 Poznače, da sem tako invitacija. To je pravda, da sem pri srednjem vrštih istori v ielandu. Zelo sem vzela izpočen, da sem izpenite. Vzelo sem poživljen, da so tudi izpravili. V tereno, poznanje, da sem razpočen, da sem izpran, da sem izpran. in to je začala ozretno. Vsrečo, da je izgleda prejzavljene politike, je zelo vzretno vzretno od dva pravdu. Jedna je geografija, druga je historija. Vzreštno, da vzrešt, kakaj sem vzrešt, tudi v mjim kraju, tudi v Polsi, But I believe that all the nations living in central and eastern Europe share to a large extent similar views on an experience in this regard. The land and the country we live on its geopolitical is in a very located in a very difficult geopolitical area. It has always been a significant bridge between the east and the west, geographical feature that has created for us both opportunities and risks. By connecting the east with the west, our region was able to benefit greatly from trade opportunities in times of stability. The region was the hub of intensive exchange, a veritable mindling pot of different peoples and cultures. Also at times it was a land of tolerance and freedom for those seeking refuge from the oppressed of the lands in both western, absolutist and eastern atrocities. In this context I would like to recall the Warsaw Confederation of 1573, which has been part of UNESCO memory of the World Program since 2003. This groundbreaking law granted an eternal peace to believers of different religions within my country. Thus making the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth a much safer and more tolerant place than most of Europe at that time in 16th century. Indeed the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which I have just mentioned is an excellent example illustrating the potential of our region. This dualistic state, which lasted from 1569 to 1795 and guaranteed relative political stability Poland-Lithuania is sometimes considered to be a prototype of the European Union. In terms of governing arrangements the Commonwealth was both unique and in stark contrast with the political processes taking place in the rest of Europe. For many decades it was one of the most democratic states, not only Europe, but also throughout the world. It was therefore not accidental that the first written constitution in Europe and the second in the world was proclaimed in Warsaw in 1791. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth perished and disappeared as a sovereign state in 1795. In what we call the third and final partition of Poland, just four years after the proclamation the constitution of made the third. The multinational Austro-Hungarian Empire, which encompassed the lands of our current Visehrad IV partners, ceased to exist after the World War I. Twenty years later the central European plane became an arena that witnessed the greatest atrocity ever committed in the course of human history. The awareness, consciousness of constant vulnerability, resulting both from our geography in history affects our policies and strategies even today. Although much has changed in Europe and beyond since then, democratic and mostly peaceful revolutions that took place in our region in 1989 gave us breeding space. We regained sovereignty and independence and once again become subject and not object of international politics. We are able to choose freely our alliances and the model of our economic development. This is the result of being of our accession to NATO and then to European Union. Our region flourished again and became the source of inspiration for the neighboring countries. Ukraine, of course, being the most striking example. Objuzli, težena veče vso začo je poslednje, da počatka in čečen počatka sovieti empire je zelo zelo. Počatka, ki se po svoj svoj rolišanje priče zelo s temporej pomega. Nih konstrije ne počatka na ustavnjenju. Zato w sem nalepoj začelim, da so razinčili, that Russia might again embark on a mission of aggressive empire building. At the same time we are afraid of being pushed away from the core of the European project za periferio, za glavne vzelo na malo bljega vljev. In krosi tudi poču povaz nice, da je še v našem zelofightu obužesno nekaj pravjev. Zelo ga umeljila, da vživitev način od Panem vsoenja in se govaj, začal imeli naša in inše in nešte inishtifte, otvarili ime za glasba izglasko odliženje. To ne zelo, da je antihruopija. Vse občasno projekte v Eropji, vsega izgleda, da je vsega izgleda, kako se vzivno vrši in vrši, je površenja, da se vzivimo. Znamenjo, da se vzivimo, da se vzivimo, da se vzivimo, da se vzivimo, da se vzivimo, da se vzivimo, da se vzivimo. Vseh, da je vso vso boro, da je prospak na vsega v Brexitu. Zvukam, da so tudi, da smo počutim vso vsega vsega vsiče, in in začnega na vsega v Avr. Unijskih vsega vsega. Zelo sem, da smo vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega vsega. The UK will continue to be a Poland strategic partner. We have scheduled Polish-British intergovernmental consultation for the November 28. It means next Monday. All our government will go to London to talk with the British government about the future of Europe. The United Kingdom is the second important of the Polish goods with a trade exchange amounting to almost 17 billion euros. Having said that, it's clear that we are obliged to defend the interests of our citizens and our economy during the European Union-UK talks, just as much as any other European Union member states. I would like to underline that the Polish government is of the view that the roots of dissatisfaction of the British people with the current state of affairs in the European Union are of more universal nature. Therefore, I believe it is appropriate to admit that the prospect of losing such an important EU member as the United Kingdom should encourage the rest of us to reflect in a profound manner on the current state of play in the European Union and even revisit some of the conventional wisdoms about the European integration. Indeed, the European Union requires reforms. In our opinion, the famous dichotomy, sometimes we say it, the dilemma, more or less Europe is not the most important one. We clearly need is a Europe which is functioning in a better way, so instead asking more or less Europe, the answer is better Europe. Sometimes integrating further, for instance, in the single market and sometimes leaving or returning power to the national level. We have to remember that the nation states are cornerstones of Europe and thus any political designs about the future of the European Union should put the needs in the center. Speaking about the current political and social trends in the European Union, one cannot omit the notions of populism and anti-Europeanism. Two warring phenomena with very diverse fruits. Nowadays we experience a wide array of external pressures, globalization with all its advantages and disadvantages, as well as digital revolution which both destroys existing business models and creates new ones all over Europe. Hence I believe that we should start by setting the bar of expectation towards the European Union at a more realistic level. From the worst point of view, the European integration is highly beneficial, as it enhances prosperity and provides a clear framework for the peaceful coexistence of European nations. But we cannot expect that you solve all our domestic, often structural problems. We should also be careful with the illusions of federal nature because the emergence of a European nation is a light years away from now. Or in all, as I have mentioned earlier, we should start by putting back the nation states at the heart of the European Union. If my speech would not be complete without discussing major issues with regard to the international security environment, which unfortunately becomes more and more unpredictable, the number of potential unknown factors, terrorists, cyberattacks threaten our security from many different directions. Traditional threats to security, which fade away after the end of the Cold War, have returned. Apart from threats, there are also other issues which will shape considerably our foreign security policy. I would say the most significant ones are potential consequences of natural Brexit, which I mentioned earlier for the European project, and foreign policy of the new United States administration. In the context of security, a separate reference must be made to Russia's actions. The events from 2008 in Georgia and 2014 in Ukraine clearly prove that Russia is capable of using military force against sovereign states in order to, in the immediate neighborhood, in order to change international architecture in Europe. These events have threatened international order and the fundamental OSCE principle, as well as raised concern in countries such as Poland. I would like to draw your attention to the fact that we... I mean, we Poland, we Poland, are the only European NATO country bordering Russia and Ukraine, which is aggressor and the victim of aggression. In addition, Moscow recent engagement in Syria had shed some new light on Russia's strategic aspirations. Cyber attacks on the US selection process adds to this picture. All these infamous actions clearly show that Russia is capable of striking well beyond its close neighborhoods. I'm afraid that even Ireland is not immune. The flights of the Russian strategic bombers capable of carrying nuclear weapons which took place next to the Irish airspace in September 2016 were just one of the examples. Does it really mean that Poland is somehow inherently hostile to Russia? The answer is no, contrary to that. I would like to assure you that stable and predictable Russia acting in accordance with international law is what Poland strongly wishes. Unfortunately, we do not think that Russia takes serious international acknowledge rules and obligations. I am sure that you will agree with me that Russia's aggression in Georgia, annexation of Crimea and its direct military support for militants in eastern Ukraine are quite meaningful sides of the country's unpredictability. We should not get confused who is a victim here and who is a perpetrator. Poland and Europe large would feel much safer if Russia withdrew from the occupied territories of Ukraine and Georgia. I would not only strengthen Russia credibility but would also force the stability of the European security architecture. We would like to believe that Moscow when it declares that Russia possesses neither a threat to NATO nor to the European Union. But first we need to receive some evidence that Russia's words are consistent with their deeds. Given the wide array of security-related challenges both from the south and the east, at the NATO summit in Warsaw we took a number of pragmatic decisions. The decisions to enhance NATO's presence in Poland and the Baltic states were strongly advocated by the Polish side. I am very glad that NATO deployment of troops in central Europe is the first serious step to make security of all air allies more equal. Ireland is a member of the European Union but not a member of NATO. This is what makes us different. Ireland decides to stay outside of the alliance whereas Poland believes we are better off in. As sovereign states we are all able to make our own choices. Ireland, like Sweden and Finland is not forced to join NATO. Although from the strategic point of view we could argue it would be desirable for NATO to have you on board someday. As I briefly mentioned in the beginning I would also like to discuss today some key issues with regard to the cooperation between Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia within the framework of the Vyšehrad Group which celebrates this year its 25th anniversary. I believe I am entitled to do that since Poland will hold for the next seven additional months the rotating presidency of the Vyšehrad 4. So first of all Vyšehrad 4 is an important platform for dialogue. We consult each other on many issues but we do not have to be unanimous every time. We can exclude that without the establishment of the Vyšehrad Group we would remain some sort of a buffer zone in our region. Much of the Vyšehrad 4's cooperation revolves around the European Union related topics. The primary goal of the group is to enhance the cooperation between our four countries, improve the region's cohesion, especially in infrastructure as well as in economic and social cultural terms. And finally to better represent and thus defend the interest of the Vyšehrad 4 region on the international stage. Given the prospect of Brexit we have to be recently discussing the future course of the European Union and our expectation towards it. A constructive vision work out by the Vyšehrad 4 countries should inter alia take into account proposals on how to strengthen the European solidarity, legitimacy, cohesion and the subsidiary principle. Solution on how to strengthen the European Union's competitiveness and to prevent internal divisions will also be of a key importance. These themes are currently being analysed and discussed by the Vyšehrad 4 leaders together with our partners. Let me tell you, for example, on the eve of the September European Union 27 summit in Bratislava, so the first summit you found the presence of the United Kingdom. Vyšehrad 4 prime ministers met with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel to discuss the future of Europe. The V4 countries are fully committed to strengthening the position of Central and Eastern Europe on our continent. We deeply believe that only such a strategy can help us break away from the stigma of being the European Union periphery. It's clear that Vyšehrad 4 faces a number of big challenges. We have to force the economic integration primarily by accelerating the development of our infrastructure on the north-south axis. But when we are talking about north-south axis we must not think exclusively about energy or transportation infrastructure but also about the axis linking Nordic, Baltic, Vyšehrad, both Eastern and Western Balkan, Carpathian and Black Sea countries. Defense policy is an important pillar of the V4 cooperation too. The implementation of decisions taken at the NATO summit in Warsaw is of paramount importance in this respect. The group, the Vyšehrad 4, can make a lasting contribution to NATO's activities in order to demonstrate that the Atlantic Alliance is resilient against all types of threats. The European Union V4 battle group is a good example of V4 cooperation in defense matters. We also support the integration process of the Western Balkans as well as the rapprochement of the Eastern European countries with the European Union. However, we cannot tackle these topics in a mechanical way. These are not goals in themselves. They should serve the improvement of the geopolitical position of the region. Let me turn now to an issue which currently plays a major role in Poland's foreign policy agenda. This is a bid for the UN Security Council non-permanent seat for the term 2018-2019. If elected, we see our membership in the Security Council as an important instrument to enhance our contribution to international peace and maybe internal international peace and security. We have developed our campaign around three words, solidarity, responsibility and commitment. Solidarity is not only a name of the movement which triggered historic transformation in Poland and in Europe. It is also a vital symbol of international cooperation without which the success of transformation could not be possible. We are ready to increase our contribution to international cooperation, acting the spirit of solidarity and responsibility as well as drawing from our own experience in carrying out successful political-economic reforms. The rule of law, respect for the principles of international law as well as for the sovereignty and territorial integrity are prerequisites of equal and fair participation of states international cooperation. All of us should take actions to ensure that purposes and principles of the United Nations are fully implemented and that the organization is capable of responding effectively to challenges of the modern world. In this context, I would like to thank the Irish government for their support. We promise to be if elected a creative and active member of the United Nations Security Council. Let me conclude with a lighter, softer note by referring to an exceptional initiative that was launched here in Ireland by both Irish and Polish communities as well as individuals. Polish Air Festival, a unique integration project celebrating our friendship and close relations was launched in 2015 and has resulted in hundreds of events since then. These projects are focused on family, culture, sports, but also on science and business. It is second edition this year took place under the slogan the crack will be Dobre. Finally, I do believe that if we work hard together a similar spirit of cooperation will also help strengthen the bonds between all European Union members for the benefit of all of us. Now is the most difficult part of my speech. Gura maha gut gole. Thank you very much.