 Okay, a small paper. This is my dissertation topic. It's still in progress. Yes, for this presentation, I'm presenting certain parts. So it's called the Indigenous Identity Performance in diaspora. Okay, so I start with this. So from June to October of 1912, there was a Shakespeare's England exhibition, which was held in Earl's Court in London. And this was organized by the mother of former Prime Minister Winston Churchill. And the idea behind this exhibition is for them to raise funds to create a permanent performing theatre for the place of Shakespeare. And she also aimed to produce a particular playing company that will perform the place of Shakespeare in a permanent theatre. However, in this exhibition, the kind of attendance that was expected for this exhibition, the audiences did not arrive. So they were on the verge of not recouping the investment that they gave for this exhibition. So in order for them to increase interest in this exhibition, they added a circus. And it is in the circus that a group of Igorots were placed as exhibits along with other groups from other countries. And this was called the Igorotty Village. Of course, this is a familiar image because I guess you have seen images of this in the US. And this group of Igorots are actually part of the group put together by Signed Wid and Felder, who are American businessmen, who were in the earlier circuits of exhibitions in the US in 1904 and the years thereafter. And as far as 2015 in Honsu, there is another Igorot village. But this time it was put up by contemporary Igorot migrants in the UK. So this is the Igorot village at that time. And in addition to the image, the centerpiece of the Igorot village is the banana rice terraces. You also had a mini museum where you put all this material culture from the Cordillera. And you also have models of the attires of the Cordillera. So you have these ladies in the attires. And several days later there's a Facebook post because the organization holds a Facebook page. And there is a post which elaborates the museum which was performed in the Igorot village several days before. And they posted this kind of explanatory post about the attires of the Cordillera. There's the male attires as well. So these are just about Igorot UK and its organizational practices. I became interested here because of course when I came here to study I became a member of the organization. And I observed all the amazing amounts of energy and resources being invested into the organization of several activities here. And also became part of this organizing these activities. So I wanted to look at that. I will skip the ethnographic profile because Dr. McKee already did that. Remember brilliant presentation in the interest of time. So I will go through the ethnographic material. So this is Igorot UK. It says it's 20 years but it's actually more because it was founded in 1995. I will also skip the historical and organizational details of Igorot UK because there's an exhibit outside. Where we can read the history of the organization, how it began and the officers who are involved in the organization. So what I like to do is to run through the activities that the organization actually holds in London. And I'd like to look at these activities and try to understand why these are being organized and for what purpose these are being organized. What are the purposes they serve for the organization? So there's Gran Can Lao. This is held in order to celebrate the founding anniversary of the organization, Igorot UK. Then they also have several social events. There's a line dance in competition. There's a folk night. This is like a simulation of the bars that we are all familiar with if you're a courtier. Of course you've gone to Wild West at one point in your life. I think at some point became Batawa. I think now it's country songs in Magsaysay. So it's like a simulation of that kind of experience back home. And then there's also the sports competitions among the members. There's the organized group travels to different parts of the UK. This one is Eastbourne. And there's the beauty pageant with Igorot UK. So you have here the towers as well. So what I'd like to do is to analyze these activities of the organization from the point of view of the framework of what Watson proposed as diasporic indigeneity. We always associate indigeneity. I think Professor Raja Prumavas was explaining yesterday that the IPRA defined indigeneity in relation to the requirements that you have to be attached to a territory, for instance. But here we're trying to look at the idea that indigeneity is not necessarily defined in terms of your attachment or dwelling in place, but that it can also be performed elsewhere and in diaspora. Diaspora and indigeneity sometimes they are like opposite terms because diaspora is dispersion and indigeneity is dwelling. So there's some kind of tension in these two notions. But in the idea of diasporic indigeneity it says this is not so. And it's possible for you to be indigeneous while you are in migration. And of course this developed in the work of Mark Watson. It developed from his work with the iron note in Japan. But his work, of course, developed from earlier ideas that showed new processes and practices among indigenous peoples in order to transform and survive, especially in the modern world. And in the new circumstances of their dwelling, for instance, non-indigenous peoples are living in urban areas and indigenous peoples are actually migrating to overseas destinations. So this is just some of the few scholars who are engaged in this. So there's indigeneous modern by Mawak based on his work in Australia. And then indigeneization of modernity by Marshall Salis based on his work in the Pacific. And indigeneous articulations by James Clifford. So what this theme tells us is that being a diaspora group or a diasporic formation is not actually something that is given. You are not just because your parents are, for example. Some people actually say, you know, that's our parents' quo. They say, I'm not maybe. So what I'm trying to point out is that we perform our indigeneity and it doesn't come with us when we move. So it has to be mobilized. And therefore, I chose to study an organization because when you have an organization, I suppose, there is mobilization because you organize as groups and you're not working as individuals. So I'd like to look at the activities in relation to certain practices that are being made by the organization. And along with this is the performance of rituals. This particular ritual is one that you do Gran Canna or the other cultural events in London. So if you look at these images, for instance, you'll notice there's some element of improvisation because, first of all, if you look at the animals which are made of crafts, the animals are made of paper. And it's very interesting that when these events are performed, some of the members actually take a day off just to make the imitation pigs, the imitation cows. And it's very interesting that they invest so much energy and resource and a window is to not own for that day just to produce these materials. And you also see a kind of the improvisation that we see in relation to the materials that are required for the ritual, for instance. Some of them were actually sent from home, like the jar. This was actually used in a ritual at home, for instance. But also they improvise on the other materials. So there's this mixture of improvisation and attempt for authenticity because you sent the materials from home. So in trying to understand why this being performed, I think of it in relation to memories, in relation to rituals. And I'm trying to understand that in relation to Halbach's idea of collective frameworks of memory in which this is really the instance of the ritual performance is an instance in which the group is able to reconstruct collectively according to what they remember in relation to the rituals from home. And that this ritual shouldn't be read in relation to a discourse of, is it an authentic ritual? Is it something that actually represents what is being done at home? I'm trying to understand this as the site in order for the members to collectively remember what is, and the remembrance is actually the instance of them coming together in this particular events that they hold in London. There's also in the events that they hold this particular kind of repetitiveness in terms of bodily movements, like for instance this Banda and Dhanismar instance, or that you have the performances of the Kalanga group, then the Ifuga group, etc. So when you attend all the the cultural events, you notice a certain kind of repetition, repetition of the body movements in body compartment, in the atars. So I'm trying to read this in relation to the identity of the individual of the group, in relation to the repetitive quality of all these body movements or bodily discipline actually creates the idea that this is our identity, this is what makes us a community. And I'm trying to understand this in relation to maybe Judith Butler's idea of performativity, where in terms of gender, I think the gender discussion earlier is informative in which we perform our gender, we become woman or man not because you are born, but because we perform all the requirements of being a woman. So we also perform our identity as ignorant. For example, I need to perform that identity by having to wear this skirt when I'm presenting my paper as part of that kind of performance for a distance. And the next set of slides I'm going to look at visual productions, I'm going to look at the signifying practices that are being done by the organization. And I'm looking at this through social semantics. Social semantics is the term which I'm using. It means that it's a way to unpack the visual materials which are created by the organization and then looking at the elements of the images. And most of the images that I'm going to look at are posted in the Facebook group of the organization. So I'm trying to look at what these particular visual productions actually are communicating by looking at the elements that are there. For example, this one, like I said earlier, there's the organized groups, group travels to different places in the UK. Of course, I'm mistakenly that's Stonehenge. And that's Nalanta Swords with the Royal Family. Then you also have Edinburgh, Carlton Hill and I think this near Hollywood House Palace. So we're looking at this images which are posted in the Facebook page. There are several interesting things which I think we need to point out. For instance, why do we wear our ethnic attire in these photographs? And it's very interesting that in this travels there's an effort to bring them. If you notice the trip in Edinburgh it was really incredible but there's an effort to change into the g-strings just for this photograph. It's just interesting to look at this one. In looking at this one, I couldn't help but think about the photographs in terms of the tourism model in which when we travel, we actually wear the attires of the people in the places where we travel. So for instance, if you go to Scotland, you're going to wear the Scottish attire and all the way for you to have an experience of authentic experience in the Scottish culture. So when tourists go to Baldy, they actually also wear, if you go to Birmingham Park, you wear the topies and the headdresses in order for you to take a photograph. So I'm trying to make a connection between this touristic practice and all this practice among the Ingrid migrants in New York and I'm making a connection that it seems to me the functioning of these images is to say that we made it here in the Ingrids have come to Stonehenge they came to Edinburgh Centre. So there's this kind of frame of the narrative in terms of mobility. We are able to move around the country of destination and this is very interesting in relation to for instance irregular migrants because the kind of mobility that is being produced in these images seems to me like it is an effort or attempt to kind of produce a mobility that they don't actually have because they are irregular migrants and if you're an irregular migrant you're always on the lookout you're immobilized in a way because you're always really if you're going to be picked by the border force etc. So this kind of mobility that's being created in these narratives of these photographs I think is a way to manage that kind of restructure in immigration to manage that kind of insecurity in terms of not being able to move because of your immigration status. And Dr. Lacking discussed something in her book Archipelago of Care in relation to trying to hide in a plain sight and her explanation is of course she can explain this better but the paraphrase what she said you're trying to do what the regular migrants actually do in order for you not to be singled out as holiday so you become regular by way of you also doing what the regular members doing the actual traveling in this attire so it's a way of trying to create a visibility for yourself despite your invisibility because of your immigration status it's a way of like reshaping your condition as an irregular into somebody who's actually there visible and your friends and members who are looking at your photographs say hey she made it too okay I was just traveling just having this kind of blinding this life and if not only for you as an individual you're actually carrying the identity of your own people so you're representing yourself as by yourself for instance but saying that this is not just me as an individual traveler this is us and if you I looked at the comments in the exchanges under the Facebook exchanges in the comments and the people at home or elsewhere actually say it looks like we are also traveling as if we're also there we do so it seems like everyone became non-bile through this practice of this migrants in London okay and then another interesting practice when the organization when the organization organized their cultural events they usually it's through Facebook that they communicate in relation to the logistics of the of the events because of course they're dispersed across London so it's not easy to congregate to plan the activities so it's usually through Facebook that they do that and one of the genre of visual materials that they produce is the invitation so I look at this genre of visual material in the Facebook post in relation to again what kind of narrative are they trying to produce in relation to their community so of course we're familiar with the local transport of the and G.L. Trance for people in the mountain province and then you have the jeep from the blog and the the rising sun for Ubuntu yeah so if you look at this invitations posted online there are several things that we can say in relation to what they're trying to say so look at the elements for instance by using the images of travel like the bars and jeep again we are looking at a narrative of mobility if you look at the image of the jeep from the blog there's a kind of very subversive quality in relation to the very strict travel regulations in the UK like making it the top load in London but they arrive in this particular jeep and I'm trying to analyze this in relation to like a vernacular tacking of the landscape of the country of destination and also this kind of this kind of image was produced for a particular event which is a grand canyon which is the celebration of the founding anniversary of Iguro to UK so in that particular context it means that people who arrive in this buses came to attend the event so they arrive in this kind of very local fashion because of the local transport I'm also looking at the local transport in relation to when we go to Korea, this is the means of travel and so you always associate this with the memories of the travels that you learned when you were in the Korean era and all these kinds of memories that you have in relation to the Danma Bus in the EWP buggy I always associate the kind of travel when doing research the kind of transport that you have so again this image is the reinforced that idea of a particular kind of desire for mobility and again I'm trying to analyze that in relation to the kind of it affords the mobility for let's say again irregular migrants who are not able to manage this kind of mobility and who will always try to hide when there are a border force in tube stations or in particular places and you know there's border police in this particular stations who try to avoid and go elsewhere etc okay there's one set there's one set of these invitations which I failed to include here and they actually show the route master, the red bus and the black cab going to the Cordillera so there's a background of the the rice terraces then get capital and so you see a diverse of this set of invitations what you see is like the migrants here that actually sent the the means of travel from London to fetch the participants from the Cordillera to bring them over here in London to attend the Grand Canyon so what are we seeing in the interaction of these images I'm trying to suggest that this is like a collaborative fiction like a creation of of a common aspiration of mobility of coming together and it's a fiction because of course it's not quite possible but in the in the space of Facebook and in the space of the manipulated images of of the digital media and manipulation applications of aspiration is possible and so I'm trying to analyze this in relation to a particular kind of symbolic re-homing strategy for these migrants and they are able to manage all the kind of learning for whom especially for instance if you cannot know whom because you are irregular and you cannot do this kind of mobility all the time okay so on the other hand I'm also looking at this as although it is a particular kind of picture of mobility there's somehow there's some problem into it that you can see in relation to of course the arrival of the great migrants in London was not as fashionable as arriving in an overloaded because some of the migrants actually arrived not through Heathrow but actually in a regular fashion some of them came through Hong Kong through Singapore through the Middle East it's not a kind of very straightforward happy story of arrival so the kind of stories have been told here of course it's been hidden but this kind of stories which are painful and the members here are trying to manage it's been they're able to manage that kind of situation by by invoking this kind of visual productions which we see here okay so in my project I'm trying to suggest a sort of reconstructive indiginality and this is the kind of concept that I'm trying to build so the idea of reconstructive indiginality operates in relation to if you look at the Igroth village that I showed earlier there's an attempt among the members to actually engage in colonial history to actually say to produce a sort of counter discourse saying you know we're not that Igroth who were exhibited in the Shakespeare's Indian Exhibition in 1912 we have we are these people we have a vibrant culture and it's composed of always material culture and although we have differences according to provincial organizations or ethnic groupings we are we are a community and also when you look at the photographs about the travel where they were the attires there's some sort of attempt for counter discourse also because indigenous peoples like Igros are always associated as living in far-flung areas and like beyond civilization so a lot of many in the Philippines would actually say would be surprised to know that there are Igros in London so this kind of discourse is saying we're not relegated to these far-flung areas and we are civilized or savageless but actually come to London and they even interacted with the royal family for instance we travel to all these places in London places that's the kind of reconstructive purpose that I'm trying to argue and it's also a reconstructive in a sense that like I explained earlier it's reconstructive because it's giving the members of the organization a way of community building so it's shooting the community so there's a space of belonging in which they can grow as an individual and I have observed that a lot of the members who a lot of the members actually have taken this as a vocation to actually produce knowledge about the Igrot to produce images about the Igrot and I'm thinking that this is the way of managing the sorts of insecurities that they experience for instance what results are pretty much described as contradictory social mobility a lot of the members are professionals they're middle class and then they come here and they are employed in European jobs for instance so it's contradictory because you have higher earnings but you have a lower prestige kind of job so how do you manage that I'm suggesting that they try to manage that in this reconstructive way by engaging in control performance thank you for you and for those working on the diaspora is there a difference between the performativity of the global Igrot diaspora vis-a-vis the local diaspora because you can also find Igrot community all over the Philippines and some of the most fun grand canyons of attending have been outside the Cordillera for example and there was a dance off between the Igrot dancers in the community but I do wonder is there a difference I think maybe the difference in relation to the performance of Igrot identity in like overseas destinations like UK is that there is an interaction of the migrants in relation to the UK situations for instance for instance you have the structure that supports the the idea of international interaction with let's say the Igrots in Europe there's also diaspora communities in European countries so the interaction between UK and in Austria I think they have I don't want to say sort of more cosmopolitan sort of thing in relation to the performances and because they have access to they have the structure to access all sorts of ways to represent themselves they have more ways of signifying practices to accomplish this kind of representation self-representation I'm not sure I didn't really look at the literature about the performances like internal in the Philippines so I cannot make a very good comparison I should have of course the composition of the group but the organizations composed of members coming from all the provinces of the Cordillera so the organization is actually it's like a central like the mother another organization of provincial self-regulating organizations like a federal kind of governance and yes they're all coming from the provinces of the Cordillera except maybe Abba we don't have yet part of the mother organization although I think some individuals coming from this provinces are also approaching the organization to join and also the organization they have what they call the sister organizations like sister organizations because this are from the provinces which are in the neighboring provinces of the Cordillera like the Abba Vizcaya and of course the people there trace their roots from the Cordillera so they become part of the organization and in relation to what if other people don't want to be called Igurette for instance so I think of course I'm aware of the kind of politics in relation to the term Igurette other people don't want to be called that but this is the name that is being used by the organization the organization using this name so I think they have been discussions in relation to what the organizations should be called and what should we call ourselves but I think the discussion there is is that why should we abandon the term Igurette when in fact this is a history in which we have the 1912 Landon exhibition in the record Igurette and the kind of discourse that you're trying to attempt is to engage that kind of colonial history so if you abandon the word Igurette for instance then how can you engage in that kind of history of imagining Igurette from those colonial events in the early 20th century so they choose to identify that they are Igurette and to identify that they are Igurette of course in my encounters and attendance with the events of the organization do you have been a lot of tensions in relation to these identifications of course I'm not saying that the organization is a unified homogeneous group and they're all united and happy with each other no that's not the case of course of the organization but there's always an attempt to manage these kinds of differences and the kind of management in relation to these kinds of differences is very interesting and the the feeling of in order for them to manage this is the idea of in the idea of a family neither fear in relation to of course we have differences we don't get or don't think problems from this place and so we have common experience so this kind of family relation is in bulk and I think it's reinforced by the fact that the members call each other in family terms so we are like and the name of the organization Igurette UK and its provincial organizations Igurette UK is called another organization so this kind of very consistent description of the organization is trying to manage the differences inside the organization of course a family there's always our own families there's always a dysfunction in our families but we try to manage these differences to move forward