 Book II. CHAPTER VII. The Emperor at Rome. The Florentines refused to purchase Luca and repent of it. Enterprise of the Florentines. Conspiracy of the Barty and the Fresco Baldi. The conspiracy discovered and checked. Mepheo de Morati appeases the tumult. Luca is purchased by the Florentines and taken by the Pesans. The Duke of Athens at Florence. The nobility determined to make him Prince of the City. The Emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an Antipope, who did many things in opposition to the Church, and attempted many others, but without effect, so that at last he retired with disgrace and went to Pisa, where, either because they were not paid or from disaffection, about eight hundred German horse mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montacciaro, on the Ceruglio, and when the Emperor had left Pisa to go to Lombardy, they took possession of Luca and drove out Francesco Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn their conquest to account, they offered it to the Florentines for eighty thousand Florence, which, by the advice of Simon de La Tosa, was refused. This resolution, if they had remained in it, would have been of the greatest utility to the Florentines, but as they shortly afterward changed their minds, it became pernicious, for although at the time they might have attained peaceful possession of her for a small sum, and would not, they afterwards wished to have her and could not, even for a much larger amount, which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place in Florence. Luca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased by Gerodino Spinoly, a Genoese, for thirty thousand Florence, and as men are often less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that which they cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gerodino became known, and for how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence were seized with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those by whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them. And in order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, they sent troops to plunder and overrun the country of the Lucese. About this time the Emperor left Italy. The Antipope, by means of the peasants, became a prisoner in France, and the Florentines, from the death of Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace until 1340, and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while many wars were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John, King of Bohemia, and in Tuscany on account of Luca. During this period Florence was ornamented with many new buildings, and by the advice of Giotto, the most distinguished painter of his time, they built the tower of Santa Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333, risen twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the bridges and many buildings, all of which were restored with great care and expense. In the year 1340 new sources of disagreement arose. The Great had two ways of increasing or preserving their power, the one, so to restrain the embossation of magistrates, that the lot always fell upon themselves or their friends, the other, that having the election of the Rectors they were always favourable to their party. The second mode they considered of so great importance, that the ordinary Rectors not being sufficient for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and at this time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the title of Captain of the Guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobio, and endowed him with unlimited authority over the citizens. This man, under the sanction of those who governed, committed constant outrages, and among those whom he injured were Piero de Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of the nobility and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger, supported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure them with impunity, and consequently entered into a conspiracy against him and those by whom he was supported. They were joined by many noble families, and in some of the people who were offended with the tyranny of those in power. Their plan was that each should bring into his house a number of armed men, and on the morning after the Day of All Saints, when almost all would be in the temples praying for their dead, they should take arms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of affairs, and then with a new scenery and new ordinances reform the government. But as the more dangerous a business is considered, the less willingly it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowed between the determining upon a perilous enterprise and its execution, that the conspiracy, by one means or another, becomes known. Andrea de Bardi was one of the conspirators, and upon reconsideration of the matter, the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the priors, and they informed the government. And as the danger was near, All Saints Day being just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace, and thinking their peril increased by delay, they insisted that the scenery should order the alarm to be run, and called the people together in arms. Aldo Valori was, at this time, gonfalnie, and Francesco Salviati, one of the scenery, who, being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling to summon the people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is by no means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion, for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was never beneficial, that it is an easy manner to excite them to violence, but a more difficult thing to restrain them, and that therefore it would be a more prudent course if they were to inquire into the truth of the affair, and punish the delinquents by the civil authority, than to attempt, upon a single information, to correct it by such a tumultuous means, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would listen to these remarks. The scenery were assailed with insolent behaviour and in decent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon which the people presently assembled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and the Fresco Baldi, finding themselves discovered that they might conquer with glory or die without shame, armed themselves in the hope that they would be able to defend that part of the city beyond the river, where their houses were situated, and they fortified the bridge in expectation of assistance, which they expected from the nobles and their friends in the country. Their design was frustrated by the people who, in common with themselves, occupied this part of the city, for these took arms in favour of the scenery, so that seeing themselves thus circumstance, they abandoned the bridges and betook themselves to the street in which the Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than in any other, and this they defended with great bravery. Jacopo Dagobio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed against himself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished, kept himself surrounded with forces near the palace of the scenery, but the other rectors, who were much less blamable, discovered greater courage, and especially the Podesta or provost, whose name was Mafio de Moradi. He presented himself among the combatants without any fear, and passing the bridge of the Rubicante, amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign that he wished to speak to them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, his noble demeanor, and the excellent qualities he was known to possess, caused an immediate cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen to him patiently. He varied gravely, but without the use of any bitter or aggravating expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they would incur if they still contended against the popular feeling, gave them reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifully considered, and promised that he himself would use his endeavors in their behalf. He then returned to the scenery, and implored them to spare the blood of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging them unheard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi and the Fresco Baldi, with their friends, should leave the city, and without impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. On their departure the people being again disarmed, the scenery proceeded against those only of the Bardi and Fresco Baldi families who had taken arms. To lessen their power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that of Vernia, and enacted a law which provided that no citizen should be allowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles of Florence. After a few months, Stiatta Fresco Baldi was beheaded, and many of his family banished. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subdued the Bardi and the Fresco Baldi, as is most commonly the case, the more authority they possessed the worse use they made of it, and the more insolent they became. As they had hithered to one captain of the guard who afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the country, with unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected might abide neither within nor without. And they excited them to such excesses against the whole of the nobility that these were driven to desperation and ready to sell both themselves and the city to obtain revenge. The occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it. The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Luca under the role of Messino de la Scala, Lord of Verona, who though bound by contract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so, for being Lord of Parma he thought he should be able to retain her, and did not trouble himself about his breach of faith. From this the Florentines joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Messino to the brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive any benefit from this beyond the slight satisfaction of having conquered him, for the Venetians, who like all who enter into league with less powerful states than themselves, having acquired Trevegi and Vincenza, made peace with Messino without the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, the Visconti, Lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Messino, he found himself unable to retain Luca, and therefore determined to sell it. The competitors for the purchase were the Florentines and the Pesans, and in the course of the treaty the Pesans, finding that the Florentines, being richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms, and with the assistance of the Visconti marched against Luca. The Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but having agreed upon the terms with Messino, paid part of the money, gave security for the remainder, and sent Nato Rucchelli, Giovanna di Bordini di Medici, and Rosso di Riccati di Ricci, to take possession, who entered Luca by force, and Messino's people delivered the city to them. Nevertheless the Pesans continued the siege, and the Florentines used their utmost endeavours to relieve her. But after a long war, loss of money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to retire, and the Pesans became Lords of Luca. The loss of this city, as in light cases commonly happens, exasperated the people of Florence against the members of the government. At every street corner and public place they were openly censured, and the entire misfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement. At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta di Romini to the command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal and less prudence, they requested assistance from Robert, king of Naples, and he sent them Walter, Duke of Athens, who as Providence would have it, to bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the moment when the undertaking against Luca had entirely failed. Upon this the twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire them with fresh hopes by appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at least abate, the causes of calumny against themselves. As there was much to be feared, and that the Duke of Athens might have greater authority to defend them, they first chose him for their co-adjuder, and then appointed him to the command of the army. The nobility, who were discontented from the causes above mentioned, having many of them been acquainted with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governed Florence for the Duke of Calabria, thought they had now an opportunity, though with the ruin of the city, subduing of their enemies, for there was no means of prevailing against those who had oppressed them, but of submitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with the worth of one party and the insolence of the other, would restrain the latter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the benefits they might derive from him when he had acquired the principality by their means. They therefore took several occasions of being with him secretly, and in treated he would take the command wholly upon himself, offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence and in treaty were added also those of some families of the people. These were the Peruzzi, Acchia Giulia, Antelasi, and Buonacorsi, who, being overwhelmed with debts and without means of their own, wished for those of others to liquidate them, and by the slavery of their country to deliver themselves from their servitude to their creditors. These demonstrations excited the ambitious mind of the Duke to greater desire of dominion, and in order to gain himself the reputation of strict equity and justice, and thus increase his favor with the plebians, he prosecuted those who had conducted the war against Luca, condemned many to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death Giovanni di Medici, Nato Rechile, and Guillermo Atoviti. End of Book 2, Chapter 7 Book 2, Chapter 8 of History of Florence. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy, Volume 1 by Niccolò Machiavelli, Translator Unknown. Book 2, Chapter 8 The Duke of Athens requires to be made Prince of Florence. The scenery address the Duke upon the subject. The plebians proclaim him Prince of Florence for life, tyrannical proceedings of the Duke, the city disgusted with him, conspiracies against the Duke, the Duke discovers the conspiracies and becomes terrified. The city rises against him, he is besieged in the palace, measures adopted by the citizens for reform of the government, the Duke is compelled to withdraw from the city, miserable deaths of Guillermo da Chezi and his son, departure of the Duke of Athens, his character. These executions greatly terrified the middle class of citizens, but gave satisfaction to the great and to the plebians, to the latter, because it is their nature to delight in evil, and to the former, by thus seeing themselves avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered from the people. When the Duke passed along the streets he was hailed with loud cheers, the boldness of his proceedings was praised, and both parties joined in open entreaties that he would search out the faults of the citizens and punish them. The office of the twenty began to fall into disuse, while the power of the Duke became great and the influence of fear excessive, so that everyone, in order to appear friendly to him, caused his arms to be painted over their houses, and the name alone was all he needed to be absolutely prince. Thinking himself upon such a footing that he might safely attempt anything, he gave the scenery to understand that he judged it necessary for the good of the city, that the sovereignty should be freely given to him, and that as the rest of the citizens were willing that it should be so, he desired they would also consent. This scenery, notwithstanding many had foreseen the ruin of their country, were much disturbed at this demand, and although they were aware of the dangerous position in which they stood, that they might not be wanting in their duty, they resolutely refused to comply. The Duke had, in order to assume a greater appearance of religion and humanity, chosen for his residence the convent of the minor cannons of St. Croce, and in order to carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed that all the people should, on the following morning, present themselves before him in the piazza of the convent. This command alarmed the scenery much more than his discourse to them had done, and they consulted with those citizens whom they thought most attached to their country and to liberty, but they could not devise any better plan, knowing the power of which the Duke was possessed, than to endeavor by entreaty to induce him either to forego his design or to make his government less intolerable. A party of them was therefore appointed to wait upon him, one of whom addressed him in the following manner. We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the demand which you have made, and then by the orders you have given for a meeting of the people. For it appears to us very clearly that it is your intention to effect by extraordinary means the design from which we have hitherto withheld our consent. It is not, however, our intention to oppose you with force, but only to show what a heavy charge you take upon yourself, and the dangerous course you adopt, to the end that you may remember our advice and that of those who, not by consideration of what is beneficial for you, but for the gratification of their own unreasonable wishes, have advised you differently. You are endeavoring to reduce to slavery a city that has always existed in freedom, for the authority which we have at times conceded to the kings of Naples was companionship and not servitude. Have you considered the mighty things which the name of liberty implies to such a city as this, and how delightful it is to those who hear it? It has a power which nothing can subdue, time cannot wear away, nor can any degree of merit in a prince countervail the loss of it. Consider, my lord, how great the force must be that can keep a city like this in subjection, nor foreign aid would enable you to do it, neither can you confide in dose at home. For they who are at present your friends and advise you to adopt the course you now pursue, as soon as with your assistants they have overcome their enemies, will at once turn their thoughts towards effecting your destruction and then take the government upon themselves. The plebians in whom you confide will change upon any accident, however trivial, so that in a very short time you may expect to see the whole city opposed to you, which will produce both their ruin and your own. Nor will you be able to find any remedy for this, for princes who have but few enemies may make their government very secure by the death or banishment of those who are opposed to them. But when the hatred is universal, no security whatever can be found, for you cannot tell from what direction the evil may commence, and he who has to apprehend every man his enemy cannot make himself assured of anyone. And if you should attempt to secure a friend or two, you would only increase the dangers of your situation, for the hatred of the rest would be increased by your success, and they would become more resolutely disposed to vengeance. That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for freedom is most certain, for it has been often observed that those have re-assumed their liberty who in their own persons had never tasted of its charms, and love it only from remembrance of what they have heard their fathers relate, and therefore when recovered have preserved it with indomitable resolution and at every hazard. And even when their fathers could not remember it, the public buildings, the halls of the magistracy, and the insignia of free institutions remind them of it. And these things cannot fail to be known and greatly desired by every class of citizens. What is it you imagine you can do that would be an equivalent for the sweets of liberty or make men lose their desire of their present conditions? No. If you were to join the whole of Tuscany to the Florentine rule, if you were to return to the city daily and triumph over her enemies, what could it avail? The glory would not be ours but yours. We should not acquire fellow citizens but partakers of our bondage who would serve to sink us still deeper in ignomy, and if your conduct were in every respect upright, your demeanor amiable, and your judgments equitable, all these would be insufficient to make you beloved. If you imagine otherwise you deceive yourself, for to one accustomed to the enjoyment of liberty, the slightest chains feel heavy, and every tie upon his free soul oppresses him. Besides, it is impossible to find a violent people associated with a good prince for of necessity they must soon become alike, or their difference produce the ruin of one of them. You may therefore be assured that you will either have to hold this city by force to effect which guards, castles, and external aid have often been found insufficient, or be content with the authority we have conferred. And this we would advise reminding you that no dominion can be durable to which the governed do not consent, and we have no wish to lead you blinded by ambition to such a point that, unable either to stand or advance, you must, to the great injury of both, or necessity, fall. This course did not in the slightest degree soften the obdurate mind of the Duke, who replied that it was not his intention to rob the city of her liberty, but to restore it to her, for those cities alone are in slavery that are disunited, while the united are free. As Florence, by her factions and ambition, had deprived herself of liberty, he should restore, not take it from her. And as he had been induced to take this charge upon himself, not from his own ambition, but at the entreaty of a great number of citizens, they would do well to be satisfied with that which produced contentment among the rest. With regard to the danger he might incur, he thought nothing of it, for it was not the part of a good man to avoid doing good from his apprehension of evil. And it was the part of a coward to shun a glorious undertaking, because some uncertainty attended the success of the attempt. And he knew he should so conduct himself, that they would soon see they had entertained great apprehensions, and been in little danger. The scenery then agreed, finding they could not do better, that on the following morning the people should be assembled in their accustomed place of meeting, and with their consent the scenery should confer upon the Duke the sovereignty of the city for one year, on the same conditions as it had been entrusted to the Duke of Calabria. It was upon the 8th of November, 1342, when the Duke, accompanied by Giovanni della Tosa, and all his confederates, with many other citizens, came to the piazza or court of the palace, and having with the scenery mounted upon the ringiera or rostrum, as the Florentimes call those steps which lead to the palace, the agreement which had been entered into between the scenery and himself was read. When they had come to the passage which gave the government to him for one year, the people shouted, For life! Upon this Francesco Rustichelli, one of the scenery, arose to speak and endeavored to abate the tumult, and procure a hearing. But the mob, with their hootings, prevented him from being heard by anyone, so that with the consent of the people the Duke was elected not for one year merely, but for life. He was then borne through the piazza by the crowd, shouting his name as they proceeded. It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of Palace Chal, in the absence of the scenery, remain locked within. This office was at the time held by Riniere di Giotto, who bribed by the friends of the Duke without waiting for any force, admitted him immediately. The scenery, terrified and dishonored, retired to their own houses. The palace was plundered by the followers of the Duke, the gonfalon of the people torn to pieces, and the arms of the Duke placed over the palace. All this happened to the indescribable sorrow of good men, though to the satisfaction of those who, either from ignorance or malignity, were consenting parties. The Duke having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in order to strip those of all authority who had been defenders of her liberty, forbade the scenery to assemble in the palace, and appointed a private dwelling for their use. He took their colors from the gonfalonier of the companies of the people, abolished the ordinances made for the restraint of the great, sat at liberty those who were imprisoned, recalled the bardi and the fresco-baldi from exile, and forbade everyone from carrying arms about his person. In order the better to defend himself against those within the city, he made friends of all he could around it, and therefore conferred great benefits upon the arretini and other subjects of the Florentines. He made peace with the Pisaans, although raised to power in order that he might carry on war against them. Seized paying interest to those merchants who, during the war against Luca had lent money to the Republic, increased the old taxes, levied new ones, and took from the scenery all authority. His rectors were Balione da Perugia and Guglielmo da Chezzi, who, with Cerretieri bisdomini, were the persons with whom he consulted on public affairs. He imposed burdensome taxes upon the citizens, his decisions between contending parties were unjust, and that precision and humanity which he had at first assumed became cruelty and pride, so that many of the greatest citizens and noblest people were, either by fines, death, or some new invention, grievously oppressed. And in completing the same bad system, both without the city and within, he appointed six rectors for the country, who beat and plundered the inhabitants. He suspected the great, although he had been benefited by them, and had restored many to their country, for he felt assured that the generous minds of the nobility would not allow them, from any motives, to submit contentedly to his authority. He also began to confer benefits and advantages upon the lowest orders, thinking that with their assistance and the arms of foreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. The month of May, during which feasts are held, being come, he caused many companies to be formed of the plebeians and very lowest of the people, and to these, dignified with splendid titles, he gave colors and money, and while one party went into Bacchanalian procession through the city, others were stationed in different parts of it to receive them as guests. As the report of the Duke's authority spread abroad, many of French origin came to him, for all of whom he found offices and emoluments, as if they had been the most trustworthy of men, so that in a short time Florence became not only subject to French dominion, but adopted their dress and manners, for men and women without regard to propriety or sense of shame imitated them. But that which discussed the people most completely was the violence which, without any distinction of quality or rank, he and his followers committed upon the women. The people were filled with indignation, seeing the majesty of the state overturned, its ordinances annihilated, its laws annulled, and every decent regulation sat at nought, for men unaccustomed to royal pomp could not endure to see this man surrounded with his armed satellites on foot and on horseback, and having now a closer view of their disgrace, they were compelled to honor him whom they, in the highest degree, hated. Through this hatred was added the terror occasioned by the continual imposition of new taxes and frequent shedding of blood, with which he impoverished and consumed the city. The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing strongly in the people's minds, nor was he without fear of the consequences, but still pretended to think himself beloved, and when Matteo di Morozzo, either to acquire his favor or to free himself from danger, gave information that the family of the Medici and some others had entered into a conspiracy against him, he not only did not inquire into the matter, but caused the informer to be put to a cruel death. This mode of proceeding restrained those who were disposed to acquaint him of his danger, and gave additional courage to such as sought his ruin. Bertone Cini, having ventured to speak against the taxes with which the people were loaded, had his tongue cut out, with such barbarous cruelty as to cause his death. This shocking act increased the people's rage and their hatred of the duke, for those who were accustomed to discourse and to act upon every occasion with the greatest boldness could not endure to live with their hands tied and forbidden to speak. This oppression increased to such a degree that not merely the Florentines, who though unable to preserve their city, cannot endure slavery, but the most servile people on earth would have been roused to attempt the recovery of freedom, and consequently many citizens of all ranks resolved either to deliver themselves from this odious tyranny or die in the attempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed, one of the great another of the people, and the third of the working classes, each of which besides the general causes which operated upon the whole were excited by some other particular grievance. The great found themselves deprived of all participation in the government, the people had lost the power they possessed, and the artificers saw themselves deficient in the usual remuneration of their labor. Agnolo Acialloli was at this time Archbishop of Florence, and by his discourses had formally greatly favored the duke, and procured him many followers among the higher class of the people. But when he found him lord of the city and became acquainted with his tyrannical mode of proceeding, it appeared to him that he had misled his countrymen, and to correct the evil he had done he saw no other course but to attempt the cure by the means which he had caused it. He therefore became the leader of the first and most powerful conspiracy, and was joined by the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali Aldoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Of the second, the principles were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Of the third, the first was Antonio Addimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Ruccelli, and Aldobrandini. But was the intention of these last to slay him in the house of the Albizzi, with her he was expected to go on St. John's day to see the horses run, but he not having gone their design did not succeed. They then resolved to attack him as he rode through the city, but they found this would be very difficult for he was always accompanied with a considerable armed force and never took the same route twice together, so that they had no certainty of where to find him. They had a design of slaying him in the council, although they knew that if he were that, they would be at the mercy of his followers. While these matters were being considered by the conspirators, Antonio Addimari, in expectation of getting assistance from them disclosed the affair to some Sienese, his friends, naming certain of the conspirators, and assuring them that the whole city was ready to rise at once. One of them communicated the matter to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with a design to injure the plot, but in the hope that he would join them. Francesco, either from personal fear or private hatred of someone, revealed the whole to the Duke, whereupon Pagolo del Mazzega and Simon da Monterrapolli were taken, who acquainted him with the number and quality of the conspirators. This terrified him, and he was advised to request their presence rather than to take them prisoners, for if they fled, he might without disgrace secure himself by banishment of the rest. He therefore sent for Antonio Addimari, who, confining in his companions, appeared immediately and was detained. Francesco Brunelleschi and Ugucione Buondalmonte advised the Duke to take as many of the conspirators' prisoners as he could, and put them to death. But he, thinking his strengths unequal to his foes, did not adopt this course but took another, which had, it succeeded, would have freed him from his enemies and increased his power. It was the custom of the Duke to call his citizens together upon some occasions and advised with them. He therefore, having first sent to collect forces from without, made a list of three hundred citizens and gave it to his messengers, with orders to assemble them under the pretense of public business, and having drawn them together, it was his intention either to put them to death or imprison them. The capture of Antonio Addimari and the sending for forces which could not be kept secret alarmed the citizens, and more particularly those who were in the plot, so that the boldest of them refused to attend, and as each had read the list, they sought each other and resolved to rise at once and die like men, with arms in their hands, rather than be led like calves to the slaughter. In a very short time the chief conspirators became known to each other and resolved that the next day, which was the 26th July 1343, they would raise a disturbance in the old marketplace, then arm themselves and call the people to freedom. The next morning, being come at nine o'clock according to agreement, they took arms and at the call of liberty assembled, each party in its own district under the insines and with the arms of the people, which had been secretly provided by the conspirators. All the heads of families, as well as the nobility as of the people, met together and swore to stand in each other's and effect the death of the duke, except some of the Buondalmonte and of the Cavalcanti, with those four families of the people which had taken so conspicuous a part in making him sovereign, and the butchers with others the lowest of the plebians who met armed in the piazza in his favor. The duke immediately fortified the place and ordered those of his people who were lodged in different parts of the city to mount upon horseback and join those in the court, but on their way thither many were attacked and slain. However, about three hundred horse assembled and the duke was in doubt whether he should come forth and meet the enemy or defend himself within. On the other hand, the Medici, Cavicciulli, Ruccelli, and other families who had been most injured by him, fearful that if he came forth, many of those who had taken arms against them would discover themselves his partisans in order to deprive him of the occasion of attacking them and increasing the number of his friends, took the lead and assailed the palace. Upon this, those families of the people who had declared for the duke, seeing themselves boldly attacked, changed their minds and all took part with the citizens, except Ucucione Buondalmonte, who retired into the palace, and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some of his followers to the new market, mounted upon a bench, and begged that those who were going in arms to the piazza would take the part of the duke. In order to terrify them, he exaggerated the number of his people and threatened all with death who should obstinately persevere in their undertaking against their sovereign, but not finding any one either to follow him or to chastise his insolence and seeing his labor fruitless he withdrew to his own house. In the meantime the contest in the piazza between the people and the forces of the duke was very great, but although the palace served them for defense, they were overcome, some yielding to the enemy and others quitting their horses fled within the walls. While this was going on, Corso and Amerigo Donati, with a part of the people, broke open the Stinche or prisons, burnt the papers of the provost and of the public chamber, pillaged the houses of the rectors, and slew all who had held offices under the duke whom they could find. The duke finding the piazza in possession of his enemies, the city opposed to him and without any hope of assistance, endeavored by an act of clemency to recover the favor of the people. Having caused those whom he had made prisoners to be brought before him with amiable and kindly expressions, he set them at liberty and made Antonio a dimari a knight, although quite against his will. He caused his own arms to be taken down and those of the people to be replaced over the palace, but these things coming out of season and forced by his necessities did him little good. He remained notwithstanding all he did, besieged in the palace and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost all, and would most likely after a few days die either of hunger or by the weapons of his enemies. The citizens assembled in the Church of Santa Reparata to form the new government and appointed fourteen citizens, half from the nobility and half from the people, who, with the archbishop, were invested with full authority to remodel the state of Florence. They also elected six others to take upon them the duties of provost, till he, who should be finally chosen, took office, the duties of which were usually performed by a subject of some neighboring state. Many had come to Florence in defense of the people, among whom were a party from Siena, with six ambassadors, men of high consideration in their own country. These endeavored to bring the people and the duke to terms, but the former refused to listen to any whatever, unless Guglielmo d'Achesi and his son, with Ciotieri Bizdomini, were first given up to them. The duke would not consent to this, but, being threatened by those who were shut up with him, he was forced to comply. The rage of men is certainly always found greater, and their revenge more furious upon the recovery of liberty, than when it has only been defended. Guglielmo and his son were placed among the thousands of their enemies, and the latter was not yet eighteen years old. Neither his beauty, his innocence, nor his youth could save him from the fury of the multitude, but both were instantly slain. Those who could not wound them while alive, wounded them after they were dead, and not satisfied with tearing them to pieces, they hewed their bodies with swords, tore them with their hands, and even with their teeth. And that every sense might be satiated with vengeance, having first heard their moans, seen their wounds, and touched their lacerated bodies, they wished even the stomach to be satisfied, that having glutted their external senses, the one within might also have its share. His rabid fury, however hurtful to the father and son, was favourable to Ceretieri, for the multitude, wearied with their cruelty toward the former, quite forgot him, so that he not being asked for remained in the palace, and during night, was conveyed safely away by his friends. The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood, an agreement was made that the Duke and his people, with whatever belonged to him, should quit the city in safety, that he should renounce all claim of whatever kind upon Florence, and that upon his arrival in the Cassentino he would ratify his renunciation. On the 6th of August, he set out, accompanied by many citizens, and having arrived at the Cassentino he ratified the agreement, although unwillingly, and he would not have kept his word if Count Simon had not threatened to take him back to Florence. This Duke, as his proceedings testified, was cruel and avaricious, difficult to speak with, and haughty in reply. He desired the service of men, not the cultivation of their better feelings, and strove rather to inspire them with fear than love, nor was his person less despicable than his manners. He was short, his complexion was black, and he had a long, thin beard. He was thus in every respect contemptible, and at the end of ten months his misconduct deprived him of the sovereignty which the evil council of others had given him. End of Book 2, Chapter 8. Book 2, Chapter 9 of History of Florence. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence, End of the Affairs of Italy, Volume 1, by Niccolò Machiavelli, translator unknown, Book 2, Chapter 9. Many cities and territories subject to the Florentine's rebel, prudent conduct adopted upon this occasion. The city is divided into quarters, the sputes between the nobility and the people, the bishop endeavors to reconcile them but does not succeed, the government reformed by the people, riot of Andrea Strozzi, serious disagreements between the nobility and the people, they come to arms and the nobility are subdued, the plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks. These events taking place in the city induced all the dependencies of the Florentine state to throw off their yoke so that Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle and San Gimignano rebelled. Thus Florence found herself deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions at the same moment and in recovering her liberty taught her subjects how they might become free. The duke being expelled and the territories lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop thought it would be better to act kindly towards their subjects in peace than to make them enemies by war and to show a desire that their subjects should be free as well as themselves. They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo to renounce all dominion over that city and to enter into a treaty with them. To the end, that as they could not retain them as subjects they might make use of them as friends. They also, in the best manner they were able, agreed with the other places that they should retain their freedom and that, being free, they might mutually assist each other in the preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was attended with a most favorable result for Arezzo, not many years afterward, returned to the Florentine rule and the other places in the course of a few months returned to their former obedience. Thus it frequently occurs that we sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifferent to them than by more obstinate pursuit. Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the consideration of those within the city. And after some altercation between the nobility and the people, it was arranged that the nobility should form one third of the scenery and fill one half of the other offices. The city was, as we have before shown, divided into sixths, and hence there would be six seniors, one for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinary cause, there had been 12 or 13 created. But when this had occurred, they were again soon reduced to six. It now seemed desirable to make an alteration in this respect, as well because the sixths were not properly divided, as that, wishing to give their proportion to the great, it became desirable to increase the number. They therefore divided the city into quarters, and for each created three seniors. They abolished the office of gonfalonier of justice, and also the gonfalonier of the companies of the people. And instead of the 12 buonoamini, or good men, created eight counselors, four from each party. The government having been established in this manner, the city might have been in repose if the great had been content to live in that moderation, which civil society requires. But they produced a contrary result for those out of office would not conduct themselves as citizens, and those who were in government wished to be lords, so that every day furnished some new instance of their insolence and pride. These things were very grievous to the people, and they began to regret that for one tired and put down they had sprung up a thousand. The arrogance of one party and the anger of the other rose to such a degree that the heads of the people complained to the bishop of the improper conduct of the accountability, and what unfit associates they had become for the people, and begged he would endeavour to induce them to be content with their share of administration in the other offices, and leave the magistracy of the scenery holy to themselves. The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want of firmness rendered him easily influenced, hence at the instance of his associates he at first favoured the Duke of Athens, and afterward by the advice of other citizens conspired against him. At the reformation of the government he had favoured the nobility, and now he appeared to incline toward the people, moved by the reasons which they had advanced. Thinking to find in others the same instability of purpose, he endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement. With this design he called together the fourteen who were yet in office, and in the best terms he could imagine, to give up the scenery to the people in order to secure the peace of the city, and assured them that if they refused, ruin would most probably be the result. The discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the highest pitch, and Redolfo de Bardi reproved him in unmeasured terms as a man of little faith, reminding him of his friendship for the Duke to prove the duplicity of his present conduct, and saying that in driving him away he had acted the part of a traitor. He concluded by telling him that the honours they had acquired at their own peril they would at their own peril defend. They then left the bishop, and in great wrath informed their associates in the government and all the families of the nobility of what had been done. The people also expressed their thoughts to each other, and as the nobility made preparations for the defense of the seniors, they determined not to wait till they had perfected their arrangements, and therefore being armed, hastened to the palace, shouting as they went along that the nobility must give up their share in the government. The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The seniors of the nobility found themselves abandoned for their friends seeing all the people in arms that not dared to rise in their defense, but each kept within his own house. The seniors of the people endeavored to abate the excitement of the multitude by affirming their associates to be good and moderate men, but not succeeding in their attempt to avoid a greater evil, sent them home to their houses whether they were with difficulty conducted. The nobility having left the palace, the office of the four councillors was taken from their party and conferred upon twelve of the people. To the eight seniors who remained, a gonfalonier of justice was added, and sixteen gonfaloniers of the companies of the people, and the council was so reformed that the government remained wholly in the hands of the popular party. At the times these events took place, there was a great scar city in the city and this content prevailed both among the highest and the lowest classes, in the latter for want of food and in the former from having lost their power in the state. This circumstance induced Andreas Trotsky to think of making himself sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at a lower price than others did, a great many people flocked to his house, emboldened by the sight of these he one morning mounted his horse and, followed by a considerable number, called the people to arms, and in a short time drew together about four thousand men with whom he proceeded to the scenery and demanded that the gates of the palace should be opened. But the seniors, by threats and the force which they retained in the palace, drove them from the court, and then by proclamation so terrified them that they gradually dropped off and returned to their homes, and Andreas finding himself alone with some difficulty escaped, falling into the hands of the magistrates. This event, although an act of great temerity and attended with a result that usually follows at such attempts, raised a hope in the minds of the nobility of overcoming the people, seeing that the lowest of the plebeians were at enmity with them. And to profit by this circumstance they resolved to arm themselves and with justifiable force recover those rights of which they had been unjustly deprived. Their minds acquired such an assurance of success that they openly provided themselves with arms, fortified their houses, and even sent to their friends in Lombardy for assistance. The people and the scenery made preparation for their defense and requested aid from Perugia and Siena so that the city was filled with the armed followers of either party. The nobility on this side of the Arno divided themselves into three parts. The one occupied the houses of the Caviculli near the Church of St. John, another the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati near the Great Church of St. Peter, and the third those of the Cavalcanti in the new market, those beyond the river fortified the bridges and the streets in which their houses stood. The Innerli defended the bridge of the Caraglia, the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the Church of the Holy Trinity, and the Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of the Rubaconte and the Old Bridge. The people were drawn together under the gonfalon of justice and the insides of the companies of the artisans. Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people thought it imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was commenced by the Medici and the Rondinelli who assailed the Caviculli where the houses of the latter opened upon the Piazza of St. John. Here both parties contended with great obstinacy and were mutually wounded from the towers by stones and other missiles and from below by arrows. They fought for three hours, but the forces of the people continuing to increase and the Caviculli finding themselves overcome by numbers and hopeless of other assistance submitted themselves to the people who saved their houses and property, and having disarmed them ordered them to disperse among their relatives and friends and remain unarmed. Being victorious in the first attack, they easily overpowered the Pazzi and the Donati whose numbers were less than those they had subdued, so that there only remained on this side of the Arno the Cavalcanti who were strong, both in respect of the post they had chosen, and in their followers. Nevertheless seeing all the gonfalon against them and that the others had been overcome by three gonfalon alone, they yielded without offering much resistance. Every parts of the city were now in the hands of the people and only one in possession of the nobility, but this was the strongest as well on account of those who held it, as from its situation, being defended by the Arno. Hence it was first necessary to force the bridges. The old bridge was first assailed and offered a brave resistance, for the towers were armed and the streets barricaded and the barricades defended by the most resolute men, so that the people were repulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this point fruitless, they endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no better success resulting. They left four gonfalon in charge of the two bridges, and with the others attacked the bridge of the Caraya. Here, although the Nerly defended themselves like brave men, they could not resist the fury of the people. For this bridge having no towers was weaker than the others, and was attacked by the Caponi and many families of the people who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailed on all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the people who then overcame the Rossi and the Fresco Baldi, for all those beyond the Arno took part with the conquerors. There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, who remained undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their friends, the union of the people against them, and the little chance of success which they seemed to have. They resolved to die fighting and rather see their houses burned and plundered than submit to the power of their enemies. They defended themselves with such obstinacy that many fruitless attempts were made to overcome them, both at the Old Bridge and the Rubaconte, but their foes were always repulsed with loss. There had in former times been a street which led between the houses of the Pitti, from the Roman road to the walls upon Mount St. George. By this way the people sent six Grand Fallon with orders to assail their houses from behind. This attack overcame the resolution of the Bardi and decided the day in favor of the people. For when those who defended the barricades in the street learned that their houses were being plundered, they left the principal fight and hastened to their defense. This caused the Old Bridge to be lost. The Bardi fled in all directions and were received into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozi. The people, especially the lower classes, greedy for spoil, sacked and destroyed their houses and pulled down and burned their towers and palaces with such outrageous fury that the most cruel enemy of the Florentine name would have been ashamed of taking part in such wanton destruction. The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lower class, it was ordered that the first should appoint two senors, the two latter three each, and that the Comphalonie should be chosen alternately from either party. Besides this, all the regulations for the restraint of the nobility were renewed, and in order to weaken them still more, many were reduced to the grade of the people. The ruin of the nobility was so complete and depressed them so much that they never afterward ventured to take arms for the recovery of their power, but soon became humbled and abject in the extreme. And thus Florence lost the generosity of her character and her distinction in arms. After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In the course of this period occurred the memorable plague described with so much eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost ninety-six thousand souls. In 1348 began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by the Archbishop, then Prince of Milan, and when this was concluded the sentience again arose in the city for although the nobility were destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions and new troubles. Book 3, Chapter 1 of The History of Florence This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Morgan Scorpion. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy, Volume 1 by Niccolò Machiavelli, Translator Unknown. Book 1, Chapter 3. Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics. A parallel between the discords of Rome and those of Florence. Enmities between the families of the Ricci and the Albitzi. Rugotioni di Ricci causes the laws against the Ghibellines to be renewed in order to injure the Albitzi. Piero deli Albitzi derives advantage from it. Origin of admonitions and the troubles which result from them. Rugotioni di Ricci moderates their injustice. Difficulties increase. A meeting of the citizens. They address the scenery. The scenery attempt to remedy the evils. Those serious though natural enemies which occur between the popular classes and the nobility, arising from the desire of the latter to command and the disinclination of the former to obey, are the causes of most of the troubles which take place in cities, and from this diversity of purpose or the other evils which disturb republics derive their origin. This kept Rome disunited, and this, if it be allowed to compare small things with great, held Florence in disunion. Though in each city it produced a different result, for animosities were only beginning with the people and the nobility of Rome contended, while ours were brought to a conclusion by the contentions of our citizens. A new law settled the disputes of Rome. Those of Florence were only terminated by the death and banishment of many of her best people. Those of Rome increased her military virtue, while that of Florence was quite extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels of Rome established different ranks of society. Those of Florence abolished the distinctions which had previously existed. The diversity of effects must have been occasioned by the different purposes which the two people had in view. While the people of Rome endeavored to associate with the nobility in the supreme honours, those of Florence strove to exclude the nobility from all participation in them. Just the desire of the Roman people was more reasonable, no particular offense was given to the nobility. They therefore consented to it without having recourse to arms. So that after some disputes concerning particular points, both parties agreed to the enactment of a law which, while it satisfied the people, preserved the nobility in the enjoyment of their dignity. On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence, being insolent and unjust, the nobility became desperate, prepared for their defence with their outmost energy, and thus bloodshed and the exile of citizens followed. The laws which were afterward made did not provide for the common good, but were framed wholly in favour of the conquerors. This too must be observed, that from the acquisition of power made by the people of Rome their minds were very much improved, for all the offices of state being attainable as well by the people as the nobility, the peculiar excellences of the latter exercised a most beneficial influence upon the former, and as the city increased in virtue, she attained a more exalted greatness. But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility were deprived of all participation in the government, and in order to regain a portion of it it became necessary for them not only to seem like the people, but to be like them in behaviour, mind and mode of living. Hence arose those changes in our moral bearings, and in the titles of families, which the nobility adopted, in order that they might seem to be of the people. Military virtue and generosity of feeling became extinguished in them. The people not possessing these qualities, they could not appreciate them, and Florence became by degrees more and more depressed and humiliated. The virtue of the Roman nobility degenerating into pride, the citizens soon found that the business of states could not be carried on without a prince. Florence had now come to such a point, that with a comprehensive mind at the head of affairs, she would easily have been made to take any form that he might have been disposed to give her, as may be partly observed by a perusal of the preceding book. Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the commencement of her liberty with the causes of her divisions, and shown how the factions of the nobility and the people seized with the tyranny of the Duke of Athens, and the ruin of the former, we have now to speak of the animosities between the citizens and the plebeians, and the various circumstances which they produced. The nobility being overcome, and the war with the Archbishop of Milan concluded, there did not appear any cause of dissension in Florence. But the evil fortune of the city, and the defective nature of her laws, gave rise to enmities between the family of the Albitzi and that of the Ricci, which divided her citizens as completely as those of the Bruno del Monte and the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cercchi had formerly done. The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and the emperors, who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their influence in Italy, sent among us multitudes of soldiers of many countries, as English, Dutch and Bretons. Those these, upon the conclusion of a war, were thrown out of pay, though still in the country, they, under the standard of some soldier of fortune, planted such people as were least prepared to defend themselves. In the year 1353, one of these companies came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Rial of Provence, and his approach terrified all the cities of Italy. The Florentines not only provided themselves forces, but many citizens, among whom were the Albitzi and the Ricci, armed themselves in their own defence. These families were at the time full of hatred against each other, and each thought to obtain the sovereignty of the Republic by overcoming his enemy. They had not yet proceeded to open violence, but only contended in the magistracies and councils. The city being all in arms, a quarrel arose in the old marketplace, and, as it frequently happens in similar cases, a great number of people were drawn together. The disturbance spreading, it was told that the Ricci and the Albitzi had assailed their partisans, and to the Albitzi that the Ricci were in quest of them. Upon this, the whole city arose, and it was all the magistrates could do to restrain these families, and prevent the actual occurrence of a disaster which, without being the fault of either of them, had been willfully though falsely reported as having already taken place. This apparently trifling circumstance served to inflame the minds of the parties, and make each the more resolved to increase the number of their followers. And as the citizens, since the ruin of the nobility were on such an equality that the magistrates were more respected now than they had previously been, they designed to proceed towards the suppression of this disorder, with civil authority alone. We have before related that, after the victory of Charles I, the government was formed of the Guelphic party, and that it thus acquired great authority over the Giberlinis. But time, a variety of circumstances, and new divisions had so contributed to sink this party feeling into oblivion, that many of Giberlini's dissent now filled the highest offices. Observing this, Ugucioni, the head of the family of the Ricci, contrived that the laws against the Giberlines should be again brought into operation. Many imagining the Albitzi to be of that faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago to Florence. Ugucioni, by this means, hoped to deprive the Albitzi of participation in the government. For all of Giberlini's blood, who were found to hold offices, would be condemned in the penalties which this law provided. The design of Ugucioni was discovered to Pierro, son of Filippo Dele Albitzi, and he resolved to favour it, for he saw that to oppose it would at once declare him a Giberline, and thus the law which was renewed by the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead of robbing Pierro Dele Albitzi of his reputation, contributed to increase his influence, although it laid the foundation of many evils. Now it is possible for the Republic to enact a law more pernicious than one relating to matters which have long transpired. Pierro, having favoured this law, which had been contrived by his enemies for his stumbling block, it became the stepping stone to his greatness. For making himself the leader of this new order of things, his authority went on increasing, and he was in greater favour with the gulfs than any other man. As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who were Giberlini's, and as this renewed enactment against them was therefore of small value, it was provided that authority should be given to the Capitani to find out who were of this faction, and having discovered, to signify and admonish them that they were not to take upon themselves any office of government, to which admonitions, if they were disobedient, they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all those who in Florence are deprived of the power to halt offices are called Ammoniti, or admonished. The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished not only those to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at the suggestion of their own avarice or ambition, and from 1356, when this law was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above 200 citizens. The captains of the parts and the sect of the gulfs were thus become powerful, for everyone honoured them for fear of being admonished, and most particularly the leaders who were Piero, Dele Albitzi, Lappo da Castiglione and Carlo Strozzi. This insolent mode of preceding was offensive to many, but none felt so particularly injured with it as the Ricci, for they knew themselves to have occasioned it. They saw it involved the ruin of the Republic, and their enemies, the Albitzi, contrary to their intention, became great in consequence. On this account, Ugucione de Ricci, being one of the scenery, resolved to put an end to the evil which he and his friends had originated, and with a new law provided that, to the six captains of parts and additional three should be appointed, of whom two should be chosen from the companies of minor artificers, and that before any party could be declared Giverline, the declaration of the Capitani must be confirmed by twenty-four wealthy citizens appointed for the purpose. This provision tempered for a time the power of the Capitani, so that the admonitions were greatly diminished if not wholly laid aside. Still the parties of the Albitzi and the Ricci were continually on the alert to oppose each other's laws to liberations and enterprises, not from a conviction of their inexpediency, but from a hatred of their promoters. In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the Guelphs again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of Lebron del Monte a gentleman named Benci, who as an acknowledgement of his merit in a war against the peasants, though one of the nobility, had been admitted among the people, and thus became eligible to office among the scenery. But when about to take his seat with them, a law was made that no nobleman who had been of the popular class should be allowed to assume that office. This gave great offence to Benci, who in union with Piero deli Albitzi, determined to depress the less powerful of the popular party with admonitions, and obtain the government for themselves. By the interest which Benci possessed with the ancient nobility, and that of Piero, with most of the influential citizens, the Guelphic party resumed their ascendancy, and by new reforms among the parts, so remodeled the administration, as to be able to dispose of the offices of the captains and the twenty-four citizens at pleasure. They then returned to the admonitions with greater audacity than ever, and the house of the Albitzi became powerful as the head of this faction. On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exertions against their designs, so that anxiety universally prevailed, and ruin was apprehended alike from both parties. In consequence of this, a great number of citizens, out of love to their country, assembled in the church of San Piero Scaragio, and after a long consideration of the existing disorders, presented themselves before the seniors, whom one of the principal among them addressed in the following terms. Many of us, magnificent seniors, were afraid of meeting even for consideration of public business, without being publicly called together, lest we should be noted as presumptuous or condemned as ambitious. But seeing that so many citizens daily assemble in the lodges and halls of the palace, not for any public utility, but only for the gratification of their own ambition, we have thought that as those who assemble for the ruin of the Republic are fearless, so still less ought they to be apprehensive who meets together only for its advantage, nor ought we to be anxious respecting the opinion they may form of our assembling, since they are so utterly indifferent to the opinion of others. Our affection for our country, magnificent seniors, caused us to assemble first, and now brings us before you to speak of grievances already great and daily increasing in our Republic, and to offer our assistance for their removal, and we doubt not that, though a difficult undertaking, it will still be attended with success, if you will lay aside all private regards and authoritatively use the public force. The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, magnificent seniors, has infested and still ritiates your own, for when this province had shaken off the imperial yoke, her city's not being subject to any powerful influence that might restrain them, administered affairs, not as free men do, but as a fact just populace, and hence have arisen all the other evils and disorders that have appeared. In the first place, there cannot be found among the citizens either unity or friendship, except with those whose common guilt, either against their country or against private individuals, is a bond of union, and as the knowledge of religion and the fear of God seem to be alike extinct, oaths and promises have lost their validity, and are kept as long as it is found expedient. They are adopted only as a means of deception, and he is most applauded and respected whose cunning is most efficient and secure. On this account, bad men are received with the approbation due to virtue, and good ones are regarded only in the light of fools. And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible and corrupting is assembled. The younger idol, the old lascivious, and each sex and every age abounds with debasing habits, which the good laws by misapplication have lost the power to correct. Hence arises the avarice so observable among the citizens, and that greediness, not for true glory, but for unworthy honors, from which follow hatred, animosities, quarrels and factions, resulting in deaths, banishments, affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the most unprincipled. For the good confiding in their innocence seek neither safety nor advancement by illegal methods as the wicked do, and thus unhonored and undefended they sink into oblivion. From proceedings such as these arise at once the attachment for and influence of parties. Bad men follow them through ambition and avarice, and necessity compels the good to pursue the same course. And most lamentable it is to observe how the leaders and movers of parties sanctify their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue. They have the name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though their actions prove them her greatest enemies. The reward which they desire from victory is not the glory of having given liberty to the city, but the satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of making themselves rulers, and to attain their end there is nothing too unjust, too cruel, too avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances, peace, wars and treaties are adopted and pursued not for the public good, not for the common glory of the state, but for the convenience or advantage of a few individuals. And if other cities abound in these disorders ours is more than any infected with them, for her laws, statutes and civil ordinances are not, nor have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in the state of freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that has been uppermost at the time. Hence it follows that when one party is expelled or faction extinguished another immediately arises. For in a city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as one becomes dominant and unopposed it must of necessity soon divide against itself. For the private methods at first adapted for its defence will now no longer keep it united. The truth of this, both the ancient and modern dissensions of our city prove. Everyone thought that when the gibbalines were destroyed the ghouls would long continue happy and honoured. Yet after a short time they divided into the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the Bianchi were overcome the city was not long free from factions, for either in favour of the emigrants or in account of the animosity between the nobility and the people, we were still constantly at war. And as if resolved to give up to others what in mutual harmony we either would not or were unable to retain, we confided in the care of our precious liberty first to King Robert, then to his brother, next to his son, and at last to the Duke of Athens. Still we have never in any condition found repose, but seem like men who can neither agree to live in freedom nor be content with slavery. Nor did we hesitate, so greatly does the nature of our ordinances dispose us to division, while yet under our allegiance to the king, to substitute for his majesty one of the vilest of men born at Agobio. For the credit of the city, the name of the Duke of Athens ought to be consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition, however, might have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live. But no sooner was he expelled than we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred and greater fury than we had ever done on any former occasion, so that the ancient nobility revanquished, the city was left at the disposal of the people. It was generally supposed that no further occasion of quarrel or of party animosity could arise, since those whose pride and insupportable ambition had been regarded as the causes of them were depressed. However, experience proves how liable human judgment is to error, and what false impressions men imbibe, even in regard to the things that most intimately concern them. For we find the pride and ambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only transferred from them to the people who at this moment, according to the usual practice of ambitious men, are endeavouring to render themselves masters of the republic. And knowing that they have no chance of success for what is offered by discord, they have again divided the city. And the names of Guelph and Gibrilene, which were beginning to be forgotten, and it would have been well if they had never been heard among us, are repeated anew in our ears. It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairs there may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all republics there are what may be called fatal families, born for the ruin of their country. Of this kind of pest, our city has produced a more copious brood than any other, for not one but many have disturbed and harassed her. First the Bruandel Monte and the Uberti, then the Donati and the Serti, and now, oh ridiculous, oh disgraceful thought, the Ricci and the Albitzi have caused a division of her citizens. We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits, or our old and continuous descents to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes. To show that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in view, and to remind you that their results are not to make you diffident of your power to repress the disorders of the present time. The ancient families possessed so much influence, and were held in such high esteem, that civil force was insufficient to restrain them. But now, when the empire has lost its ascendancy, the pope is no longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is reduced to a state of the most complete equality, there can be no difficulty. Our republic might more especially than any other, although at first our former practices seem to present a reason to the contrary, not only keep itself united but be improved by good laws and civil regulations. If you, the scenery, would once resolve to undertake the matter, and to this we, induced by no other motive than the love of our country, would most strongly urge you. It is true the corruption of the country is great, and much discretion will be requisite to correct it, but do not impute the past disorders to the nature of the men, but to the times, which being changed, give reasonable ground to hope that, with better government, our city will be attended with better fortune, for the malignity of the people will be overcome by restraining the ambition and unknowingly ordinances of those who have encouraged faction, and adopting in their stead only such principles as are conformable to true civil liberty. And be assured, that these desirable ends will be more certainly attained by the benign influence of the laws, than by a delay which will compel the people to affect them by force and arms. The scenery, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they were previously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who now addressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide for the safety of the republic. It is usually found that most men are better adapted to pursue a good course already begun, than to discover one applicable to immediate circumstances. These citizens thought rather of extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the formation of new ones, and affected neither of these objects. The facilities for the establishment of new parties were not removed, and out of those which they guarded against, another more powerful arose, which brought the republic into still greater danger. They however deprived three of the family of the Albitzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all the offices of government, except those of the Guelphic party, for three years. And among the deprived were Piero del I Albitzi, and Ugucioni del Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble in the palace except during the sittings of the scenery. They provided that if any one were beaten, or possession of his property detained from him, he might bring his case before the council and denounce the offender, even if he were one of the nobility, and that if it were proved, the accused should be subject to the usual penalties. This provision abated the boldness of the Ricci, and increased that of the Albitzi, since, although it applied equally to both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most. For if Piero were excluded from the palace of the scenery, the chamber of the Guelphs, in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open to him, and if he and his followers had previously been ready to admonish, they became, after this injury, doubly so. To this predisposition for evil, new excitement were added. III. The War of the Florentines Against the Pope's Legate and the Causes of it. League Against the Pope. The Sensures of the Pope Disregarded in Florence. The city is divided into two factions, the one, the Capitani di Parti, the other, of the eight commissioners of the war. Measures adopted by the Guelphic party against their adversaries. The Guelphs endeavour to prevent Salvestro de Medici from being chosen gon paloniere, Salvestro de Medici gon paloniere, his law against the nobility, and in favour of the Amaniti. The Collegi disprove of the law. Salvestro addresses the council in its favour. The law is passed. Disturbances in Florence. The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors, residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates who, proud and avaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then at Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence, endeavoured to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld provisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hope of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them with a large army. Trusting that being famished and unarmed, he should find them an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had not his forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to abandon the enterprise for the sum of 130,000 Florens, which the Florentines paid them. People may go to war when they will, but cannot always withdraw when they like. This contest, commenced by the ambition of the legate, was sustained by the resentment of the Florentines, who entered into a league with Bonabo of Milan, and with the city's hostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for the administration of it, giving them authority to act without appeal, and to expend whatever sums they might judge expedient, without rendering an account of the outlay. This war against the Ponti, though Ugrcione was now dead, reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who in opposition to the albici, had always favoured Bonabo and opposed the church, and this the rather, because the eight commissioners of war were all enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero dell'albici, Lapo da Colstilioncio, Colo Strodzi, and others, to unite themselves more closely in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried on the war, and the others admonished during three years when the death of the Pontif put an end to the hostilities, which had been carried on which so much ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the people, that at the end of each year the eight were continued in office, and were called Santi, or Holy, although they had set ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their property, and compelled the priests to perform divine service. So much did citizens at that time prefer the God of their country to their ghostly consolations, and thus showed the church that if as her friends they had defended, they could as enemies depress her, for the whole of Romania, the marches and Perugia, were excited to rebellion. Yet, while this war was carried on against the Pope, they were unable to defend themselves against the captains of the parts and their faction, for the insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained such a pitch, that they could not restrain themselves from abusive behaviour, not merely against some of the most distinguished citizens, but even against the eight themselves, and the captains of the parts conducted themselves with such arrogance, that they were feared more than the scenery. Those who had business with them treated them with greater reverence, and their court was held in higher estimation, so that no ambassador came to Florence without commission to the captains. Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war, there still prevailed great confusion within, for the audacity of the Guelphs was insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them presented itself, it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to determine which party was the strongest. With the Guelphs for all the ancient nobility, and the greater part of the most popular leaders, of which number, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other side were all the lower orders. Leaders of them were the eight commissioners of war, Giorgio Scully and Tommaso Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti and Medici. The rest of the multitude, as most commonly happens, joined the discontented party. It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemies would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger in case a hostile scenery should resolve on their subjugation. Desirous therefore of being prepared against this calamity, the leaders of the party assembled to take into consideration the state of the city, and that of their own friends in particular, and found the Amonites so numerous and so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excited against them on this account. They could not devise any other remedy, then, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the offices of honour, they should banish their opponents from the city, take possession of the palace of the scenery, and bring over the whole state to their own party, in imitation of the Guelphs of former times who found no safety in the city till they had driven all their adversaries out of it. They were unanimous upon the main point, but did not agree upon the time of carrying it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the year 1378, when Lapo, thinking Delay inadvisable, expressed his opinion that procrastination was in the highest degree perilous to themselves. As in the next scenery, Solvestre de Medici would very probably be elected gonfalonier, and they all knew he was opposed to their party. Pierro de l'Albici, on the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would require forces which could not be assembled without exciting observation, and if they were discovered they would incur great risk. He thereupon judged it preferable to wait till the approaching feast of St. John, on which, being the most solemn festival of the city, vast multitudes would be assembled, among whom they might conceal whatever numbers they pleased. To obviate their fears of Solvestre, he was to be admonished, and if this did not appear likely to be effectual, they would admonish one of the colleague of his quarter. And upon redrawing, as the ballot boxes would be nearly empty, chance would very likely occasion that either he or some associate of his would be drawn, and he would thus be rendered incapable of sitting as gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion, proposed by Pierro, though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the Delay dangerous, and that as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who waits for the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an attempt or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They admonished the colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of Solvestre, for the design was discovered by the Eight who took care to render all attempts upon redrawing futile. Solvestre Alemano de Medici was therefore drawn gonfalonier, and, being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that the people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having resolved to put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle classes favourably disposed, and many of the highest people on his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, to Marcel Strozzi, and Giorgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They therefore secretly drew up a law which had for its object to revive the restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of the Capitani de Parti, and to recall the Amaniti to their dignity. In order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time, having to consult first the colleagues and then the councils, Solvestre being provost, which office for the time makes it possessor almost prince of the city, he caught together the colleagues and the council on the same morning, and the colleagues being apart he proposed the law prepared by himself and his friends, which, being a novelty, encountered in their smaller number so much opposition that he was unable to have it passed. Solvestre, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave the room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went immediately to the council, and taking a lofty position from which he could be both seen and heard said, that considering himself invested with the office of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in private cases, for which proper judges were appointed who have their regular sittings, as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the powerful, and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the republic was being ruined. He had carefully attended to both these duties and to his utmost ability provided for them, but found the perversity of some so much opposed to his just designs as to deprive him of all opportunity of doing good, and them not only of the means of assisting him with their council, but even hearing him. Therefore finding he no longer contributed either to the benefit of the republic or of the people generally, he could not perceive any reason for his longer holding the magistracy, of which he was either undeserving or others thought him so, and would therefore retire to his house, that the people might appoint another in his stead, who would either have greater virtue or better fortune than himself, and having said this, he left the room as if to return home. Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of novelty, raised a tumult, at which the scenery and the colleagues came together, and finding the gon Polonia leaving them, entreatingly and authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council-room, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were threatened in a probious language, and an artificer seized Carlos Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but was with difficulty prevented by those around. He who made the greatest disturbance, and incited the city to violence, was Benedetto Dele Alberti, who, from a window of the palace, loudly called the people to arms, and presently the courtyards were filled with armed men, and the colleagues granted to threats, what they had refused to entreaty. The Capitani de Parti had at the same time drawn together a great number of citizens to their hall to consult upon the means of defending themselves against the order of the signores, but when they heard the tumult that was raised, and were informed of the course the councils had adopted, each took refuge in his own house. Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he can afterward control them at his pleasure, or restrain them from proceeding to the commission of violence. Salvestro intended to enact his law, and compose the city, but it happened otherwise, for the feelings of all had become so excited that they shut out the shops. The citizens fortified themselves in their houses. Many conveyed their valuable property into the churches and monasteries, and every one seemed to apprehend something terrible at hand. The companies of the arts met, and each appointed, an additional officer or syndic, upon which the priors summoned their colleagues and these syndics, and consulted a whole day how the city might be appeased with satisfaction to the different parties. But much difference of opinion prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On the following day the arts brought forth their banners, which the scenery understanding, and being apprehensive of evil, called the council to gather to consider what course to adopt. But scarcely were they met when the upfall recommenced, and soon the ensigns of the arts, surrounded by vast numbers of armed men, occupied the courts. Upon this the council, to give the arts and the people hope of redress, and free themselves as much as possible from the charge of causing the mischief, gave a general power, which in Florence is called belia, to the seniors, the colleagues, the eight, the capitani de parti, and to the syndics of the arts, to reform the government of the city, of a common benefit of all. While this was being arranged, a few of the ensigns of the arts, and some of the mob, desirous of avenging themselves for the recent injuries they had received from the Guelphs, separated themselves from the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo di Castiglionto, who, when he learned the proceedings for of the scenery against the Guelphs, and saw the people in arms, having no other resource but concealment or flight, first took refuge in Santa Croce, and afterwards, being disguised as a monk, fled into the Cassantino, where he was often heard to blame himself for having consented to wait till St John's Day, before they had made themselves sure of the government. Piero deli Albitzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves upon the first outbreak of the tumult, trusting that when it was over, by the interest of their numerous friends and relations, they might remain safely in Florence. The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with difficulty but easily increases, many other houses, either through public hatred or private malice, shared the same fate, and the rioters that they might have companions more eager than themselves to assist them in their work of plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the monastery of the Agnoli and the Convent of San Spirito, where the many citizens had taken their most valuable goods for safety. Nor would the public chambers have escaped the destroyer's hands, except out of reverence for one of the seniors, who, on horseback and followed by many citizens in arms, opposed the rage of the mob. Chapter III. Contrary measures adopted by the magistrates to affect a pacification. Luigi Guicciadardini, the gonfalnie, entreats the magistrates of the arts to endeavour to pacify the people. Serious riot caused by the plebeians. The woollen art. The plebeians assemble. The speech of a seditious plebeian. Their resolution thereupon. The scenery discovered the designs of the plebeians. Measures adopted to counteract them. This popular fury being abated by the authority of the seniors and the approach of night. On the following day, the balia received the admonished, on condition that they should not, for three years, be capable of holding any majesty. They annulled the laws made by the Guelphs to the prejudice of the citizens, declared Lapo de Castiglionchio and his companions rebels, and with them many others, who were the objects of universal detestation. After these resolutions the new scenery were drawn for, and Luigi Guicciadardini appointed gonfalnie, which gave hope that the tumults would soon be appeased, for everyone thought them to be peaceable men and lovers of order. Still the shops were not opened, nor did the citizens lay down their arms, but continued to patrol the city in great numbers, so that the scenery did not assume the majesty with the usual pomp, but merely assembled within the palace, omitting all ceremony. The scenery, considering nothing more advisable in the beginning of their majesty than to restore peace, caused a relinquishment of arms, ordered the shops to be opened, and the strangers who had been called to their aid to return to their homes. They appointed guards in many parts of the city, so that if the admonished would only have remained quiet, order would soon have been re-established. But they were not satisfied to wait three years for the recovery of their honors, so that to gratify them the arts again met, and demanded of the scenery, that for the benefit and quiet of the city they would ordain that no citizens should at any time, whether senior, colleague, Capitano de Parti, or consul of any art, whatever, be admonished as a gibbeline, and further, that new ballots of the Guelphic party should be made, and the old ones burned. These demands were at once acceded to, not only by the seniors, but by all the councils, and thus it was hoped that the two molts newly excited would be settled. But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is their own, but wish to possess the property of others and to revenge themselves, those who were in hopes of benefiting by these disorders persuaded the artificers that they would never be safe, if several of their enemies were not expelled from the city or destroyed. This terrible doctrine coming to the knowledge of the scenery, they caused the magistrates of the arts and their syndics to be brought before them, and Luigi Guicciadardini, the gonfalier, addressed them in the following words. If these seniors and I with them had not been long acquainted with the fate of this city, that as soon as external wars have ceased the internal commerce, we should have been more surprised, and our displeasure would have been greater. But as evils to which we are accustomed are less annoying, we have endured past disturbances patiently, they having arisen for the most part without our fault, and we hoped that, like former troubles, they would soon have an end, after the many and great concessions we had made at your suggestion. But finding that you are yet unsettled, that you contemplate the commission of new crimes against your fellow citizens, and are desirous of making new exiles, our displeasure increases in proportion to your misconduct. And certainly could we have believed that during our majestacy the city was to be ruined, whether with or without your concurrence, we should certainly, either by flight or exile, have avoided these horrors. But trusting that we had to do with those who possessed some feelings of humanity and some love of their country, we willingly accepted the majestacy, thinking that, by our gentleness, we should overcome your ambition. But we perceive from experience that the more humble our behaviour, the more concessions we make, the prouder you become, and the more exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak thus, it is not in order to offend but to amend you. Let others tell you pleasing tales, our design is to communicate only what is for your good. Now we would ask you, and have you answer on your honour, what is there yet ungranted that you can with any appearance of propriety require? You wish to have authority taken from the Capitani di Parti, and it is done. You wished that the balloting should be burned, and a reformation of them take place, and we consent. You desired that the admonish should be restored to their honours, and it is permitted. At your entreaty we have pardoned those who have burned down houses and plundered churches. Many honourable citizens have been exiled to please you, and at your suggestion new restraints have been laid upon the great. When will there be an end of your demands, and how long will you continue to abuse our liberality? Do you not observe with how much more moderation we bear defeat than you your victory? To what end will your divisions bring our city? Have you forgotten that when disunited Castrucio, a low citizen of Lucca, subdued her? Or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain, did so too? But when the citizens were united in her defence, an archbishop of Milan and a pope were unable to subdue it, and after many years of war were compelled to retire with disgrace. Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery in a time of peace that city which so many powerful enemies have left free, even in war? What can you expect from your disunion but subjugation, or from the property of which you have already plundered, or may yet plunder us but poverty? For this property is the means by which we furnish occupation for the whole city, and if you take it from us, our means of finding that occupation is withdrawn. Besides, those who take it will have difficulty in preserving what is dishonestly acquired, and thus poverty and destitution are brought upon the city. Now I, and these seniors command, and if it were consistent with propriety, we would entreat you that you allow your minds to be calmed. Be content. Rest satisfied with the provisions that have been made for you, and if you should be found to need anything further, make your request with decency and order, not with tumult. For when your demands are reasonable they will always be complied with, and you will not give occasion to evil designing men to ruin your country and cast the blame upon yourselves. These words conveying nothing but the truth produced a suitable effect upon the minds of the citizens, who thanking the gonfane for having acted toward them the part of a king senior, and toward the city that of a good citizen offered their obedience in whatever might be committed to them. And the seniors, to prove the sincerity of their intentions, appointed two citizens for each of the superior majestacies, who with syndics of the arts were to consider what could be done to restore quiet and report their resolutions to the seniors. While these things were in progress, a disturbance arose, much more injurious to the republic than anything that had hitherto occurred. The greatest part of the fires and robberies which took place on the previous days were perpetrated by the very lowest of the people, and those who had been the most audacious were afraid that when the greater differences were composed they would be punished for the crimes they had committed, and that as usual they would be abandoned by those who had instigated them to the commission of crime. To this may be added the hatred of the lower orders toward the richer citizens and the principles of the arts, because they did not think themselves remunerated for their labor in a manner equal to their merits. From the time of Charles I, when the city was divided into arts, a head or governor was appointed to each, and it was provided that the individuals of each art should be judged in civil matters by their own superiors. These arts, as we have before observed, were at first twelve, in the course of time they were increased to twenty-one, and attained so much power that in a few years they grasped the entire government of the city, and as some were in greater esteem than others they were divided into major and minor, seven were called major, and fourteen, the minor arts. From this division, and from other causes which we have narrated above, arose the arrogance of the Capitani Diparti, for those citizens who had formerly been Guelphs, and had the constant disposal of the majestacy, favored the followers of the major, and persecuted the minor arts and their patrons, and hence arose the many commotions already mentioned. When the companies of the arts were first organized, many of those trades, followed by the lowest of the people in the plebeians, were not incorporated, but were ranged under those arts most nearly allied to them, and hence when they were not properly remunerated for their labor, or their masters oppressed them, they had no one of whom to seek redress, except the magistrate of the art to which theirs was subject, and of him they did not think justice always attainable. Of the arts, that which had always been, and now has, the greatest number of these subordinates is the woollen, which being both then and still the most powerful body, and first in authority, supports the greater part of the plebeians and lowest of the people. The lower classes then, the subordinates not only of the woollen, but also of the other arts, were discontented, from the causes just mentioned, and their apprehension of punishment for the burnings and robberies they had committed did not tend to compose them. Meetings took place in different parts during the night, to talk over the past and to communicate the danger in which they were, when one of the most daring and experienced, in order to animate the rest, spoke thus. If the question now were whether we should take up arms, rob and burn the houses of citizens and plunder churches, I am one of those who would think it worthy of further consideration, and should perhaps prefer poverty and safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as we have already armed, and many offenses have been committed, it appears to me that we have to consider how to lay them aside and secure ourselves from the consequences of what is already done. I certainly think that if nothing else could teach us, necessity might. You see the whole city full of complaint and indignation against us, the citizens are closely united, and the seniors are constantly with the magistrates. You may be sure they are contriving something against us, they are arranging some new plan to subdue us. We ought therefore to keep two things in view, and have two points to consider. The one is to escape with impunity for what has been done during the last few days, and the other to live in greater comfort and security for the time to come. We must, therefore, I think, in order to be pardoned for our faults, commit new ones, redoubling the mischief and multiplying the fires and robberies, and in doing this endeavor to have as many companions as we can, for when many are in fault few are punished, small crimes are chastened, but great and serious ones rewarded. When many suffer, few seek vengeance, for general evils are endured more patiently than private ones. To increase the number of misdeeds will, therefore, make forgiveness more easily attainable, and will open the way to secure what we require for our own liberty. And it appears evident that the gain is certain, for our opponents are disunited and rich, their disunion will give us the victory, and their riches, when they have become ours, will support us. Be not deceived about that antiquity of blood, by which they exalt themselves above us, for all men having had one common origin, they are all equally ancient, and nature has made us all after one fashion. Strip us naked, and we shall be found alike. Dress us in their clothing, and they in ours, we shall appear noble, they ignoble, for poverty and riches make all the difference. It grieves me much to think that some of you are sorry inwardly for what is done, and resolved to abstain from anything more of the kind. Certainly, if it be so, you are not the men I took you for, because neither shame nor conscience ought to have any influence with you. Conquerors, by what means so ever, are never considered odd but glorious. We have no business to think about conscience, for when, like us, men have to fear hunger and imprisonment or death, the fear of hell neither can nor ought to have any influence upon them. If you only notice human proceedings, you may observe that all who attain great power and riches make use of either fraud or force, and what they have acquired either by deceit or violence in order to conceal the disgraceful methods of attainment they endeavor to sanctify with the false title of honest gains. Those who either from imprudence or want of sagacity avoid doing so are always overwhelmed with servitude and poverty, for faithful servants are always servants, and honest men are always poor. Nor do any ever escape from servitude but the bold and faithless, or from poverty but the rapacious and fraudulent. God and nature have thrown all human fortunes into the midst of mankind, and they are thus attainable rather by rapine than by industry, by wicked actions rather than by good. Hence it is that men feed upon each other, and those who cannot defend themselves must be worried. Therefore we must use force when the opportunity offers, and fortune cannot present us one more favorable than the present when the citizens are still disunited, the scenery doubtful, and the magistrates terrified, for we may easily conquer them before they can come to any settled agreement. By this means we shall either obtain the entire government of the city or so large a share of it as to be forgiven past errors, and have sufficient authority to threaten the city with a renewal of them at some future time. I confess this course is bold and dangerous, but when necessity presses audacity becomes prudence, and in great affairs the brave never think of dangers. The enterprises that are begun with hazard always have a reward at last, and no one ever escaped from embarrassment without some peril. Besides it is easy to see from all their preparations of prisons, racks, and instruments of death that there is more danger in inaction than in endeavouring to secure ourselves, for in the first case the evils are certain in the latter doubtful. How often have I heard you complain of the avarice of you superiors and the injustice of your magistrates? Now, then, is the time not only to liberate yourself from them but to become so much superior that they will have more causes of grief and fear from you than you from them. The opportunity presented by circumstance passes away, and when gone it will be vain to think it can be recalled. You see the preparations of our enemies, let us anticipate them, and those who are first in arms will certainly be victors to the ruin of their enemies and their own exultation, and thus honours will accrue to many of us and security to all. These arguments greatly inflamed minds already disposed to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms as soon as they had acquired a sufficient number of associates and bound themselves by oath to mutual defence in case any of them were subdued by the civil power. While they were arranging to take possession of the republics, their design became known to the scenery, who, having taken a man named Simone, learned from him the particulars of the conspiracy, and that the outbreak was to take place on the following day. Finding the danger so pressing, they called together the colleagues and those citizens who, with the syndics of the arts, were endeavouring to affect the union of the city. It was then evening, and they advised the seniors to assemble the consuls of the trades, who proposed that whatever armed force was in Florence should be collected, and with the confolniers of the people and their companies, meet under arms in the piazza next morning. It happened that while Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolò de Sanfriano was regulating the palace clock, and becoming acquainted with what was going on, returned home and spread the report of it in his neighbourhood, so that presently the piazza of St. Spirito was occupied by above a thousand men. This soon became known to the other conspirators, and San Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their places of assembly, were presently full of them, all under arms.