 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope. A television journal of the important issues of the hour brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company. Maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Edward P. Morgan and Winston Pradette, both of the CBS television news staff. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the Honorable Stephen A. Mitchell, Chairman of the Democratic National Committee. Mr. Mitchell, let's face it. We've got the world series on one side of us, the coming football season on the other, and whether we can get a lively political discussion is going to be a challenge to us. But let's try and dive in with both feet. You've recently had an important, probably the most important, meeting that the party has had since the November elections in Chicago. And there's been a good deal said about unity between the North and the South. Some people say that it's a united front. Some people say that it's an artificial front. What are your comments these couple of weeks afterwards? I must say my mind is pretty much on the baseball games, too. Now, I didn't see much unity out there in Yankee Stadium today. I would say that it is a genuine disposition on the part of responsible Democrats all over the country to unite as best they can and to take in good spirit. There are differences. I think it's genuine, I think it's growing, and I think it will last. I believe that it's attributable in part to the actuality of defeat, and it's attributable part in the responsibility that comes to man and woman who feel that they are needed by their party and by their country. I'm really very encouraged, too, about the attitudes and the good will shown at the Chicago meeting and since in the press, and by many of you commentators. You mean to say that it certainly is true that the meeting in Chicago got a wide headline attention. Does that mean that the one-party press is becoming a little less of a one-party press? Well, some of the editors realized that they could say a nice thing about a Democrat or Democrats without having an election the next week. I find that their climate changes as the elections grow closer, but seriously, I think there has always been a very genuine disposition on the part of newspaper men to inform the public. I believe that the changes in emphasis are spasmodic and from time to time, and also I believe that there is a disposition on the part of the press generally to favor or to be more critical of the party in power. I doubt that it will, in the majority ever, that the press generally will be as critical of the Republican administration as they were of the Democratic administration. Well, Mr. Mitchell, in a period like this, how do you go about rebuilding the party out of power? Well, I think you, if I may say so, have your minority representation in the Congress be as responsible and constructive as it has been. I believe there are certain mechanical things involved. If that's what your question is addressed to, the tried and true methods of encouraging political activity in the smallest possible political units and subdivisions and getting acquainted with political organizers, or you think captains are still the most important part of political activity. Well, of course you get contention in any party, but you've got a particularly difficult one right here in New York City. I don't want to get too regional because people in other parts of the country aren't as interested in New York City as they are in their own politics, but there may be something worth exploring here in this three or four-way split in the Democratic Party. I propose a mayoralty election in November. What are your views on that? Well, I think that there are probably more than the usual amount of confusion because of the number of candidates. You've got Mayor and Pelletaria Democrat running as an independent after you, as chairman of the National Committee, asked him rather boldly, I may say, if he wouldn't be regular after the primary. I think that's unfortunate, very regrettable, and I think that the, I don't think it was bold at all to say to a man who joined in a contest for his party's nomination. To ask that man to abide by the result of the contest, I think that he's a lot like these ball players we saw today, asking for a second time at bat. He was rejected and then by his party, it was then his party, and then proceeded to run on another ticket. And I believe that that violates the very good rules of responsible partisanship. That's the basis on which the party system works, and our government depends to a very great extent upon the validity of the party system. Well, Mr. Mitchell, Franklin Roosevelt, as I remember, supported LaGuardia here in New York City. How do you feel about Halle, the liberal party candidate, in this phrase? The so-called reformist candidate. I don't see how anybody would think that Mr. Halle resembles LaGuardia. I just don't think that follows. Those are two very different people, and the other difference is that Mr. LaGuardia was nominally a Republican. Mr. Halle claimed to be a Democrat. Mr. Mitchell, getting back to the broader national scene, where do you think Governor Stevenson fits into the picture now? Is he going to be the one, in your opinion, who is the polarizing effect unifying the North and the South? You still have got very definite dissident elements in persons, important persons such as Governor Burns of South Carolina, Governor of Texas, Governor Shivers, and others. Where does he fit in? Well, I don't know that he's a polarizing element. I believe that there was opposition to Governor Stevenson as a candidate last year among many people in the South. I believe that it's a very curious and very important matter that the degree and extent of his support, or at least of comment that's favorable to him and to the party has increased since the election, as against the prior to the election. I believe that he will do our party a great deal of good, and is doing it a great deal of good speaking in his very articulate way about the issues that present the country. Mr. Mitchell, money is always an acute problem for the party out of power. How are you making out there? We're making out rather well. We're much better. Well, at the end of the campaign, all of the committees that supported the Democratic candidates were in arrears had a deficit of about $860,000. Today, the deficit is less than $200,000, and meanwhile, we have spent of the order of $500,000. And we shall, I think, if we continue, we cleared over $100,000 at Chicago. I expect that we shall do as well in Philadelphia in December. We're having a similar meeting in Philadelphia. In the middle of December. And our advisory council plan is working very well indeed. The states and organizations throughout the country speaking generally are very interested in supporting the party financially. And I hope that we shall end this year with a surplus in preparation for the congressional elections, which, by the way, is a great deal better than the party did in 1929 after the last defeat. Mr. Mitchell, the administration itself is, of course, as would be expected, having money problems, but President Eisenhower seems to have disposed of the sales tax possibility by his remarks. What do you think about that? I didn't think he'd disposed of it. I gathered that he attempted to make a difference between, state a difference between a direct retail sales tax and a manufacturer's sales tax. But each one of them is evil, and each one of them will meet a great deal of resistance. And I rather think that that demonstrates the effectiveness of the Democratic opposition by calling attention to the plans and the trial balloons that were set up about general sales tax that the Republican administration was forced to cut back. But they haven't cut all the way back, and they haven't said yet. And I don't think they will say that unless this opposition increases that they're not going to attempt a manufacturer's sales tax. Well, sir, as a final question, the general consensus still seems to be that President Eisenhower's personal popularity is extremely high in the country. The division of the two parties in the Congress in both houses is very close. How do you propose to strengthen the Democratic position in 1954 under those circumstances? Well, I don't think that those, one prevents the other. There never has been an occasion that comes to my mind when a popular president has been able to impose his will in congressional elections. And I doubt very much that President Eisenhower will be able to have his will forced upon the people in their selection of the House of Representatives in the Senate next year. I think he is very popular, yes, but I don't think he's as popular as he was when he was nominated or when he was elected. And that the degree of support will be a very different thing a year from now. Thank you very much, Mr. Mitchell. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Long Gene Chronoscope was Edward P. Morgan and Winston Bredette, both of the CBS television news staff. Our distinguished guest was the Honorable Stephen A. Mitchell, chairman of the Democratic National Committee. It's World Series time again, the best days of the year for baseball fans. And this year again, the World Series is Long Gene time. Yes, all umpires of both American and national leagues use Long Gene watches exclusively for timing all games, including the World Series. Truly the most honored watch in the world of sport is Long Gene. The only watch in history to win 10 World's Fair Grand Prizes, 28 gold medals and so many honors for accuracy in fields of precise timing. 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