 One of the questions that I'm trying to pose to you, and engage with in a broader way, is why we care about Magda Carchan, as one rather grumpy Australian scholar you mentioned. Only a few years ago, why do we care about an old, tattie, ran, document, half-burned written and foreign language? What can it mean for us? But quite then, even in the events of yesterday, where we saw our current Prime Minister, who I fear David Letterman was probably right, but we started to count what Magda Carchan mean. Try and capture the authority and legitimacy of that tradition, to a particular moment, to reveal you and the Declaration of Human Rights. If we've seen in Australia in 2001, we would have seen the Prime Minister there try and use the launch of that exhibition of their 1297 copy, to project Australia's role behind America and the UK in the war on terror. If we've been running media in 1957, both British and American ambassadors saw Magda Carchan as a proclactic against Godless communism. Magda Carchan has been used as a legitimate source for authorising all sorts of contemporary events. What I want us to think about is how and when did that first happen? And I think one thing to always bear in mind is that Magda Carchan was a moment, it was a historical event that happened on those water memories in 2012, but it's also a text, it's a collection of ideas. And it's the sort of intertwining and sometimes separate use of that moment as the barons confronted one, that can be interpreted in lots of different ways, connected to a set of ideas. What we always need to remember is that the 1215 Magda Carchan was a peace treaty. It was not a philosophical document crafted by new court philosophers and PLA champions, setting out a set of principles. Although it did collect and combine a series of fundamental legal principles, the right to trial, the right not to be detained, the right to property, the right to liberty of corporations, that was almost, and I'm very willing to be challenged, almost accidental. I've given you a photograph here that was taken about three years ago, showing how in one sense a group of young people see the space as still very important to ongoing dialogues about what is freedom, what is democracy. The profound irony here is that this image is being used by the Surrey County Council to represent a group of young people debating freedom. It's actually a group of diggers who have occupied the media above, running in Egypt in 2012, and are still there, and actually were being subjected to, in a week or enough to last, yesterday's events, rigorous police scrutiny. And the diggers, of course, took huge steps in the same way on the 1239. So there was a sort of living element for those. I think it's a very clever photograph we deserve, and in one sense it tells us something about subversive qualities of Magda Carchan. Magda Carchan decided to authorise the rule of law, legitimate political authority, but as I was hoping to discuss, it also legitimised resistance and protest from marginal groups. And that sort of dual tension between being a great image of authority, but also something you cite when you don't want to be imprisoned, or when you want to resist or call a crowd, is very important. The diggers think it was an interesting platform in the newspapers about a lot of it. The Sunday Mail portrayed the diggers as a drug-praised, filthy hooligans. The independence, on the other hand, had managed to find two of the very charming local people at home, with their small children, very knackered in the dress, cooking with their crusé pots and making espresso for the physical journey. There's some weird debate going on, but that's the nature of Magda Carchan. It's protean, and it's Magda Carchan. It's one of the others that's waiting to represent what's happening. This is very fine, they've been told, in your style. I can visit and eat holds in shirts in the museum, and I haven't tried, but apparently you can go and eat there and talk about it. But why would you want Magda Carchan holding a drawing? I think that's one of the things we perhaps need to think about, the iconic value of the image or the object. If we do a store poll, how many people have got Magda Carchan on their wall at home? That's strange. In the 18th century, as we all know that, lots of people would have had Magda Carchan on their wall. Probably next to the Magda Carchan, the death warrant, the execution of Charlestonford, all the way around. So there's a sort of tradition of saying, our house is safe, we've got Magda Carchan. I want to be used a lot of images to explore how Magda Carchan turned from that feudal peace treaty into what I thought might be called a liberty document after the 17th century. How did it transform itself, or how was it transformed? I think we can argue very powerfully that the 17th century is the term of that moment. And, indeed, this tradition is very powerful. You see this, the front doors, Grant and Gold, and the American Supreme Court. We can see, there's a sort of history from antiquity all the way through. While we have Magda Carchan, they're important to me when we talk about the bigs. We have said Edward Croy and James the First. This is an image that every American lawyer, every citizen in one sense, is absolutely familiar. So there are two Magda Carchan owners inscribed in the history of American freedom. I don't want to say any of any of them, but you should know that the 1776 was not the first American Revolution, but the last British Revolution, which was British people, communities, using principles of free-born Englishmen against what they saw as a tyranny of George III. So it's unsurprising, in the one sense, that Magda Carchan remains important in that context. However, the panels that were given up to Edward Croy and Edward Croy, they're rather fave, James. That thing scrolls behind us, I think. So I want to think about how images of Magda Carchan get invested with this sort of cultural power. Certainly talk about it with Cook. Cook armed with the Magda Carchan believes he can take on the model. I mean, he was very out of the bag, and we're going to play with that, but he believed armed with his erudition, he could prosecute the king for a legal material on the map. Later on in the 18th century, John Wilkins, in the book that some of you have given to me, by citing Magda Carchan, by distributing literature that showed him that Magda Carchan was under his arm when his bag pocket was stuck in his hat, when he needed to, when he was under threat of prosecution under the general warrant when Magda Carchan was legal, he could mow the land 10,000 to 20,000 people onto the streets of London, if you think about it, that would be a real challenge, if you were trying to protect or defend yourself from legal detention. So there's something about the image and its connection to that tradition that's very important. I think, interestingly, I don't know how many people have visited Magda Carchan running in London at the moment. It was, of course, called the Charter of London for the first century or so, rather than Magda Carchan. Magda Carchan is the latest of iterations that they've had there. I would really recommend that you go there if you're busy in the room, because it's a spectacular sight for public commemoration of freedom around the place. It's not only the JFK monument, the table of liberty to Magda Carchan, but also the national air force, and we've had the memorial to those fighter pilots who died in that area. Once it's across those meadows looking towards London, you have a sight where people who have sacrificed their lives for freedom, presidents who have changed in the digital sphere, and have seen it by the cards of the place, it's a very important thing. It's made even more spectacular now by the introduction of a new and very emotionally powerful piece of public art called the juries. Twelve juries, if you're welcome to sit on and imagine sitting in judgment, each of them decorated with moments of freedom and liberty and democracy from 800 years, but from little. So Malala Lusanef is recording in the middle of that. Gandhi, last and then later, a whole series of civil rights issues in America, and in English and in English. So decoding that principle. I love the idea that you could travel to Pakistan and see immediately a connection between your culture and that royal and local culture. You have various local Magna Carta movements. The Philippines recently issued a charter, a Magna Carta for the poor, a statutory piece of legislation in the Philippines that will give all poor people rights to education, water and food. So that Magna Carta brand is increasingly powerful and manages, and this is again its protean quality I think, it manages to be amphibious across culture. It's not regarded by saying the Pakistan government as the tool of Western imperialism. It's regarded as a real statement. And we must, of course, identify the best part of the cultural memory of human art. So how did that happen? We know, and I'm sure both David Carter's and various speakers have talked about the diffusion and persistence of re-issuing Magna Carta toward England in the 13th century, and probably in the 15th century. Magna Carta is a significant constitutionally shaped document. It disappears from the historical picture between the 14th and the early 16th century. It's there, and I think some of the research that's going on in the West of England talks about how it's used in provincial society, especially in the issues that are regulating access to land and property. The fish, this is very important. I recently spoke to a group of eight girls on the road, and they were very animated by Magna Carta and fishing, which I didn't expect. We remember that's the next project we're going to do. We're going to see what they feel about freedom and Magna Carta. Well, it is still being cited in disputes in Norfolk and in the North Devon over the rights of locals, the artists who have seen freedom, what they thought they felt were lost together, and taking prosecutions out into the commercial environment to just come and prove them what happened. Almost every government in Magna Carta has had some subsequent regiments that have been injured. So, why did Magna Carta exercise this pejorable enchantment? It's almost a political glamour, I think. The answers to that can be sort of anthropological ornates, and byron would bring into the process as well. We all like to show that our opinions have been around one time they're honestly right, and certainly that idea of buying in an important tradition is very powerful in Australia, more so in New Zealand than in Australia. If you've only landed in Australia a hundred years or so before, you'd go over the Magna Carta and say, oh, you've bought 800 years of legal traditions in England. So that sort of element of constructing an ancient constitution, perhaps in our own ways, you need to be obvious what the contents of that constitution are. And that's where it could be to be made more important in trying to populate all the facts and ideas. That is one of the principles I think we even sort of see today. It must be right because it's old. And I was very comfortable with recent things, and I haven't read them for a very long time. Ask a simple question. Is it right because it's white, or is it right because it's old? Very often it's difficult to explain what you're saying to me. Are the principles that are in Magna Carta white because they are universal white, or do they become white because they've been sort of chewing on and accepting them and adapting to them? Very important to me over 800 years. I think it's a very difficult question. Some of the very technical lawyers look at some of the principles and trace them back to Revin Dore, the Zoryne action. If it's coded in very sort of crisp statements and principle we can see in Beccateen how you know what is the channel. If we said why in 1500 Magna Carta is a sort of existing few manuscript copies, it may be a collection of statues, but to a public audience there is such a thing there, it doesn't mean very much. 1508 Magna Carta gets subjected to a new technology print. So from 1508, this is the title page opening to which Magna Carta is in print in Latin. I think you can trace me from those moments and of course the English edition gets re-issued dozens of times. The text also gets incorporated into something that we eventually called statues of large and that is re-printed into the 20th century. It's now an electronic version called legislation.gov.org.uk. Unfortunately if you put Magna Carta into that service it flashes off as a label at the top. No, no consequences of this law. That's because many of the key elements around detention and jury trial have been substituted by more modern legislation. But the process of putting into print was not trivial. It meant if you were a gentleman and you came to an import to learn about the law, not because you wanted to be a practising lawyer, but perhaps because you were going to retire from the law provincial estate and enact justice in that locality. You buy a handbook, a text book, you don't want to dub and register your children and you don't want to find an evening in a party to drink, and the first thing you wouldn't see, every time you don't do a statue, is Magna Carta. So Magna Carta has sort of transformed itself, not necessarily into a constitutional document, but into a foundational statue. This is where English law starts. Of course that rested on a rather fuzzy idea. So Magna Carta wasn't innovative. It summarised and captured a tradition that went back into time in the morning. It's a great tactic, isn't it? No, all of this is legitimate, so it goes way, way back. So far back we can't find out what, but believe me, it is. If a salesman came to get his factory to be going for a thousand years, honestly, you'd dispute it. But that principle that Magna Carta is not innovative, but simply rehearsing and renovating an old tradition is an absolute weakness. That is the background of the thing for Edward Cooke. Cooke, Cooke, Cooke, Cooke, Cooke, Cooke, Cooke. And Portrains, the Temple in Portrains, are aware of that, because he was such a man of learning in the Irish. It's almost impossible. I have the fortune of interviewing Professor John Baker, the eminent people in the story, who is, in one sense, a modern day being a foundation of Cooke. And it's just published in the Southern Society, a 1604 manuscript written by Cooke, on Clause 39 of the Magna Carta, that Cooke wrote in 1604 against the prorogative of James I. Well, James haven't done anything wrong, have he? But Cooke had worked out, James was bringing in ideas about world prorogative from a Scottish company, which, of course, is one of the things that has been important. And the Scottish State of the Young Standard, I think, is a different tradition of the Declaration of Arborig, where it's out for some of you the other day. I can see lots of people citing the Declaration of Arborig in public claims, or in their constitutional thoughts. I don't think there's a native number on the Declaration of Arborig, so none of us have brought up things like that. But, you know, it's an interesting thing to think about. There isn't a strong offensive ability, it's a national ability, that the Scottish document defends. And, you know, when the time comes, you might think about why does Magna Carta, you know, intergalactically famous document, you can almost imagine that little machine has just woken up again on the conference. Broadcasting in Magna Carta is the only thing that is going to be there. So, I think one of the important things about the context is that, by 1600, Magna Carta is ubiquitous. Not really being used. It's used in 1314, many used to defend the English Church, and it gets horribly complicated with the Reformation. This is why, for example, Shakespeare's King John does not mention Magna Carta at once, because it's not relevant. It's not a controversial issue. King John is a hero who fights against the papacy. That's why he's important. And I think, and it's not a research project I started thinking about in the detail there, but when did King John come back? Now, there were another chronicles that were written by the Churchmen, and C in representative in a particularly so-run blessing there. But certainly 16th century, it's not the interest of the English-Marchish chronicles, because they're bound to represent an arch-papal king in the wicked life. I suspect it's the 18th and 19th century, and they're probably disneyed on a two-year-old spot of thought, for the sort of badly King John. Although it is quite clear, especially when it came to darkness, but it wasn't absolutely understandable. He couldn't put his hands on the land, the doors of the white, whatever, and the fish and the forests. So, in one sense, he wasn't a good, but there's sort of absolute possibilities in this recording. He's a very lame development. However, Cooke recognises, as early as 16th, how, in one sense, the 1215 charter is a document that exposes bad statecraft. Issues that King John was facing around the Lackith, maybe, and his need constantly to be experimental about finding and capturing other people's land, et cetera, et cetera, were confronted with early modern standards, in a fairly similar way. It was a personal revelation to me to be made into this little short introduction, having read a whole series of papers about fiscal prices of James The First and Charles The First. Because, if you were Henry Cooke, and had immersed yourself in Magnificato, and seen where Magnificato was trying to strain Royal Brook, and then you'd see James The First imposing taxes on currents, or selling awards, or trying to steal people's policies, and you were a sharp broker in the court. Straight away, you could see the paradigm, and you could see how Magnificato was, once again, absolutely irrelevant in terms of his time. He did Cooke help very hard in the National Office, and in a certain sense, in which James fell fine off by giving him orders to leave the world. James was a render, so he was Cooke, an absolutely irrelevant defender of the common law, and had always the opportunity, in taking the monarchy into court, to defend that principle against the legal, plurality impact. James was my clever manipulator at his court in Parliament. His son, Charles, was not. Cooke reall is against the extension that Charles The First assumed in the 1620s, famously forced loan, but we also need to remember that Charles was doing things like declaring the Forest of Deen his voice, and sending his best unfortunate chaps to the Forest of Deen saying, You need to pay us to run now, and be there until I was born in the Forest of Deen. You wouldn't want to do that today. You'd never know me in the 17th century, but the Forest of Deen community said, No, I don't think so. You might be able to be able to do it yourself, or this. If you don't like it, send some troops, which would be easy to happen in the 1630s, and they lost. They came back, and Charles said, Well, let's just forget that it won't happen. Cooke could see the connection between that sort of contract, forced loan, where the local elites in January were told simply to contribute some of the resisted, under the 1626 forced loan case. Six members, five members, were on trial. Charles, the first, eight on his side, was trying to run up the judicial process. He lent on the judges, and he almost ordered the conviction of these things. Cooke, the very global worker. Cooke on the zone. This may not only be the initial use of property, a bathroom, but the fact that the King was now tampering with the due process of law, detaining three men from their liberties, and stealing their property was a sort of triple one. Cooke was personally involved in that defence. Anyway, he wasn't in for you, but he said, right. Next time, we're going to get the King, the next force of King, to leave two men to go, and Charles thought that was a potato first. But do you know who you're talking to? I'm the King, I'm appointed by God. All that may mean is mine. I am the source of all, so just go away. Cooke was an extraordinary brain. And question, question, question. The result was the so-called petition of right. That is regarded still as part of our ruling constitution. James, I tell you the story, was very, very unhappy at the end of the corner. He was brought into the torn pages of the Communist Journal out and disposed of them. He saw to the Communist School that he would return at some point to the re-issuing of the chart that would be known to the spider pages. He had absolutely no intention. Cooke said, I think Arthur has nothing to do with it. The consequence immediately of that was that Charles first decided he would do without Parliament. So, in one sense Charles was forced into more and more to the prerogative nations. Cooke, surprisingly escaped execution. If I were Charles first, I would have had an answer. Because that was obviously the consequence of Charles' conduct. Cooke was on his deathbed in summer of 1634. It was rumoured he was about to publish the second volume of his Institute of Laws. Charles first discovered this was going on. Her approach was dire. He said, body boy is round. Wavy is stone. And removed the difference in reports that he had 50 box awards. Charles first must have been ending that. Did he learn a little bit? No, he stored them somewhere. So, as soon as the Civil War was on the brink of breaking out in 1641, the first thing the Free House of Commons did was demand the return of Edward Corbyn's maids on the land of Carter. And 1642 was a new publisher. And you could argue that the new publication of the Institute is more damaged than it is caused. And many of the other thousands have done this that debated the rights of kings and jurisdictions of parlance. Because from this moment, Cook's Institute, 1642, re-printed, abridged, edited, extracted from, turned into a tiny little pamphlet with the so-called golden passages extracted. That there are new model army copies into the 18th century in the colonies every sort of court that have a copy of Cook. So Cook defined in one sense what become known as English liberty. Or in the tradition of this individual, John Lillburn, in Free Law and Drawing, we can talk either about English liberties or the liberties of Free Law and English liberty. And what we can see is it becomes an incredibly powerful resource to resist tyranny. It immobilises much of the new one army's political people about why a child is a person defined and how he can be resisted by citing the nature of ancient freedoms of English liberty. And it's that tradition that... It's that tradition and I think it really does. John Lillburn was constantly put on trial at both buying from us first in the 1630s but also buying the new common ground for it, even though I don't know either. And he was very good at mobilising his pocket image depending on yourself. And here he is, holding Cook's Institutes. And one of the fantastic sort of continuities around Magna Carta is that when John Welch, the 18th Central Radicals for Montreal, he was presented with John Lillburn's copy of Edward Cook's Institutes to show and explain when he was in the court. So that tradition, all for all the law, all of these men are defending the law but Magna Carta, seen through the Cookian lens, becomes also a defence of resistance. It's quite difficult for us. We haven't been brave lawyers out there today. You know, who would stand up and take the government to court. But Cook... Cook would have been an executive very, very easy if he'd spent time in town on it. But he believed in his principles. He's incredibly learned and he survived. He's had ideas. People in the 1650s, Quakers, famously, in the 1680s, ran for Henry Cair, produced a book called English Limities that did an abridgment of basic Cook, almost with tenor albys. You know, if somebody approaches you and wants to roughly look at this, there's a hand that's on the inside. You can go with the speaker to ask them. Henry Cair's sort of channeling on Cook. There's all the way through in that tradition. It's recreated in Boston, and you're there sort of places in the 1760s and 1770s. So we can see that continuity of the Cookian defence of the rule of law, but also it's used somehow as a marker of resistance. Now, I feel like I'm pushing on by too much, so we're just going to take pictures that will try and instantiate this tradition. There is a wonderful vibe I'm ablailing for the highly logical origins of the American Revolution that really details a lot of the technical organization. But at 1.680s, and William III is aware of that, they're arguing about whether we should push Cook's goal in passages up on every deal of law agreement in gold, so that everybody, if they want to school to work and see what's going on. Now, I mentioned before, the iconography of Cook's, and this is deeply relevant, hardly anybody can see the image they have in that. Cook had access to the economy. By 1730s, again, in primitive times, they are making these beautiful reductions. Of course, all of this baronial stuff is in Prince's Edition, and you're going to see it as a reproduction of the burnt seal, as you can see today. This is incredibly expensive, it's still in Latin, and it's part of that, what are we going to do, making the document in English. It is now very old and possible not to know what man can come up with. I've learned a lot actually, but here is the famous Trunberg, notoriously, the earliest man I've ever seen, he's been artistically doing some famous here. Manicart in a scroll, Manicart in a scroll, Hercules defeating the Hydra of the Central Freedom, everybody who was a wing wanted their portrait taken in this world. This is one of the British Museum, it has the connection. There's Wales again, but it doesn't matter to us. So, there are ceramics of Wales, there's a consumer culture that uses Manicart to defend English liberty. Even the level of Teamot, and T-Series, Edmund Burt, I think it's strange why I've gone into the Royal Union, commissioned a set of tea cups on the Teamot, we're Tom Henn. This is a really important one, this is Arthur Biersmore, a colleague of John Reynolds, a radical older man on the line in the Royal, who had been writing Scottish things about the Royal Court, and was going to be subjected to a rep, a legal mess under a general warrant. Teamot 11 asked the same engraver who produced the FAC70 to produce these, so he could have it made or what he was about to give away. And at this print, you can buy copies today, because you've got so many of them, you can buy them today very inexpensively. So Biersmore is presenting, there's finger pointing at claws that I don't know, no free man shall be taken. This is your son, your finger in the white wall, learning the tradition of freedom from his father, but learning it from a text which is almost certainly across the Institute, slightly to a level, and blacks don't really know it. I can't read what it says here, but essentially it says it's really important to teach your children about traditions of truth and freedom. That here, obviously today, in the range of the sky, but that image of continuity parsing on the tradition is even still out of the day, I think. It was born around and thought about the chain of God, and then running into democracy, and there were these debates about, can you use mega-carder to teach for this citizenship? It thought it was going to do with it. If you don't have mega-carder, this is what happens to you. A free morning, this is an exclamation mark. He's standing on mega-carder, he's shackled, he has no free speech. This is what will happen if you let the French go. At least it's just a few representations of what I'd like to think of as a power-informed constitution that this really survived into the 20th century so that here we have the artefacts of Ireland all kept in a chest and we have mega-carder, the Bill of Rights, Agus Corpus, I think you never depicted what this one was, but it could well be because institutions are actually there. But that notion of a collection of documents holding and representing your freedoms and rights as a constitution is very important, these are the laws of England. Nice pyramid, mega-carders here, mega-carders here, but a right, Agus Corpus. The Scales of Justice, the Union Jack. This is from about 1820. So that tradition is written into our to the world view of that. Even better, constitutional architecture. This is the 1890s and again mega-carder, but a right, trial by jury, the same old stuff, and others, and we've done them. However, that's the most important, and this is really the last thing I'll talk about. The connected these sort of native contingent British tradition of freedom with the state of mind of the mission and the capability that would give slaves their freedom united. So it's made in the universe of it. Of course, it's made in the very wrong where in particular, the lawyer is okay. It would pull down the pillars. This is the model of the temple of liberty that would disappear having been hammered. Notice liberty topping ordinary of the state there. So it's quite dramatic and interesting iconography. It's more subtle than a little cartoon that we see today. I've almost stopped to. This is this one. It's the wax model for a medal that they wanted to produce in the 1780s for Royal Society of Arts. Again, it makes the connection between the contingent moment a magnet carder moment on the field of writing. This is the representation of John Ceeley, a magnet carder with liberty, the goddess of liberty, holding the state of recognition of the capital being the one side of the coin. You have that there. The other side of the coin having freedoms that is established. These are just some of the slightly more exotic versions of the magnet carder into the 19th century where you see the one spencer produce this unmeddli on text. This is just one of the most beautiful pieces of print that I've ever seen. This is an attempt failed by the Royal Society of Arts to use a new technique printing in a gold on satin and they put out a call for 10 minutes you can have your gold copy of magnet cards printed on either one satin, purple satin or red satin. How do you do this now? This is the only bit that survives in numbers of the spencer one. This is the fantastic sort of image again, Britannia holding magnet cards on the scales of justice. English liberties, religion, variety, loyalty, happiness, French liberty, atheism, poetry, maths, and many people. But it doesn't quite understand your mysteries. I can understand misery but one of the better things that French freedom does is free. I'm not sure. These are just images of some way of making cards that was in America and when in British in 1957 magnet cards became a civil rights government in the 1960s in America and in the famous case of the main road nine where a dox had a stewardess and I think his lawyer nine of the people in the main road which stayed on the African-Arabian community was going to send me to the Black Panthers because this was not very interesting music and good food. So, dark as hell in the core sense magnet cards said we should be trying to pull out our e-cards and make black juries. Well, we don't need black juries. So from that moment all of the accused spoke into making a pattern and the juries in the e-cards and we can't understand what he's saying. Well, if you were Welsh you would make sure you were Welsh too. So we did eventually get two black juries on the jury. And this was the great tour in 1976 organized by all the five of us that was made just by John Mayden who was in a relative of America's threat and magnet cards that was amazing on the side. He was driven around America with these outliers and everywhere it went it was like the e-cards were arriving in your hand. It was an intercontinental magnet card and people flocked to watch it. And that's our current American magnet card. I didn't make this in Syria's refugees in Australia no person shall be deprived of my ability. Didn't the magnet card reach Australia so if people were driven to that now it's going to be online. It's going to be easy of course to do that at the moment and it's just a bit of self to go out from the Welsh events on the main but I want to be with this is the first on the record the first action magnet card which fills the roots and it's wonderful and another one MP and Snail and Anders the Wild Wife and hands interesting and this is where the medieval world can come back in 1711 Lord 61 so he enforced a clause that John really wasn't happy with that created council 25 Aaron that would enforce his on the magnet card card. But he was occupied and didn't need to persuade Aaron in the House of Lords to support their attempt to invite Queen because this needs to be a dire government so magnet card is still at the step of their attempt very very funny but he started again to increase and I just need to do that a barman was going to be a magnet card again.