 On the breakfast, the Coalition of United Political Parties raised a lamb over alleged moves to use secret court action to stop the use of beavers, machine and the 2023 General Elections and other electoral fraud. Also on the breakfast, officials, author Nigerian police force seals the office of League Management Company in Maitana, Abuja. And don't forget, we'll also be looking through today's newspapers and analyzing the biggest stories of the day. Welcome to the breakfast in Place TV Africa. It's time where we go through the top trending conversations generating, I mean, different reactions in different spaces. I am messy boop-a-woop. We start the conversation with a top trending on the breakfast in Place TV Africa. Coffee joins as well, but as always, the top for us this morning is that the court has ordered INEC to accept Acpabio as a senatorial candidate. It's a lot of drama right there with the APC, especially in Acquabrum State. Well, the Federal High Court in Abuja has ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to accept and publish Goswila Acpabio's name as the candidate of the All Progressive Congress APC candidate for Acquabrum Northwest District for the 2023 elections. That's a judgment I was given by Emeka on Thursday in Abuja. Now, all of this is that Acpabio, remember that Acpabio had contested the elections. I mean, the primaries, the APC primaries, but of course he stepped down for Bola Ahmad Tunibu, the presidential flag bearer. And however, it was also been reported that he also, you know, was part of these senatorial elections as a candidate. But the judgment and the judge had said that INEC acted illegally by refusing to act and accept and publish Acpabio's name when it was submitted to it by the APC as his candidate. And according to that judgment, that INEC is bound by the provision of Section 29, Subsection 3 of the electoral act to publish only the personal particulars of a candidate of the first plaintiff for the Acquabrum Northwest senatorial district elections in Besson of the Second Plaintiff, that's Acpabio, and as was received from the first plaintiff. And so it was held that the electoral empire cannot publish any other name or particulars of any other candidate as the candidate of the APC for Acquabrum Northwest senatorial district election, except as nominated and submitted and received from the plaintiff. However, INEC was also faulted that it is not because it was said that Acpabio contested an election and they're saying INEC is saying we did not monitor that election. And, you know, the judgment is saying that it is not going to be, you know, the candidate's fault, Acpabio's fault, that INEC who saddled with the responsibility of monitoring an election, you know, not leaving up to our expectation. However, there were, you know, factions. That's what it is. Well, you know, it's quite worrisome. I mean, how do you even explain all of this? That there was an election that was conducted. INEC was not there because INEC didn't think that, you know, was there really an election, really? Who can actually attest to it? And if there was an election, why did INEC not monitor that? But you also had another election where INEC monitored and it was sent. And so, you know, it's a lot of back and forth. Let's not also forget that. It's also expected that there's a second, you know, place-cat holder and what have you, all of this in the conversation, all of this mix in the conversation. But there's a lot that's going on. It is a judgment or, you know, a declaration from the Federal High Court. So it definitely means that that's not the final. It can also be appealed. I mean, that judgment can be appealed until it gets, you know, to the Supreme Court. But let's see what happens with the interests that are involved. But Bokofi, what do you make of the stance? Goss will appear. You're a common man. We don't come on things because this feels like it's an uncommon judgment and declaration. I think it's it's it's quite an interesting test of the resolve of the electoral empire and an interesting test of the resolve of the judiciary to do the right thing. I know it's it's very possible to rush to conclusion to judge the judge, this matter. But I think people should also take time to look at the wordings and the letter of the judgment. You know, it's it's very important. But we go back to what Inaq had said all along. I mean, the very enigmatic lawyer, Mike Igini, has been the resident electoral commissioner in Inaq of Inaq in Qaibom State for some time. And Mike Igini has been retired. There was some some reaction sort of hula-baloo to the retirement of Mike Igini. He came out to say, see, it is statutory. Having served the statutory amount of time I can serve as rec, I have to leave. Some thought he was probably not unconnected with Acpavio's Acpavio's travails as a candidate in Qaibom State. But Mike Igini was one of the people who are on the recs who have stood resident electoral commission, who have stood their ground to not be moved by powerful politicians. I mean, the same can be said to be happening in this is a Qaibom Northwest Central District. The same can be said to be happening for Yobi North Central District, where Senate President Ahmed Lawan is engulfed in a battle for the APC Central ticket with a man who said to have been a placeholder, a machiner. You know all these politicians, we just go there and be there for us. If we cannot get the presidential ticket, we'll come and then you step aside and then we move. Now the electoral act is quite clear on how political parties can replace their candidates. It's very clear. First of all, no candidate is prevented from stepping aside. It's not a death sentence that you should, if you win an election, you get a ticket that you must go. You can decide, you know what? I don't want it again. I want to go home. I want to go to my farm or something. You know, and what happens is that the candidate has to inform the party in writing. INEC has a stipulated time. INEC has a schedule of activities for the conduct of the 23 elections and those activities include the primaries of the parties. You have the governorship primaries. You have the senatorial primaries. You have the House of Representatives primaries. You have the State House of Assembly primaries, the state constituency, federal constituency, central district, and presidential primaries. Now, when a candidate wins an election and he wants to step aside, there's nothing like placeholder in the books, but that's something that has cropped into the political lexicon of Nigeria. When a candidate wants to step aside, they have to inform the party in writing. Now their party will then inform INEC in writing of their intention to conduct a new or fresh primary based on the stepping aside of the candidate. Of course, INEC would have to be invited to be a part of that, you know. So there are processes. So for instance, in your base stage, you cannot tell the machina that he's no longer the candidate for the European North Central District elections for APC because he contested the primary and he has indicated in writing that he is not stepping aside. You know that any talk to the effect that he's stepping aside is hogwash. So if he hasn't stepped aside, for instance, in the case of Amit Lawan, there's no way that Lawan can be the person to represent the all-progressives Congress. But if the candidate who emerged, all right, in the acquireable state, for instance, it was the question we have to ask ourselves was there a senatorial primary for APC in acquireable Northwest? If there was a senatorial primary, who won the primary, all right? Then when the winner emerged, what did the winner do? Did he write a letter officially to his party saying they're stepping aside? And did the party inform INEC that their candidate had stepped aside to now conduct a fresh election? Like what happened in the point instead? It was quite clear that Umayyad had his plan well thought out because of course, they organized a fresh election and he won that fresh election. No, there are questions surrounding it, but this is what needs to be done before you can have a new name. Yeah, I mean, that's very conceivable. I mean, we're hoping that, you know, those involved would actually look at all of this. But it feels like the argument that's been put out here, especially, you know, the court judgment is as regards, INEC saying we were not aware of any elections or we didn't monitor the election. So even names have been sent from the APC, you know, at the end of the year, and they refuse to recognize a certain name that's of a Pabio, they're saying that we're not aware because that's not the name that was sent. The name that was sent is what we know and elections that we monitor. And so however, we did not monitor the elections. Now the court is actually saying that it is your fault that you didn't monitor the election. It is your responsibility to monitor an election. So the fact that you didn't monitor an election is not our concern. It brings us back, you know, to all of the hula-bala that happens in the party. So you have, you know, faction, two factions, you have a certain faction, you have another faction whose faction should we respect? But really, really was there an election that, you know, was conducted? Did we have parallel congresses in the APC in a quiet room, say especially for that particular seat? Is another question, because right now it feels like anyone can wake up and say, hey, there was an election, I contested for an election and so I did not monitor that seat. It's just, I'm just hoping that some day, somehow, as a democracy, as a country, we'll move away from all of this. And we'll get to a point where we don't have to approach the court, you know, to resolve all of these issues because it's quite worrisome. You know, in a quiet room state, when the progressive congress are having their, they are congresses to elect the officials of the party. You know, I think last year or so, you know, you had parallel congresses, state congresses for, in some states, for APC. In a quiet room state, you had three. Hey, you had three congresses. It's three state congresses, you understand. And that these three states, the congresses, turned up three state party chambers, you know. So, yes, yes, that was, I think that was the state that had the most. Some states you had two. The APC is a victim of its inability to put its house in order, you know. And I mean, the trial judge may not be wrong in not, but the judge, sorry, in this suit, may not be wrong in saying, well, it was not, it was your fault that he didn't monitor that. But can the judge be the one to say which of the congresses the INEC should monitor? Cause if the party, like you're saying, you know, turns out to have more than one primary. Yeah, primary. I think the party should tell INEC which primary it recognizes. And if the party says we recognize the primary that turned up the organizers of Acquavius, the congress, the primary that turned up Acquavius as the candidate, then of course the party, the judge hasn't done anything wrong. But the thing is, at a point, a name should have been submitted to INEC. At a point, a form should have been uploaded by the party on INEC's portal. You know, but, you know, parties should not be allowed to get away with something. So, if you go and have three primaries, for instance, which one will be recognized? You have to now say, we are putting this candidate for us, candidate, we've uploaded the form. Now the point, you now say, well, if you see the letter from the candidate saying that he or she is withdrawing, so we are going to, are stipulated by the electoral act, organize the fresh primary to get, we must have a candidate. So, there's definitely gonna be a chronology of activities and that you can trace back to find out what the party have done. So, that's, that's, that's, that's for, we have to move on to our next story. Of course, this one is quite interesting. Merci, the, anyway, the 2023 presidential polls are around the corner, the elections are around the corner. And of course, one of the things that you, Nigerians are not really used to, and we've not really gotten it right, probably, I can say probably, because you know, people don't yet believe these things are polls, you know, polls. For instance, in America, when you watch the US elections, you see the media talking about exit polls, the media organized the exit polls, you know, people who are coming out, they ask who did you vote for? When you say who you voted for, they'll write it down and then they'll be able to have a projection of who's gonna win the election. They also have certain polls, like Gallup polls, you know, and some other polls. I remember at some point in political history, in this current democratic republic, in this republic, we had the NOI polls, you know, some people say Ngose Konju were in the polls. You know, we had some other organizations, but there's a new one that has been organized showing which of the candidates for the presidential elections is ahead, is leading. And, you know, it means that if Nigeria's presidential election was held today, the candidate who this poll says is ahead will win the presidential election. So, NOI polls is back with this one. And who is ahead? Wish I could see the result on our screen. But this poll was commissioned by what we call INUP foundations. People have been saying INUP polls. No, it's INUP foundation. And it suggests that the next election will be a presidential horse race between 300 days. Obe, Atiku, and of course, Sinubu. But according to this poll, the researchers had not made public the methodology of the poll and how the data was sampled. But they say that this will be a win the election today, in itself. It got at a total of 21% of voters ahead of Ashiwaji Bola-Mitinbu, who got at 13%, and Atiku Abobokaruru also got at 13%. Now, Rabi Musa Konkoso was a distant fourth with 3% of voters placing him an outsider in the fourth position. So, you have Obe, 21%, Bola-Mitinbu, 13%, Atiku Abobokaruru, 13%, and Rabi Musa Konkoso for 3%. So what they are saying, INUP foundation is saying, because they published the polls, is that if the election were to be held today, Petal B will be Nigeria's president. No, no, but I think that- I see a smile on your face, Messi. Not necessarily, because, you know, going through the particular statement, they said that he was leading at a time because they are other very, I mean, they're other factors. For instance, the result have a show that about 33% of the respondents were undecided. Another 15% cannot, you know, refuse to disclose who would be president for- So you have undecided, a group of persons that were undecided. Now, in their analysis, or at the end of the summary of it, is that you can't really tell because that 33% undecided who they will vote for amongst, you know, this contending forces. It can actually upturn the result, but at the time, looking at what he was, it felt like he was leading, but that can not actually, you know, other thing to say- Yeah, I was about to come to that. Yes. That actually cannot add up- But the point, what they're saying, what they have put out right now means that if the results, if there's an election today, because, you know, if you're undecided, you probably will not vote. Going by what they have, what they're saying is that the Labour Party candidate is ahead. And if they still those results today as votes in a election, he will win today. No. I mean, looking at the comment that they actually said, because I have to follow through it again. First of all, it's okay that if you look at, you know, the methodology, you can't actually say, it is just the poll. And it's important that we pay attention to the poll. Like you say, we're not used to it, but that's what research is about. So research would actually help you understand, make decisions, informed decisions. I mean, governments of different countries and of the world depend highly on, you know, research and data that's been gathered at the end of the day to make some informed decision. This is actually, should be a plus for some of those political parties. Right with them, I would say. Not necessarily saying that it will, because like they rightly mentioned that because of other factors, you know, the respondents that they had, it's almost impossible to say at the time that, you know, it's possible that he could win because anything can actually happen. Well, however, it's also possible that he would be leading if that was the case. But let's not forget that. Because that's not a reality. That's not a reality. I mean, it's just a random sampling. Like it was rightly stated, if you cannot tell the methodology that was used at the end of the day and the number of persons that were sampled, what area? We're looking at about 200, we're looking at, you know, over 200 and something million population. So that alone cannot be it. But for me, I think that apart from the fact that you're saying that some political parties might be, you know, might be leading or if a certain political party might be leading, it's important to look at all the issues that they mentioned. They talked about, you know, respondents, you know, they mentioned some other factor, undecided voters who prefer not to reveal the identity and all of that. They also talked about the reason why a lot of persons decided to vote. And let's not forget that if you look at, you know, the percentage of registered voters, 99% is in the Northeast, 90% is in the Southwest and the North Central and the Northwest respectively. So the lowest registered voters' percentage are in the Southeast with 88% and the Southwest with 85%. So if you also look at the statistics that was put out, especially in percentage from this different, you know, geographical zones, you can't actually say that that's it. When you compare that with the actual thing that's on board, let's not forget, we really don't know how, you know, the kind of sampling that was done. So what are you saying in essence? What I'm saying is this is not tentative. This is just, you know, sampling. But however, there are other factors in this research and poll that should be, you know, should be considered. For instance, they said that they also asked people why they were voting. Some people say to tackle insecurity, economy, because they were tired, you know, with some of these issues. And these are issues that, you know, like I would say, if I were some of these political parties, you'll pay attention to some of these issues and, you know, see how they can improve the country in times. Yeah, I think the issues are, no, we don't need a poll to tell. Maybe sometimes we need a poll because if you look at the behavior. Sorry, Massey, I think we don't need a poll to know what issues are of importance to the country. And people know these issues. And, you know, the candidates are already talking about these issues. And Nigerians will, Really? Yes, yes, Nigerians will decide, you know, who to vote for at the end of the day. We live without a poll. We all know that insecurity is a problem. You know, the economy is an issue. You know, we have jobs, you know, education, we know healthcare. These are issues that, you know, when you walk on the street, you will know. You know, you have to be alive. We are alive in this country. But the point is that, you know, if you talk about methodology, we don't know. They haven't made it public. We don't know if they will make it public. And when we look at, you know, the polls that have been organized around the world, I will mention Gallup to be precise, you know, to particular. And, you know, you can only question to an extent. And but you have to either accept or reject the results of the poll. And that's what the political parties do. You know, if they publish their methodology, will that affect how people accept it? You understand. Will that affect how people reject it? I think that those who will accept it will accept it. And those who reject it will reject it. What I would like to see will be more of these credible organizations, because NOI polls have had them there for some time. And more of these credible organizations coming out to conduct polls as well to tell us. And then we can see if there is a pattern developing. Will you ever get it right? You know, will you ever get it right? It's another question to be asked, you know. In research, you talked about, you know, sample size. For instance, the sample size is critical in determining whether, you know, your methodology is correct. You know, what is the makeup of your sample? And do we have agencies that scrutinize organizations that scrutinize these? No. So I don't know where they're going to go take their work to and say, this was our methodology. Please scrutinize it to tell us. Could we... Sorry, Macy. To tell us if it is correct or not. I don't know. I think that that would be difficult. We have actually talked about that. I think that... So the point I'm making is that we can only comment on what it brought out and people will react to it. I expect the political parties to come out and, you know, either accept or reject it. I don't know if APC has made an official statement about our first major conversation tonight this morning, but they should come out and tell us what they think about it. And then some have said, you know what, people are saying the Labour Party... No, no, no. So I think that this report is actually very, to some extent, they haven't really... This report has not really said, or this poll or survey has not said that there will be the winner. They just say at the time, looking at it, he will be leading. That's what it is. I mean, looking at all of it... I'm the one saying... They're looking at all that issues as well. I didn't say Aina Foundation said he will win. I'm saying that for me, my understanding of this is that if elections were to be conducted... And I'm not saying that the result of the poll is credible or is correct. I'm saying that there are findings, there are results. My interpretation is that if an election were conducted today, all right, Ubi will be leading. That's what they say. So that is it. But I'm not saying this is the outcome. This will be the outcome of that. But apart from that, because we're very critical as humans, it's part of our default setting to be very critical. But I also think that it will be important to look at some of the issues that have been mentioned. Because if you look at the number of persons who say there will not be part of the elections. I mean, when you have people say, undecided, I don't know who to vote for. It can as well be compared to saying some persons will not want to turn out to vote. And you know how voter appetite has contributed in crippling the entire process. So it's okay to say that you have over 100 million persons. I mean, this is me just saying, 99% voters that have actually registered. Will you have 99% come vote on the day of election? These are some of the questions that you know, and some of the things that need to be answered. You mentioned 33% of those poll said that they actually decided. I think that we may not be able to say categorically that those people who turned out their questioners or responded by saying they were not going to, they're not deciding it. It may not be possible to now at this point say they will constitute voter apathy or apathetic voters. You understand? People may still be trying to figure out who to vote for. They may already know who to vote for. They don't want to let the cut out of it. It brings me back to the beginning of the conversation where I talked about the fact that, hey, for whatever reason, there's a reason why you have research and you have all of this data gathering and facts finding. And that's always a purpose for it. So whether or not there's anything to go by, it just shows light. It's appointed to some areas that we need to look at. All hands should be on deck, the electoral empire. But we take a break down because we're out of time when we return, it'll be time for us to go through the front pages of the National Daily Space Day with us.