 Let's move on to Miguel Alaraiso, who's a PhD student at Inésman at the Universidade de Nova, and has been focusing on Portuguese interaction with the Philippines. I think we perhaps tend to forget the Portuguese, we're always interested in the Spanish, which of course is important, but we have another Iberian power, so Miguel, over to you. Thank you very much. Thank you for having me. So the idea of this paper is to frame the place of Mindanao in Portuguese sources of the 16th century. And I hope to demonstrate how the emergence of the Philippines as a hollownam while favoring the differentiation of the archipelago, that's Thierbert's name, altered the place that Mindanao occupied on Portuguese narratives, as well as consequently contemporary method geographies on Southeast Asian islands. So to those who partook in the consolidation of Spanish presence in the Philippines, either directly or indirectly, it was clear that this name expressed the formation of a new reality. For instance, Antonio de Morga not only highlighted the novelty of Filipinas, but specifically emphasized the transformative process achieved with the toponymic baptism of the islands in sucesos de las islas Filipinas. Morga sustained that the introduction of the gospel and the governance of Spain brought about a transition in the political status of the archipelago by casting away the shrouds of gentilidad and the yoke of the devil. Therefore, the Philippines were regarded as those islands that obeyed the laws of the Spanish monarch and the vinyl wall as well. So the eponymy thus acquired an aggregating quality and an inclusive potential which framed an expanding polity. The first pages of the sucesos presents the reader with the dynamic of oppositions that is crucial to understanding the identity of the islands in his work. Filipina channels a presentness that can be perceived from the confrontation between past and present. Conquest is a structural aspect in the perception and modeling of the archipelago that manifests first and foremost in holonymy. The most basic level of the archipelago's identity, its name, is thus an expression of Spanish intervention. In Morga, the nomination envisioned as a consequence of discovery and conquest assumes an actual jurisdictional value in as much as it enacts real transformations over the denominated, dash-dominated territory. The introduction of divine law and the government of Spanish monarchy was what truly marked the past and present of the islands that upon him being coined to testify to that change. So the law chases away the devil and his tyranny and gives way to the order of government and religion. In this way, Filipinas replaces a previous designation that of archipelago de San Lazarus, assuming an existence and therefore an identity that is fundamentally different where Spanish intervention is seen as the cornerstone moment, thus imposing a precise criteria of cohesion on the largely impriced archipelago that Magellan's expedition called precisely Saint Lazarus. However, in 16th century political and cultural practices, the usage of Filipinas didn't mean abandoning previous denominations. The term coexisted with other designations employed to specify the islands that are today part of the Republic of the Philippines, such as Islas del Poniente and Luzones. On the contrary, the validation of Filipinas by the political intellectual circles of the Habsburgs meant the introduction of an additional classification in the hierarchy of Spanish meta geographies, a process that demanded first and foremost the availability of the islands destined to be grouped under a new classification. In other words, the emergence of Filipinas meant distinguishing the archipelago from the islands that weren't clearly associated with it or were insufficiently bound, that is to say available, by pre-existing classifications, as was the case of Mindanao. Furthermore, this involved the reconfiguration of the holonomy practiced amongst the Habsburgs but also a challenge to geographic taxonomies on the Portuguese side. So in 1543, the coastal surveys of the Philippines conducted by the recently arrived expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos went alongside the strategy of toponymic renaming of the islands comprising the Islas del Poniente based on their association to figures of royal and governmental authority within the Habsburg monarchy, thus creating a relation that was not abstract but was intentionally juridical. Sarangani was named Isla Antonia, evoking New Spain's vice-roy Antonio de Mendoza. Samar and Leyte were termed Filipina in honor of Prince Philip, future Philip II. Mindanao was re-baptized Cesaria Caroli by associating the magnitude of the island to the imperial greatness of Charles V. This logic would be challenged when the San Juanico Strait dividing the islands of Samar and Leyte was discovered that same year and seafarers began to term both islands Filipinas plural. The severance of the image of a larger Filipina created the plural roots of the Holonym that came to provide the archipelago with the inclusive identity that the crown of Castile thought. From the two islands initially referred to as Filipinas, this name started to designate the whole of the islands included in the Spanish sphere of influence as opposed to the Portuguese one. Such ongoing taxonomic alterations related to the Southeast Asian archipelago had an understandably limited echo amongst the Portuguese. Benefiting from autonomous and diversified interactions with the Philippines between the 1530s and the 1560s, the Portuguese developed their own narratives and descriptions of these islands in which Mindanao occupied a preeminent place. In fact, documentation suggests specialized interactions with different sectors of the archipelago, depending on which mercantile networks the Portuguese were involved in, talking about Luzo-Chinese connections crossing the western Filipinus seas, Luzo-Bronaian connection into the inner Visayuses, and, of course, navigations from Tarnate across the eastern Mindanao shores. So however, the diversity of interactions with the Philippines probably occurred in specialized seafaring communities who had limited interaction with unanother or an unwillingness to share hydrographic information, judging by the different rhythms of incorporation of information on islands such as Palawan and Luzon in Portuguese cartography, and by their absence from ethnogiographic sources in contrast with what happened with Mindanao. The more visible presence of Mindanao in Portuguese texts was favored by the official character of navigations maintained between Malacca and Tarnate via the north of Borneo Island from the mid-1520s on. Between 1523 and 1526, the captains of both fortresses promoted the recognition of new routes as a means to ensure better communications between themselves in case of returning Habsburg expedition. Vessels bound for Maluku had to approach the Zamboanga Peninsula and the Brazilian island named Teghima in Portuguese cartography, which had an immediate impact on cartographic representations of the region, such as an increase of toponymy in the Seleucies as well as the depiction of Zamboanga Peninsula, a geographical feature that was not included in Spanish cartography prior to Portuguese cartography of the 1530s. Some such initiatives would result in the preparation of the first sailing directions between Malacca and Tarnate via the northern Borneo coastline. Written sometime before 1550, the oldest are known to us in two texts. One was incorporated in a copy of the Duarte Barbosa around 1539 and the other inserted in the so-called Livro, the Bernard Fernandes of circa 1548. The former employed the toponym Magundanao or Magidnao, thus strained for the more common form in Portuguese documents that of Mindanao. The employment of the term Magundanao suggests close contact with the ethnolinguistic group of Magindanao and something that would imply frequent visits to the Moro Gulf. This is compatible with the nautical instructions of the sailing directions in Bernard Fernandes' book. Accordingly, pilots exiting the channel between the tip of Zamboanga Peninsula and the Brazilian should set the vessel on an east-by-east-northeast course to enter, quote, the Gulf until you see the lowlands where Mindanao harbor is, unquote. The progressive expansion of the strategic area of the fortress after Nutt also resulted in closer connections to Mindanao. It was in the 1530s, in the context of the commercial and formal relations between the captaincy of Ternate and the islands of Macaçar, that new expeditions reached Mindanao. In 1535, João da Canha Pinto journeyed to a location which Portuguese sources called Sirigal, probably Siargao, further surveying an unknown stretch of Mindanao's coast. In 1538, Francisco de Castro visited locations that appear under different forms depending on the chronicles, which likely are Sarangani, Siargao, Butuan, an unknown location that historians have been unable to pinpoint and coming in, if anyone has any ideas of what Pimilarano may be a most welcome to it. So this resulted, as with the previous expedition, in rituals of enmity as they were portrayed, involving the effusion of blood and something that was new, the alleged conversion of local chieftains to Christianity. Considering the diversity of locations visited by Castro and the favorable reception he typically received, it is likely that the Portuguese captain was inserted into a pre-existing system of alliances enforced amongst northeastern Mindanao local chieftains. These expeditions had precise effects on Portuguese cartography as well, as by around 1540 Portuguese cartographies had already abandoned the model of Mindanao inherited from the surveys of Magellan's expedition, replacing it by representations that signal the main geographic features of the island. Talking about Sibugei, Bay, Ilana Bay, Sarangani Bay, the Vowgolf, Butuan Bay, and likely Sindangam Bay. The diversity of maritime routes leading to the inner Filipino seas would not be present in sailing directions until much later. In the mid-16th century, the sailing directions copied in Bernardo Fernandez's book limits itself to pointing out the safe route between the Ponta de Mindanao or Mindanao's pit and Taghima Island. Later sailing directions would refer to the possibility of calling at a location called Caldeira or Caldeirão in English cauldron, a term that refers to a place on the sea or near the river shaped as a pit with enough depth so that the vessel might dock. This is likely the place in which the Spaniards would later decide to erect their fort La Caldeira, which appears in Spanish cartography as Cabite, and in Portuguese cartography as Cabrita, and in Spanish sexual sources as the place that the Portuguese call at when they come from Malacca and go to Maluku. The progressive improvement of Mindanao's coasts in the Portuguese cartography of the 1530s met an abrupt interruption when mapmakers in Lisbon incorporated a more recent model based on the surveys of Lopez de Villalobos's expedition. This change was contemporary to the assimilation of other coastlines and eponymy in Portuguese cartography that was also recorded at the time with the important exception of the Halaunem Filipinas. In fact, it should be noted that the captain of Ternata, Jorge de Castro, participated in an interesting jurisdictional dispute with Roelopos de Villalobos against his claim to be captain-general of the islands and provinces of the west, Islas and Provincias del Poniente. Castro presented himself as captain-general of the islands of Maluku, a Halaunem that he had elucidated a few months before by referring to its composing units. In the battle between meta-geographies, Jorge de Castro tried to bind the easternmost Southeast Asian archipelagos within the Halaunem Maluku significantly, the one that was used during the Saragossa negotiations of 1529 between the crowns of Portugal and Castile. According to the ensuing arrangement, the vessels of the Emperor Charles V were prohibited from engaging in navigation, communication and commerce to the west of a meridian located 297 and a half leagues east of Maluku. When responding to Villalobos's claim that he was under orders not to go to Maluku, Castro replied that his adversary couldn't be anywhere in this archipelago because all of it is named Maluku. Castro's Halaunem to which Mindanao was bound was precise because ultimately ending disputes between Portuguese and Spaniards should be considered against the terms of the Treaty of Saragossa. The placement of Mindanao inside an archipelago called Maluku was therefore instrumental and directed towards the formal defense of jurisdictional rights in a quarrel that, due to its diplomatic nature, could never be solved by the two captains. The delimitation operated by the tactical and political Halaunem of Jorge de Castro, however, didn't reflect the actual Portuguese perception of the islands and their populations nor its taxonomic order. In 1561, Gabriel Ribeiro, who was a factor of Ternata, proposed a division into five archipelagos, Maluku, Papua, Moro, Celebes and Ambuena. I would like to draw attention to the one named Celebes. This description of the Celebes archipelago that you can see here betrays the point of view of a Ternata resident. In fact, the description may be divided into three groups. On the one hand, the great Celebes island, or Sulawesi, whose natural and human features supply most of the narrative on the archipelago. Secondly, the islands of Masagua, Orlimasawa, Cebu, and Maktan, locations tied to the memory of Magellan's expedition, but at the same time dissociated from the historical memory of the fortress of Ternata in extant sources. In third place, Sulu and Mindanao territory is visited in the context of official communications between Malacca and Ternata, and of navigations originating in the latter. The Celebes archipelago incorporates, therefore, three different nautical experiences, which suggests a connection between Halanami and the individual islands based on criteria of geographical proximity, as well as common history. For instance, the expeditions of the 1530s occurred during times of diffusion of rumors and notices in Ternata about both Sulawesi and Mindanao. So if we consider that the Jesuits that visited Sulawesi in the 1560s, their understanding of Celebes didn't go beyond Kulaos and Ghia, it is possible that the toponym worked as a functioning analog to that of Filipinas by incorporating available islands in order to form a taxonomic classification that had Ternata as its center. This may explain the silence surrounding the Islamic sultanates of Sulu and Mindanao and the generic reference of the author to the territorial projection of Brunei, Ternat and Tidor, pointing to a very limited or specialized interaction of the Portuguese with the Sulawesi and Morogolf regions. That same logic of classifying archipelagos as strategic horizons of the Ternata fortress could explain why Mindanao appears in another pot of rebellious work as an individual island serving as the reference for the northern limits of the archipelago of Maluku. He says that beyond Mindanao, everything is Maluku. So Robilu's model enjoyed diffusion even after his death. We find it replicated in the works of Portuguese chronicler Diogo Ducuto, but also of Antonio de Herrera and Tordesillas on the Spanish side. In 1601, when his Historia was printed, Filipinas was already a halonym with an undeniable projection in the Iberian political context of Southeast Asia. The reference to an ample Salibis archipelago, probably by then had an out-of-place feel to it, just like the name of St. Lazarus in Morga's book would a few years after. However, the use of Robilu's taxonomy denotes that same logic of opposites, the transformative character of Filipinas. In this transition with the creation of a governmental axis to the north of the archipelago, Mindanao lost much of the specificity that it had in Portuguese cartography and in historical and ethnographic texts. The reconfiguration of meta geographies changed the character of Mindanao as the last frontier of Maluku archipelago when the link to the order in the center of Tarnat was severed. As it became integrated into the hegemonic and expensive halonym that was Filipinas, Mindanao transitioned to become yet another frontier, the southernmost limit of the new political configuration then under consolidation. Thank you very much. Thank you very much and again for keeping to time. So again, whilst we're changing PowerPoints, that great modern ritual, does anybody want to ask any questions on the Portuguese? The power of naming is quite striking, isn't it? Yes, quickly from Elsa? From the 16th and the 1970s, if you want, I can stand it. All right, yes. Good, because sort of ways is incredibly ethnographically complicated.