 Felly, mae'n caethr yn Barnard. Mae'n profesor o'r EU Llor yn ymgyrch, ac yn ddiddorol, yn y Unedig Ym Mhwyl yn ymgyrch. A rydyn ni'n ddiddorol yn ddiddorol o'r ddiddorol yn ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr o'r ddifortoedd eu hunanol yn ysgolwyr. Mae'n ddiddorol yn ysgolwyr. Mae'n ddiddorol yn y prys, ddiddorol yn ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr o 50 eu hunanol yw'r UK yn ysgolwyr. Mae'r pethau yma o'r ysgolion a ychydig yn bwysig am y diolch o'r eurau, ond ei'r arbenigion yn ei ddefnyddwch i'u negredig yw unigiynau'r ddeithydd. Yn dwi'n fywr, mae'n rhaid, ac mae'r ysgolion yn ymliech. Rwy'n amser i gafodol yn gwybod ddechrau gyda cyfanswg yw, a bydd y cyfanswg sydd o'n gwybod ddyliadad wedi'u meddwl 3 pierod o ddigon. Those who've been here up to five years, those who have been here five years to ten years, and those who've been here for ten years and longer or who are miners. Now in respect of each period it becomes progressively harder to deport EU nationals who've committed criminal offences. For the simple reason that the logic underpinning systems rights directive is that the longer you are in a country the more akin to a national you are and thus the harder it is to get rid of you. So in the period 0-5 years you can be deported on grounds of public policy which means as the Court of Justice has said that you can't constitute a genuine and sufficiently serious threat to a fundamental interest of society. So already the threshold is quite high. Five years to ten years you can be deported on the grounds of public policy but this time it's got to be serious grounds of public policy thus pushing the threshold even higher. And for ten years and beyond or if you're a minor there's got to be imperative grounds of public security so again threshold even higher still. Now not only must those thresholds be satisfied before a Court can order the deportation of individual but in addition the Courts have got to take into account three other factors. One, your degree of integration into British society and I'll return to that in a moment in the case of Chindhalmo. Secondly the Courts have got to take into account the question of proportionality. Is it proportionate to deport you in these circumstances? And thirdly accounts got to be taken of fundamental rights. Now the combined effect of those restrictions on the right to deport can be seen in the Chindhalmo case. Now you may recall the Chindhalmo case. This was the Italian who was involved in a fight outside a school and the headmaster of the school Philip Lawrence came to intervene to break up the fight and he got stabbed to death by Chindhalmo. He was still an adolescent at the time this happened he was sentenced and imprisoned for a number of years and there was a recommendation that he be deported back to Italy at the end of his sentence. However in fact when the case was considered by the immigration tribunal there was a decision that he should not be deported back to Italy. Why? Because he was seen as more British than Italian. His family was here. He spoke no Italian. He had no roots really in Italy and for that reason he couldn't be deported. And he's one of the faces that appear in the Vote Leave gallery of rogues that the EU law has meant we haven't been able to deport. If we left the European Union would it be easier to deport these people? The answer to that question would be yes because under UK law in respect of non-EU nationals it is easier to deport those who have got a sentence of longer than 12 months. And so from that point of view Vote Leave certainly have a valid point to make. That said EU law has made it easier to send back EU nationals who are in UK jails during the course of their sentence. The idea being that it's better for EU nationals to go back to their own countries and resurrect their roots with their countries in preparation for them to be let out and at the end of their sentence and thus resume their life back in their home state rather than in the United Kingdom.