever said one thing that I agree with he might have said some other things I haven't been taping him I don't know what he's been saying but he said I saw him say on the telly one of the problems is that working class people are too busy living to join things middle class people have got loads and loads of time they dominate that through the connections you know I went to a labour party meeting the other night in the first two speakers for some reason in the trigger ballot meeting had to tell the meeting that there were both doctors what that had to do with the labourary selection meeting I don't know but Chomsky said I told them we took cultural references all over the shop Norm Chomsky said and he's right 1% owned society 85% produced a wealth in society and 14% get well paid to confuse you that the 1% should own it and then 14% are journalists and politicians and news reporters and barristers and solicitors et cetera et cetera I saw somebody on question time the other night arguing about the benefits for young people of zero hours contracts I'm sat there watching that I think how much working have you ever done I've never done any work but I've organised people who do do work like my mate Nadge used to say he was a pit electrician he used to say he said it to Ian Duncan Smith once I haven't done a lot of work but I've been near people who were doing it and these people will come on the television and make things big that aren't big Brexit's not the biggest thing in Britain they make things big that aren't big I said on the television in New York City the other night I said look there was only a 51% turnout in the referendum 52% turnout in the referendum and it was 50 and a half to 49 and a half and we should have a second referendum on the Welsh Assembly vote of 1999 we should run it again because people's forgotten now they've absolutely forgotten it that were a lower turnout and a more narrow victory but they've decided to make Brexit the issue and I voted leave and I remember the BBC2 report coming down to wait for the Labour Club there were a dozen people there and his theme to come down to wait for the Labour Club because that's state television his theme was everybody who voted leave who was male over 50 is a racist or the thick that's the argument in it what he didn't say of the nine regions in Britain London was the only region that supported saying now I bothered about leaving or not leaving that's not the big issue the big issue is if you drew the league tables up in Britain of school exam results per capita income and outside the big cities leaving the EU the percentage would be exactly the same exactly the same because they're all feeling the same thing aren't they they're all disenfranchised everybody's united in Wakefield as far as the eight politicians now a bloke said to me the other night you know what I ate now Paul about capitalists I says what he says they don't believe in competition they hate competition you go to school and people tell you in A level economics or whatever it is you do that the society is run on competition it's run on back-handers and all you know there's nobody bidding for health service contracts that wants competition there's nobody bidding for train contracts that wants competition they want profit by the method that's easiest for them and the easy thing to describe it is very easy Labour is the raw material if it's not organised that's the only thing that differs it from power or minerals is being organised and I remember there were a lot of day pits in Wakefield people might not remember day pits before they were in London but it was not far to the cold field day pits only worked during the day they didn't have three shifts as the pits got bigger and production got mechanised they brought in three shifts and the lads used to say to me I don't understand this Paul management are vital to running industry but they don't work nights nights are vital and management are vital but they don't work them and they used to say the only decent thing about working down the pit was it's so horrible management don't go down but the reality of the whole thing is and all workers understand this they'll understand this and McDonald's are just like the pit of the docks Big Bill Haywood said if somebody gets a dollar they haven't earned somebody's lost a dollar that they did earn and all workers understand that because that's what makes the Cayman Islands go round your dollar that you're not getting is going there for somebody to use as somebody's future date now I'm going to switch now to a cultural reference that apart from 20 years in this room nobody will know what I'm talking about I'm going to talk about Dick Van Dyck now and I like Dick Van Dyck people said his accent in Mary Poppins was shocking it won't as shocking as Sean Connery's accent as an English upperclass person in James Bond I'm telling that here and now so Dick Van Dyck I saw him on the telly of the night doing a fundraising rally for Bernie Saunders in San Diego Dick Van Dyck's 94 years old and he did it's the first fundraising he's done so it's 1968 because he says it's the first candidate he could support who was a socialist since 1968 and he opened the rally up by saying he was reporting Bernie Saunders because he felt young politicians should be encouraged now we're in a situation now where capitalism is in real trouble and when it's in real trouble it eats up people that's what it does and you've got to be able to see what's going on you haven't got to think what's happening next week Napoleon said to his brother because his brother complained and said he didn't have any peasants will forever change in the mind he said the working classes didn't use that term but the working classes tell you what they feel now they'll tell you what they think tomorrow now I've had sleepless nights with groups of workers where I thought but they told me they're not going to do this and the next day I walk in thinking well they've got to do it and they say it's a good idea that Paul I said you ate it yesterday but I've thought about it now now you don't always appreciate the problems that's in front of you I had a meeting this morning 100 bin workers in Huddersfield in Dewsbury about strike action and you know some of the general secretaries might think that everybody lives in a three bedroom semi but they don't so the lad says Paul how am I going to get a ballot paper I'll live out of a car now I've never heard that expression but both of them have been thrown out of their house and we're living in the yard the binyard in the car and they said it's a great advantage Paul I can get there for when it starts because I've been there since 10 o'clock the night before so we're in a situation now where what is going to happen next now Joanne Cruyff one of my heroes said you've got to distinguish between insight and speed I'm not faster than the other people I just realise what's happening earlier and to get there first and that's what politics is about realising what's happened now you can be negative or you can't organise McDonald's young people aren't like we were we were trade unionised they're not going to be if you study between 1890 and 1930 the unorganised labour that weren't in the craft unions like the knockers they were talked about derogatory by a lot of people they were Irish, you couldn't organise them they were low paid they were undercutting workers but Mike's right by the 60s and 70s we were talking about Reiner's as the elite and there's no reason what that can't happen at McDonald's there's no reason why it can't work anywhere because somebody dresses differently and wear some different work wear that somebody else uses exploitation is the same whether it's a stick tapping on this older at Liverpool docks or it's somebody texting you two weeks morning to say you've got to be in a depot in Wakefield in an hour's time it's the same casualisation Yn ymwneud ymwneud yn ddefnyddio'r gwaith, oedd ydych yn gwybod yn bingol. Os byddai'n gweithio gweithio'r gweithio, yw 41, 42, 30, sydd yma'r gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n ffiyth o'r M1 a'r M62, yn y De Poes, oherwydd yn y mynd i'w unrhyw bryd. Roeddwn i'n mynd i'r moedd, byddwn i'n gofyn o'r pethau yng nghymru yn y 30. Cephalen. How many Labour Party members did you know? Mum will be... She said we didn't. Nobody went Labour Party? We want the sort of people who joined the Labour Party. But I tell you what we did know Paul. We knew every single word of the red flag, and that's important. What we need to do is make sure that people like my mother of this generation understand that they can join. Then people... I can't believe somebody said in parliament last Saturday, it's a disgrace we're working on Saturday. What about CHL? That's what an MP said. What do you think it's like 365 days a year for most working people? If you going to the kitchen of a lot of workers, there's just a big calendar on the wall with each other shifts on it. Because one works in the old people's home, one works on the highways and on the bins. And when I talked to people, I like to agree with them some times. They say to me, Paul, what do you think about beneficiaries? Oedd o'n benifet hwn. Mae'n credu rhaid o bobl pan y bethau haith o'n benifet hwn yn fwrdd. Ychydig felly mae hyn yn cael ei chydydd. Yn ddweud o ffyddai wahanol, ac rydw i'n mynd cael y qurthag ffordd. Felly ry'n hoffi bob, fel y man yw'n cael yma, ac mae'n cael ei gwbeithio fel Ddweud Llyfr? Roedd y man efallai gennym yn ddweud ac mae'n cael ei bod yn gallu ddweud am ddiweddar llwy. Ym hyd y man yn y cwestiydd o ddweud I went to the Labour Party conference and I heard Rebecca Longbaill's speech that might refer to her earlier. She said something that hit the button for me. One of the debates about socialism for me is I'm not a charity person and I don't feel sorry for people. I expect to be better off under socialism. I'm not in this game like feeling sorry for somebody who was on a short-term contract or somebody. I feel sorry that they haven't benefited as I had 35 years ago, but I don't feel sorry enough to cry about it. Don't mourn, let's organise. And Rebecca Longbaill said, and it got hardly no publicity, but it hit home with me. Rebecca Longbaill said, we need to usher in an era of public luxury and that's what socialism about. Thank you very much. Cheers. Thank you. I want to start just by talking about the fact or mentioning rather that there are a lot of really powerful movements erupting all around the world at the moment. I'm sure a lot of people in the room are aware of. In Lebanon, in Ecuador and Haiti, I just particularly want to mention the movement in Chile that has recently erupted because I don't know if people are aware but recently the state announced a rise in the cost of the metro, a fair rise. That was immediately met with a huge backlash from the students in particular. The students stormed all of the stations in a mass fair dodging protest. That went beyond just the students. It quickly developed into something much more radical because it was linked up with the workers, linked up with the working class in Chile. I think that that's really significant for us when we look at what's happening over there because what they are fighting against isn't just about the increase of the metro in the way that it became powerful and linked up with the working class. It was a revolt against years of austerity and years of inequality and poverty that faces the working class in that country. That austerity that the students are facing and the workers are facing is the same fight that we're facing in this country, the same austerity that young people are fighting against here. I think that's something that as internationalists obviously we have to pay a lot of attention to and stand in solidarity with the students that are fighting against austerity in Chile and obviously all around the world as well because our generation here in the UK obviously has faced 10 years of austerity now. We've grown up seeing only cuts, only cuts back in education, in housing, in everything. This isn't a country which is supposed to be the fifth largest economy in the world and despite that there's over 4 million children in this country that live in poverty, right? 4 million children and that is the direct product of Tory policies, that is the direct product of austerity. These are policies and that austerity are all that people my age have known. This is all that we have grown up with. The entirety of my conscious political life anyway has just been austerity and cuts and capitalism in crisis. Because of these policies what we have is young people leaving university in debt. They're entering a world of precarious work. We've heard about the zero hours contracts that young people, not just young people, the whole of the working class is forced to deal with. On top of that they then have to pay all of their wages on an extortionate rent price in bad housing with bad landlords. I'm sure everyone in this room has a story about that. What kind of life is that? What kind of future is that giving to young people in this country? What kind of life can we expect for all of those children, those over 4 million children living in poverty right now? How can we expect them to do well in school? How can we expect them to enrich themselves and be nourished in a full sense if their parents are struggling to pay bills, if their parents are struggling to pay rent? How can a child develop in a safe environment if their parents are queuing up at food banks every day because they can't give them dinner? How is that child going to do their homework and actually make something of themselves in a genuine sense? Waiting for the next benefits instalment for example. These children are in destitution and what future do they have right? Looking forward in society, who do they have to take them out of that situation and where are they going to end up? In fact, so bleak is their future, there's a lot of people in society and a lot of children and young people growing up at the moment have no option other than to turn to crime, gang crime, knife crime in particular is on the rise and the media is going on and on about how awful this is, the rates of knife crime that they've never seen before and isn't this such a tragedy. Boris Johnson claims to have a solution to some of these things. I think one of the kind of narratives he's going to go into the next general election with is on safe policing, we're going to increase stop and search and end knife crime and the surge of violence on our streets. This is not going to save lives, right? Let's be honest about this. In fact, there's a clear link between austerity and knife crime and we have to point that out. Boris Johnson is not going to end austerity, right? And it's those Tory cuts and the poverty that it induces that has compounded this knife crime epidemic and we put the blame on them. The Tories are going to blame parents, they're going to blame teachers, they're going to do everything they can, missing fathers, we know the kind of cultural stereotypes they're going to whip up in this narrative. But this violence is rooted in a system based on profit and this system which has disenfranchised entire communities to such an extent that violence then erupts. So the victims, I just want to make this point that the victims of knife crime in particular, but all crime as well, are also victims of austerity, right? They're victims of a society where the working class and the youth are facing a future of misery. And I think this kind of hopeless future is why there is a deep mood of anger in society as well. There is a deep sense of resentment and I think that is channeled towards the establishment. There is a deep anti-establishment mood that is gripping the minds of the youth and the working class in general. And we've got to channel that mood, we've got to channel that anger and organise it around a fight to bring down this Tory government, channel that anger against the Tories in an organised fashion and elect a radical socialist labour government with that process as well. We know that the student movement is at its strongest when linked up with the working class. Today's students are tomorrow's workers and our interests are fundamentally the same. And that is why, for example, we welcome the incredible vote of the CWU and the postal workers who smashed the draconian, Tory anti-trade union laws recently with an overwhelming 97% vote for strike action. And we need to be at those picket lines supporting those workers. I know in Swansea already they organised a meeting where they got a postal worker to come to the university and speak to the students about the need for support and I know that they passed unanimously a motion calling on the students to organise solidarity on campus to go down to the picket lines to call on the student union to be responsible for this as well. And that's the sort of thing that we need to see replicated throughout the country. Because this strike, the strike of the postal workers in particular, has the potential to send shock waves throughout the entire labour movement. These postal workers aren't striking just for themselves. That strike represents something fundamental because millions of workers will relate to their struggle, will relate to the casualisation that's trying to be enforced upon them by that management. And so we have to support those workers in that strike. Another example of course is the UCU which is currently balloting for strike action. And in Warwick I know they also held a solidarity meeting with various UCU reps and again explaining the need for student solidarity in that strike if it takes place. And if they succeed we will support those workers again because we know that these are not individual isolated separate disputes and that the fact that they are happening is part of the wider attack against the working class that is taking place right now whilst capitalism is in crisis in this country. But also what I want to emphasise is that what these strikes fundamentally show is that there is a fighting mood that exists in the working class right now and that is particularly true for the youth. When we look at the 2017 general election for example we can see how important the student vote and the youth vote really was in that process. The turnout amongst 18 to 25 year olds came to 72% and that is an incredible increase on the average of 40% across the last four elections and that is what that general election became about, the youth surge, the youth quake that everyone spoke about. And that is why we've launched this initiative, that is why we've launched Students for Corbyn because it's clear that students need to be organised, they need to be mobilised on campus to kick the Tories out. Just to give an example, in 2017 the seat in Canterbury went labour despite the fact that it had been Tory for a hundred years because the students were organised and went out en masse to vote Labour and kick the Tories out. This is what we need to see replicated throughout the country in the general election that's coming soon, most probably. And so just an example of that, we're organising in Brunel University actually which is in Uxbridge, Boris Johnson's constituency, so in the last election Boris Johnson's majority was halved, it was brought down to about 5,000 votes. So the students there are organising, they've had one meeting already where the prospective parliamentary candidate came along, spoke to the students, spoke with the other Labour students about how are we going to register students to vote, when are we going to go door knocking and how are we going to use the potential of that university there to unseat potentially a Prime Minister in that sense. And that is a really powerful movement that has the potential to pick up that again I think can be replicated throughout the country in various places. Another example of course is in Sheffield where I know the Marxist society and the Labour society have already joined up under this banner of students for Corbyn and they've already gone around knocking on doors, on campus, organising students and getting the word out to vote for a Labour government. And I think that in all key marginal constituencies we must be organising these radical students around a bold socialist programme and I just want to emphasise the fact that these students, a lot of whom are already very radical, they're already radical and they are looking to Corbyn. Corbyn represents something. Jeremy Corbyn managed to transform British politics in quite a profound way and this is despite all the smears and attacks and everything that they've tried to throw against him to prevent this inspiration I think, that he's provoked amongst the youth and the working class more generally. And if we look for another example at the incredible climate strike protests that have been taking place over the last year all around the world but also in this country we had hundreds of thousands of school students on the streets demanding system change not climate change and demanding a fundamental overhaul of the way our society has run. And I was at the last one in London that took place which was huge and Jeremy Corbyn spoke at that, he spoke to the crowd and addressed all of the students there and all their placards and I don't think there are any other political leaders right now in this country that speak to the youth in the way that Jeremy Corbyn does there's no one that's really comparable. And I think that that's because he offers something fundamentally different, a break with the status quo which is overwhelmingly what young people are looking for they don't want the same of the last ten years, the ten years of austerity and cuts destroying the planet, destroying the economy as they see unfolding before them. And what's interesting is that despite this huge fundamental anger and energy that we're seeing from young people and school students and university students right now it's at this time that we've seen one key youth organisation if you want to call it that Labour students dissolved right? Labour students, the national executive recently took the decision to dissolve Labour students. And I think that this is actually a step forward. This is a step forward because Labour students was one of the last bastions of the right wing in the Labour Party of Blairism and all that dull politics from the past that does not speak to or represent the youth in any genuine fundamental way. Where were Labour students during the climate strikes? I didn't see them anywhere, we were there, Corbyn was there but where were Labour students? What have they done and what did they do to tackle the endemic mental health crisis facing young people that young people are yearning out for and talking about constantly? What have they done to protect students and the lack of services that they're facing in university and elsewhere? What did Labour students do when the fight against tuition fees? I mean actually Labour students had a really bad position on it and were in favour of a graduate income tax right? And this is supposed to be the youth body of the Labour movement, the youth body representing the fight that the students feel need to take place. And so I think that the end of Labour students it's disillusionment basically represents something new right? It represents an opportunity and a new beginning. What we would put forward is that we need a new democratic socialist Labour students that actually fights in the interests of young people and the working class more generally that bases itself on working class politics because that's the only way that can play a fundamental role in the Labour movement in wider society. There's plenty of good Labour student clubs up and down the country with lots of young left wing people and I think they need a radical Labour students organisation to channel that and organise that into a genuine force that could play a really powerful role for example in the general election. And that has to be based on a healthy basis, a democratic basis, class politics and that's why we've also launched an open letter calling on all these disaffiliated Labour students clubs because loads of Labour students disaffiliated from the national organisation because they were disgusted by what it represented and we've launched this open letter calling on people to sign up and agree to join this fight for a new genuine socialist Labour students and I would invite everyone in here to sign that and share it with youth officers in your CLP, young Labour positions, Labour students positions to really build something much more powerful and significant than what Labour students ever really was. We're here at the revolution festival and there's obviously a revolutionary mood that exists amongst young people right now but there is no serious leadership at the same time and just another example of that that I want to give at the NUS conference two years ago, which I was a delegate at, the UCU was at the height of one of its most militant strikes in its history. We saw lecturers on the picket line coming out on strike for nearly a month. It was a really powerful movement and lots of students were on the picket lines there supporting the workers in their struggle as well and in the midst of that NUS conference, the National Union of Students did nothing to seriously mobilise students to support the lecturers in that strike and that is an absolute scandal. Where was the NUS and why aren't they taking a lead on the struggles that young people are facing right now when they're so radical, when they're so ready and energetic and wanting to start in this fight? And I think we can't allow this to continue ultimately. It's only by taking up the demands of students, it's only by taking up the demands of young people that we can fundamentally transform society and I'd say that the Labour Party now must commit itself to those demands from young people, it must commit itself to what we're saying. If we take climate change which is clearly an international issue that has gripped the minds of young people in quite a profound way, if 100 companies produce 70% of all emissions that statistic then the Labour Party must nationalise those companies under workers control and those are the demands and the policies the Labour Party must be coming out with, speaking to those students and meeting that anger and that energy and transforming it into something that can actually change society, actually change the material conditions that are facing us today. System change not climate change was the slogan of those climate strikes. The Labour Party must be the party of system change. I think and also I was also at the Labour Party conference quite recently which came out with a lot of really great radical policies, a lot of great policies that I'm sure are going to speak to a lot of young people and the working class more generally as well. One such example was to abolish private schools, this promise that they were going to abolish private schools and that's great, absolutely. Those are the kind of policies the Labour Party has to be going into the next general election with. Yes, abolish private schools but I also think we can go further with that. I think the task of a socialist Labour government must be to abolish all barriers that exist in society to separate the working class and deny the working class from access to the best of what the world has to offer. Why is that held privately and why is that not shared amongst all of us and that has to be the task of a socialist Labour government and I think that this generation of young people and the energy that we've seen from them if organised with the working class will be the generation that gets Labour to power on a socialist programme and that can be the first step in ending capitalism and the misery that it's caused for so many and the beginnings of building a socialist society. Comrades sisters and brothers it's absolute privilege to have been invited to the socialist appeal. I've now got a full house of conferences that I've spoke at so I'm really proud of that and I'm really humbled to be in your presence tonight and especially you Rob because obviously you know every time we speak on a platform I close my eyes and think and I, Bevin. That's a real big thing for me you know what I mean. I'm just ashamed that I wasn't alive before he died unfortunately. But listen it's been an absolute privilege to work with your organisation on the Labour for Clause 4. I think the campaign to reclaim the Labour Party for the Working Class is a campaign that absolutely speaks volumes for the need for a working class voice right across our country and actually across the world. But I come from the Baker's Union. A lot of people think our union's new which sometimes surprises me because we've been there since 1847. The BMA is the only organisation that's older than us but we are the oldest trade union and the longest affiliate of the Labour Party too. But today I don't know if anybody's seen it. I don't know if anybody's seen it but we've demonstrated even more about how radical of a trade union we are. If you've got a drink raise your glass because we've just elected the youngest ever female general secretary of any trade union in this country. I congratulate all of our members who took part in that ballot because she's a fast food worker. She came from Gregg. She was 16 years old when she started working Greggs and 16 years old when she became a member of our trade union. We're really proud and privileged that she's demonstrated even as a single mother that barriers can't stop you from progression and what she's going to do as a general secretary for our movement will be inspirational to us all. I wish her nothing but well. I think from a trade union perspective the idea of removing a lot of the white middle class bureaucrats of trade unions is a good thing. I don't know how you feel about that but I think that's a great thing actually and I think it will make our movement so much better. For many people tonight I realise this is our first time of meeting so obviously if I get too radical as a national offender for a trade union I understand you're used to bureaucrats and if it does just let me know and I'll go back to the simple stuff. But the thing about the Bakers Union is that we recognise which class we're from. We know where we've come from. There's different brands of people as well. When you look at society at the moment it depends which position you take. I think it's a very historical moment for British politics. Some people look at the situation that we're faced with and they're pretty pessimistic about it. Some people obviously looking at a glass for example would say that glass is half full and then you've got the others. People like Jeremy Corbyn or John McDonald and those people like that would see that same glass and think that glass is half full and then you've got the realist which is I always put the category of the Bakers Union in. The reason why we see that glass and when we look at that glass is we say that glass actually has room for two double vokers and a couple of ice cubes because I am celebrating so it's a privilege to be here. But listen, obviously I'm proud to also be in the room with some of my colleagues and some comrades from the fast food campaign have just been organising workers and I'm very proud and privileged to always go out with Gareth. Gareth has been leading our campaign and led the very first strike on McDonald's a couple of years ago. Actually it was 2017 I believe on it Gareth, 2017. We age you. But it's been an absolute privilege to be on that campaign and people who have ever come and obviously I see the McDonald's t-shirt there so it's really nice to be in a room where I feel welcome. But people who have been involved in that campaign and have ever met any of those workers or listened to the stories that they tell could never not be inspired about the decisions that people make with no rights, with no contracts who are insecure in their employment, who are vulnerable in their lives but decide to get up and stand up and actually do something about it. These are inspirational people. I remember going to my first OC meeting which is what we call them it's an Americanisation of organising. But I remember going and listening to the stories that those people told. I remember listening to why people decided that they were going to join the union and they were going to take action. Stories like they didn't like the fact that one of theirs one of their people that they worked alongside couldn't afford to buy their children couldn't afford to buy their children new clothes or new shoes and had to go to the second hand store. They didn't think it was right that someone who had been abused in the workplace with mental health issues because they'd been in an abusive relationship was then targeted by the manager when they returned even though that manager knew knew that they'd been in an abusive relationship and they were still on medication when they returned to that workplace but thought it was quite funny to insult and abuse them to make them cry. I'll listen to those stories about I mean people would have, hopefully people would have seen it on BBC where one of our young members Tyrone he brought a new world to me actually Tyrone where he explained to me about sofa surfing because I'd never heard of it but it's a thing that happens now for young people far too many young people where he slept on sofas and he slept on cars because his mates put him up because you see when he started work he was doing okay he was on a zero hours contract but we were getting 40 hours a week and new manager comes in cuts his hours because he doesn't like him down to eight he was 17, he was 17 years old 17, this is the society that we're living in today and this is the politicians that have got the opportunity to change things for us but fail to do it because they don't think we're relevant and that's why it's our job to understand what our role is in our movement and in our class that's why it's important that when we support the McStrike we understand what it's all about because McStrike is not about just McDonald's workers it's about all of those workers that were exploited it's about all those people who are on zero hours contracts, all those people who are on a low pay all those people that rely on food banks, all of those people that were homeless, they were veterans we celebrate them when they go and fight in wars and we commemorate them every year then we leave them on the streets of our cities and towns without the mental health support they need because we don't think it's an investment that's worth it because once they've stopped serving our country we don't believe it's necessary to invest in them and if we do that to people that serve and to fight just think what they're doing to all of those people that don't and that's why this movement is so important to understand our role of it it's incredibly important the roles that you play this weekend in your conference because it's not just about being at conference by the way it's not just about being at conference and taking part in the debates about what you do afterwards it's about the society we build because the society we build we have to understand that we stand together in solidarity, yes but we stand together to build a world that's fair for all of us to end injustice and to build and to create an opportunity to end inequality I mean the labour movement in my opinion has been getting it wrong and I'm going to talk about Brexit in a minute because I think it's important because it's a misdirection about what's happening in our society because what we've been seeing while we're all concentrating on Brexit Brexit, breakfast, Brexit is 130,000 people dead 130,000 people had a starve to death denied their rights to benefit that the welfare system that we as a people created to support has been taken away from them 130,000 dead people where is their voice in parliament where are those politicians standing up for their rights and for their families we have a job to do as a people to make sure that their deaths were not in vain we have a job as a movement as an organisation to understand our role in building a fairer society and a better world to live in we mustn't ever forget those people were sacrificed in the interest of lowering taxes of improving the establishment's position to control the media and the narrative around how we live our job is to recognise that and explain that to the people we work alongside that's our job and that's your job this weekend while you're here at this conference because we have to understand what's being done to us while they distract us with Brexit while they say the most important thing is Brexit the reality is there is a million people on zero hours contracts there is more people now on minimum wage there are more people now not under a collective agreement because the trade union movement has been absolutely smashed while we all believe and while we kept getting told by the bureaucrats in the trade union movement that the European Union is the organisation we need to be with this has happened in a society that has been part of the European Union and I don't believe whether we're in it or out of it makes a blind bit of difference to where we are as a people what we have to understand is our strength doesn't come because politicians grant us something our strength and our decisions that we make in our life happen when our lives improve because we recognise our strength comes from standing alongside one another we have on our banners and McStrike by the way we don't have workers of the world unite we have workers from wherever you are in the world we stand together in solidarity because we don't believe and this is where the freedom and the movement argument of the labour movement has been totally wrong but when Tony Blair and Ed Miliband and all those people decided that it was justifiable to turn round and say the issue and the hardship that we face is because of migrants that have come to our country and the labour movement unfortunately didn't oppose that that was a huge mistake it was a huge mistake because you know what this world belongs to us it doesn't matter where you're born freedom of movement shouldn't be attached to a trade deal freedom and movement is our right as human beings to live wherever and love wherever we want in this world we have a right to it it's our rights and we should never allow people just because they've got elected into power or they have money decide on how we live our lives our job is to make sure that people we work alongside people that we meet and I've got to be careful with this because once the Daily Mail decided I called for the indoctrination of children all I said is when you pick your kids up from the school ground talk to the parents but when I answered the question to the Daily Mail what I did say I think political education for children would be good so they know what they're playing in the democratic society because we're supposed to be a democracy you know because democracy is important but our rights as people is more important and it's our coming together and understanding the roles that we play in society that enable us to change look at our history I mean this year we commemorated 200 years of Peterloo 200 years of a long march of democracy 200 years and 200 years ago like the extinction rebellion I found in out is what the establishment do when workers come together from whatever category of life you want to put them in is they always send people in to demoralisers to attackers to arresters and 200 years ago to kill us because they understand if we come together and recognise our strength comes from our collectivity and we can change society look at what we've done look at what happens when we recognise our strength comes together look at what we've achieved I mean they told us men couldn't have the vote because they didn't have the right intelligence and they didn't have the right financial background we stood up and we fought back and we won it look what women did when they demanded the vote they won look what happens when we as a people come together we're the first world war and people you're probably more I mean obviously our mum will be robbed so he can probably tell you more than I can he can go into the charts and all those sorts of historical events that's happened for working class people but we came back after that war we was promised a different world to live in and we got more austerity we got more division we got more poverty so we went and ended up in a second world war that was about fascism and we as a people came together because we recognised we had to defeat fascism because our strength doesn't come from standing alone our strength comes from standing together and we recognised to discriminate against one is to discriminate against all and we stood up but when we came back from that war what we demanded was a change to other society in the lives that we had and we elected a Labour government a Labour government that delivered a welfare state that ended in a homelessness situation that said we had the right to work and full employment was our aims and objective but not just our right as a people but just a right for a contract which came alongside terms and conditions of employment that guaranteed also union rights we as a people demanded change and we as a people got it because we understood that by standing alongside one another that's how we won we don't win when we believe our strength comes from individual because that's what they tell us isn't it the facturism area is that if you can't stand on your own two feet then you're weak put yourself up by your shoe strings that's not true we win when we realise our strength comes from collectivism when we recognise our strength comes from standing alongside the person next to us regardless of where they were born regardless of who they are we are stronger when we are together and as a movement and as a people we can change the world if we put our minds to it and what I would want to convey this message to you this weekend is is that revolution is an amazing thing to talk about in a bar but it's in our hands it's in our grasp we can change the society we're living in and at the recent Labour Party conference what we were given was the policies the policies that will change everybody's life and it's our job to go out there and explain that to the people in those workplaces to the people we get on the buses with to the people in the school grounds to the people in the supermarkets because it's alright having policies if people don't know what they are because they're blinded by the bias of the media the society that we want to achieve will never change so your job this weekend is to make sure that you listen take part in debates and have a fantastic time but to go back from this conference and to take a message of hope when we come together there's no stopping us when we as a people stand up and recognise our strength is unity we can make a huge difference and our job our job is to recognise our strength comes from our solidarity solidarity I ask this weekend is clearly to to prepare ourselves for the events that are coming and it has been a great pleasure for myself to be with you in particular holding meetings up and down the country you were in Darlington last weekend defending the ideas of socialism and the struggle to change society and we always make the point that this is a struggle that didn't begin with ourselves it goes back a long way the struggle for the emancipation of working people yes we do commemorate historical events through I know the chartis and the levelers and so on so we do stand on the shoulders of these struggles because it's now our turn and we have a particular responsibility to learn about the victories and the failures of the past so that we can strengthen ourselves for what is to come and it's clear if you just turn on the television or listen to the radio that the world has been turned upside down in fact that was a pamphlet written in the time of the level as I remember when the period of the 17th century where Britain and Europe was also in the period of turmoil because the old system was breaking down and a new one was crying out to be born and in reality we're in this same situation today this tremendous instability this turmoil that you see not only in Britain but internationally is really a product of the crisis of the capitalist system the impasse of capitalism of course we had the big slump of 2008 which was a watershed it was the deepest economic slump of capitalism probably in its history and yet we've not recovered from that crisis we've not recovered from that slump we're still feeling the effects today and therefore we have this austerity and attacks not just in Britain but everywhere on the working class they may be made to pay for the crisis of the capitalist system but of course there's austerity as its limits that people are being driven to the wall and really they have to fight back and what you see taking place internationally as workers saying enough is enough and therefore you see revolutionary developments at the present time which gives us great heart and showed that our class is prepared to fight back in Chile in Ecuador in Catalonia in Lebanon, in Iraq in Hong Kong and many other places it's quite remarkable it's like waiting for a London bus to wait a long time and then suddenly quite a few turn up but that's what you have at the present time and why is it we have to ask ourselves that there's a series of revolutionary crises occurring simultaneously and again that's a deep reflection of the crisis of the system itself manifest in itself in the struggles of the working class I do remember of course in 2008, 2009 commentators saying well you've got a deep crisis of capitalism but where's the struggle of the working class where's the revolutions where are they of course it does take time to recover from such a crisis where people begin to think for themselves and realise that they have to struggle and therefore these cynics and commentators can see today many years of the Arab string was the first stirrings of opposition to capitalism but now today country after country you see a movement against the capitalist system against the status quo and that is a reflection of the period that we have entered in Britain in particular in Britain of all countries sleepy Britain where nothing much happened until now and the Britain has been transformed from the most stable capitalist country in Europe to probably one of the most unstable capitalist countries again a reflection of the crisis of British capitalism and we are connected to the world system itself of course we have to understand that this crisis manifests in different ways it's the symptoms that we have to look at and you can look at the Tory party after all the Tory party was probably the most successful conservative party in Europe if not the world you were seen as a means of stability in society and yet how the Tory party has been turned upside down poisoned normally by Brexit but also reflects the degeneration of the political representatives of the ruling class we always knew that the leaders were different from the rank and file in the Tory party the Tory party ranks were full of very reactionary people we used to call them the hangum flogum brigade such was their particular views on society but as long as they were just the rank and file and were kept in their place it didn't really matter when you probably were given the vote in the conservative party they could now vote for the leadership of the Tory party that was a big mistake it was rather than the more so-called moderate leaders of conservatism which was a feature of the past now we have the more reactionary elements which are coming to the fore particularly of Boris Johnson after all is how can you say where Johnson's out for himself he's supposed to represent a party the conservative party which is the party of the ruling class in Britain he was the party of the capitalist class in Britain and protected their interests but such is the change in the situation it's quite incredible I read in the financial times of what about ten days ago in the editorial caught which is a big business newspaper calling for the overthrow of the Boris Johnson government how remarkable a big business attacking a big business a so-called bigness was party how things have changed because of the fact that the Tory party has been taken over not by people who are now representing the interests of big business but themselves and Johnson of course is very he's a maverick you know he's a bit of a clown isn't he although you've got to be careful you mustn't use that term because the British Association of Clowns have protested that describing Johnson as a cloud brings their preparation into disrepute but we know what kind of character he is he's not eaten therefore he's a bit of a rotta he's a rotta but he represents his own personal interests and therefore doesn't care about whether it's Brexit or a hard Brexit or anything as long as he is not in number ten so they've unleashed this mood in society this bitterness in society because there's a lot of anger around which is reflected in many ways it was reflected in the independence referendum in Scotland where what 45% voted in favour of independence they thought it was a kick against the establishment a kick against the status quo Brexit even is a reflection of a mood after all didn't all the parties and all the establishment say do not vote for Brexit? breakfast again mate and yet it managed to win a majority so this is an earthquake if you like it's a reflection of the discontent in society and the ruling class has lost control of the situation that's the reality they've lost control of the Tory party and now they've lost control over the Labour party because the Labour party has been under the control of the right wing nearly since its inception and it was through the right wing that big business controlled the Labour party the Labour party was in safe hands for capitalism and everything was fine and they could alternate with the Tories and Labour because it didn't make any fundamental difference and that gave stability to the system but now it's all gone stability has vanished they've lost control of the situation and the victory of Corbyn again is a reflection of this anger in society because once they allowed individual members of the public to vote for £3 in the election then that turned the situation round in 2015 and Corbyn was elected and what nearly 500,000 people joined the Labour party that's an earthquake actually because the Labour party now has more members than any political party in Europe it's the biggest party in Europe again a reflection of the underlying mood in Britain at the present time of course we know that the victory of Corbyn was the first step and there's been big changes and we were proud to participate in those changes bringing back clause 4 was one of them which had been thrown out by Blair in order to and replaced by praise of the market and praise of competition and Blair wanted to change the Labour party into a secondary party break the trade union link changed the name which he did, the new Labour but he hit the buffers it wasn't completed and then we had one winding of this process and now we want to bring it back and therefore Jim Broxell here moved the resolution on clause 4 and not just what I was amazed though was the fact, the response because Jim got up there and people have been talking about constitutional questions, rule changes goodness those what and Jim talked about what clause 4 was socialism, Blairism socialist prior production and a standing ovation he had because it connected with the mood in the party rank and file and that's why 62% voted in favour to bring back the original wording against the national executive of the Labour party and that shows a lot of potential shall we say it was the unions that didn't come on board and therefore they went for some working party, alright then we'll give them a working party we have had a look we have had a look in the archives and we've come across the words of Tony Ben and I haven't got him in front of me you'll soon get copies but very remarkable redefinition modernisation of clause 4 where he talks about the need for us as a task to bring about common ownership of the commanding heights of the economy and the democratic workers control of working people which would include the nationalisation he works it all out of the land, of the banks of the finance houses and the big giant corporations that dominate the economy so we've got a plan we've got a plot it's called the Ben Amendment the real Ben Amendment the Tony Ben Amendment and we think we'll go down Labour parties the trade unions we'll go everywhere because the mood is changing and the possibilities are there and of course we will fight for a Labour Government we don't know when the election is going to take place but when it's called we will fight tooth and nail to get the Tories out and elect a Corbyn-led Labour Government but we also say because we have a certain memory particularly the older generation of Labour Governments where Labour Government has attended to basically attempt with this a problem to patch up capitalism rather than to overthrow it our task is to well bring to the attention of the Labour movement that capitalism is in decline that in the past capitalism was able to give us a few crumbs a few reforms we fought for them of course and we will fight also again for those reforms but we have to say now capitalism is in a deep crisis and it's counter reforms not only in Britain but everywhere else we are under attack so capitalism cannot deliver the reforms that we want the only way of delivering the reforms that we want is to do away with capitalism and take over yes the giant firms, the corporations, the banks and plan them in the interests of the majority of people that's the only solution to generate the resources needed in order to finance these projects in other words we think that now more than any other time the relevance of changing society is there more relevant than any other time and we've gone Ian's the president of the Bakers Union and therefore every time we have a meeting we conclude by the fact we don't just want the crumbs off the table we don't want just a piece of cake we don't want the bakery is that not right? and of course as Mike said the job is not completed we know what Corbyn was elected with the overwhelming majority of rank and file members of the party but the parliamentary Labour Party is dominated by the Blairites and they will as they have done for the last four years attacked Corbyn and undermined him stabbed him in the back and they roll and big business is looking to them in order to undermine a Labour government and therefore we have to put the pressure from below against them we should have deselection it's a shame actually that Corbyn in 2016 when he was forced to stand for a second time by 80% of the parliamentary Labour Party who moved a vote of no confidence in him he could have put it in his manifesto if I am being forced to stand fair enough but if I win this election every one of you MPs will also be faced with a re-selection as well but when we say these ideas are more relevant it's because of the crisis and the situation and it's not us who is saying it you know Mervyn King who was the Governor of the Bank of England a week ago attended the International Monetary Fund conference and spelled out there that we, I quote the world is sleep walking into a new economic and financial crisis it's on the horse's mouth he talks about the financial financial Armageddon that is coming our way and that is true that capitalism has had for 10 years since the last slump and another slump is brewing you've already had the frictions on a world scale and therefore it will be like an avalanche and our we must be prepared we must prepare the movement not to give in to this because that's always been the problem of bending the knee when there's a problem capitalism is faced we must use it in order to say we must put an end to the system because if capitalism cannot give us a decent house a decent wage a decent education for our kids what our message is to hell with capitalism and that must be the but to conclude that this generation is more political than any other generation the youth in particular and they realise there's something fundamentally wrong and therefore we must pose the things sharply either we move towards barbarism or socialism I was said by Rosa Luxembourg 100 years ago and it's true today that it was at that particular time so therefore we have to say our task is in front of us we have the ideas we must connect these ideas with the struggles of the working class and thereby on the basis of events we can win yes a majority for these ideas so it's not socialism in 100 years time 200 years time it's socialism in our lifetime we must fight for that that's our aim, that's what we have accomplished