 Well, I'm going to start now on Tuko's allowing me to introduce our speaker today, Jeffrey Taylor, who's my student. So I'm going to introduce him for me, Lucky Me. And he's going to be presenting work on his dissertation through the first half or first part of it. He's going to be back in the field this year. So this is ongoing. And I'm assuming it's kind of a stall thing for us here. Anyway, but before that, I wanted to just say that we have one more packed lunch next week, even though it's our week, so something's changed. We have our final one next week, which will be Carol Redknaut, a long-term member of our community on her Egyptian work. And also, I wanted to say that you're probably aware that you spend time in art and have issues or problems or engagements with art. You'll notice that the Assistant Miko Weirich is now only working part-time here because of due to the pretty rascal cutbacks that the VCR's office is going through and passing down to all our youths. So if you have issues that you need to have done like stall or brawn, especially, but primarily stall, you know, financial things, you want to try and get to her in her office hours, 9.30 to 11.30, unless she posts it, otherwise that's sort of where we are right now. And I'm guessing that will stay through the summer. Maybe change at some point. But it's the way of the world, the new world here in Berkeley, which is a lot of fun. Anyway, look at that. So without further ado, we are hearing, I don't know, it's the same as that. So I'm going to read this. Urban Life and Foodways at Wari, Ayakuta, Peru, 600 to 1,000. That's the middle horizon for those of you who know the phases. Spatial macro botanical analysis. So thank you. Thank you. All right. Thank you, everybody, for coming. First off, this is a new project that sort of came into development last about a year ago that I was invited to come and take part in the excavations at Wari and be the paleoethnobotanist to run flotation and analyze the macro botanical remains. We recover from the site. Last time I spoke to you was sort of a stall fulfillment on previous field work in a completely different area. That project has been put on hold because this was the quickest and best way to get out with a dissertation that people will read. So here we are. Basically we have an NSF funded project run by William Isbell of Binghamton University, Barbara Wolfe of Montgomery College, and Ismael Perez Calderon, licensed archaeologist from Iacucho that works at the University in Iacucho called Unch by its initials. So basically today I will present a quick background to get you up to date so that when I do my exit talk I don't have to do a lot of work on the culture and the history of the archaeology. I can do more work on the data. I do have data. I've been working in the lab quite a lot since coming back from the field in about November. So I have preliminary analyses to share. So we're going to do a whirlwind tour of Wari research and a slideshow of what we found from our excavations. And then we're going to hunker down in some of the data that I've generated so far. So basically we're talking about a time period called the Middle Horizon. You can see that the dates are changing through my slides. 80, 650 to 1,000 is maybe what we're more likely to accept in the coming years. Our dates work with that quite well. This is a time period largely defined by two proposed polities in the highlands of Peru, Tiwanaco and Wari, which are intertwined in ways that I can't untangle here. But this is a picture of Tiwanaco. It's a big monumental architectural center, probably a pilgrimage center. Of religious and cultural significance for a very long time, even predating that beginning of the Middle Horizon date. And there's an example of some of their pottery. You'll probably be able to see some similarities in Wari pottery. Here is a general map of the idea of territoriality between Wari and Tiwanaco. It's much more complicated than this. It's much more patchy. And the nature of control or even intention to control is highly debated for Wari and Tiwanaco both. Basic history is we have very early on Max Uli in the turn of the century defined a Tiwanaco style and a coastal Tiwanaco style in the ceramics that people were finding. Julio Citeo went to the site of Wari. He did a little bit of test excavation. A lot of walking found that the coastal Tiwanaco style may originate from this highland center at Wari, that it's a very monumentally large site with a lot of dense remains on the surface of ceramics, lithics. Things suggesting it was an urban center. In the 50s, Bennett and Rowe came to conclusions that perhaps we should stop calling it coastal Tiwanaco and Wari as its own thing. In the 70s, research into Wari as a state or an empire sort of emerged. Lombreras is a very famous Andean archaeologist from Peru sort of set that groundwork going forward and tried to really cement it in settlement data, which then Isbell and Schreiberk came back with, finding that you had in the time period before the Middle Horizon, you had sort of dispersed settlements that still had a sort of hierarchy suggesting a centralized political power according to him, but then during the Middle Horizon you have population aggregation at this place, Wari, which was sort of the last say when the Shining Path terrorist group, insurgent group, emerged from Ayacucho itself and made it very dangerous for people to work and live there. Lots of people died, lots of people disappeared. So there's several decades where research stopped. And during that time in the research, people continued to write on Wari work in settlements outside of Ayacucho working with this Wari as a controlling empire hypothesis, which I think is now being broken down by most Wari scholars is not really the whole picture that maybe there was a time and place where Wari leaders were engaged in imperial action and trying to take control of resources in certain places, but it is not true for the majority of regions in the Andes and probably the majority of the Middle Horizon is not what they're doing. So now we're just sort of picking it up and research at Wari has been going full steam for a number of years and so we'll cover some of that. Here is a map of all of these sites that over the last 30, 40 years people have written dissertations and done analyses of and surveyed and everybody comes in sort of with the question, is it Wari, is it not? I've done a lot of reading on all of this and basically there's any site that people find pottery that looks like Wari pottery it becomes a very easy for people to get attention and say this is a Wari site. There is evidence of Ayakucho people building settlements away from Ayakucho and pottery styles from them sort of percolating into the landscape in certain places. So the red sites are, you can see Wari is right here there's a number of red sites sort of to the south and those are I think legitimately linked to something that somebody in Ayakucho decided to do and go out into the landscape and engage in trade and religious influence and sort of sharing of ideas with native people living in those regions. At the time the yellow sites are ones where you just have some Wari pots. In the Middle Horizon things look like basically the landscape is such that people were very socially and economically linked over a very large span of the Andes. So at sites for instance like Cerro Amaru in the north or Quelop or San Jose de Morro people talk about Wari intrusion because they find some Wari ceramics in elite burials and they also usually find the majority are local ceramic styles and that people are cashing ceramic styles from important influential places across the Andes that people are collecting things they like and some of the things they like are Wari and so people are kind of trying to unpack that and I'm certainly hoping that our research will better define what Wari is so that we can get past the sort of question of was Wari a state, was Wari an empire where are they controlling who and for what reason. If we don't understand sort of what's going on in Ayakucho at the core and understand the nature of Wari power in its center I think it's very hard to make those sorts of inferences about these peripheral regions and archeologists were forced out into the peripheral regions for historical reasons obviously but now we're able to sort of come back and reevaluate so I'm going to do like a whirlwind tour this is the central Peruvian highlands around Ayakucho you have Wari, you have another very large urban settlement at Kanchopata that's important for me because it's been excavated recently Nahuian Pukio is a sort of earlier center that blends into the Wari phase before it stops being of use Azangaro is a large administrative center which we'll talk about and I'll show but so during this earlier period, this early intermediate period you have a culture called Warpa that has this very distinctive black and white pottery with influence coming from foreign regions because even during the early intermediate period and back into the archaic people are trading ideas over a very large landscape in the Andes so that's a sense of what pre-Wari pottery looks like for you and you can see the sort of comparison on the right Moriduchayuk is a sector at Wari that was excavated in the 70s this is sort of typical of urban Wari architecture these sort of modular units adjoined to each other with a central patio in the center, the little square and then you have these gallery rooms around the outside which have various activities going on in them people sleeping, cooking, storing things, etc Nahuian Pukio is a bit earlier and you can see this sort of it's actually really hard to see but basically it's not all densely connected you have little patches of like a glutinated architecture that's not really formally organized like these rectilinear spaces that are repeated and modular one of the main things that Wari architecture brings that we see sort of move out of Ayakucho is the D-shaped structure you're seeing a picture of that and it's excavation there you can see it on the map of Kanchopata this other urban settlement in Ayakucho by Wari it's only probably 15 kilometers as the crow flies so it's really not too far from where I'm working and you can see these sort of D-shaped structures and semi-circular structures sort of repeated throughout the plan and in these spaces we have evidence of the use of human heads and items of power and ceremonies surrounding them going on here burning and ritually breaking things and depositing them under the floorboards it's not a space where domestic remains are found it seems to be a temple by most people's logic for what that means during the Middle Horizon at Azongoro this is a bit of a later structure it seems like or at least it was used all the way up through the Middle Horizon and on this is sort of a classic look at what archeologists sort of keyed into when they started talking about Wari as an empire is you have these large settlements placed on the landscape in various places in the Andes where you have a very strict regimented architectural order with sectors of repeating patterns of spaces and you see the patio groups with the gallery rooms although the patios or courtyards are much bigger in this place and then you can see there's actually sort of more informal architecture down here in the front area those were excavated and are sort of thought to be commoner housing of people that were building this space as far as what goes on in these administrative centers excavations have been very, very difficult to figure that out there's not a lot of convincing evidence as to what these are for this is an even larger one in Cusco called Pikiyakta it's an incredibly amazing place it impresses upon you some cosmological order or idea of what a settlement should be planned like all of these little spaces are very tiny structures like two, three meters by three meters and then you have all of these large patio groups out on the right hand side excavations here recovered ceramics and some evidence of living but most of these sectors were unoccupied for the entirety of this existence and we have radiocarbon dates that this people began doing things here at the very beginning of the Middle Horizon and they were still doing things here at the very end of the Middle Horizon so it may have been used for something by people in Cusco for 500 years but as to what it's difficult people have thrown out all sorts of theories about it being places to house conquered people's mummies as a sort of ransom people have talked about it as like a prison complex people have talked about it as a place for traders to come and stay temporarily on the road to various places this is what it looks like on the ground I'm not sure if that's too blurry but you can see it's just a dense checkerboard of structures that go as far as the eye can see with outer walls and streets that are massive and stretch and you can even get a sense of this was placed in a rectilinear fashion on a very topographical surface so they didn't level this out they're imposing some order on a hilly landscape and from above it comes out being perfectly straight so remains a mystery the Northern Highlands you have all of these sites that I have categorized as yellow because there's contact with this area but not any evidence of Aikucho people living there or impacting people in dramatic ways we're probably going to just go through this but basically you have these sorts of it looks like the administrative architecture of the other sites at this site called Viracocha Pampa again never really utilized never really occupied at least as far as we can tell the dates from here are very confusing so it's very hard for most archaeologists to make much sense of this but basically it's argued that there are structures from this region that maybe this like orthogonal rectilinear agglutinated architecture that Wari is plopping down in Piki Yachta and Azangaro is based off of some of the things that the local people of Maumachuka were doing in around 300 AD so there's a lot more work to be done there in the south central Andes we have a very good site to really get a sense of what Wari administration may have been like at Cerro Baul we're going to talk a little bit more about this because I have there's some botanical data to compare to but basically it looks like a ceremonial center it's placed at sort of this borderlands between Tiwanako temples and areas that Wari's trade networks are connected to so it seems to be placed there people are living there for some connection to Tiwanako settlements that are very nearby along the south coast this is where sort of this coastal Tiwanako idea from the 20s and on came out of basically we have one administrative center up in the highlands called Inka Moko and then we have these sites like Pacheco and Waka Del Loro that are so looted that nobody has any good evidence basically there's all sorts of Wari coastal fused pottery there that define this coastal Tiwanako idea we have again this sort of administrative plan and then even a smaller site Pateria which is basically interpreted to be a single household or a fairly large household but it's a domestic center that was planned in a way that doesn't match the local architecture it matches Iacucho the Iacucho architectural canon associated with Wari and you can see some of like this this coastal pottery that sort of characterizes the second half of the middle horizon for Wari and these are found at Pacheco but they're not provenienced and nobody's really been able to do excavations there because it's so heavily looted the black market and museums and private collections are all full of pots from these sites and so just as a quick yeah great I have a little bit of time just as a quick end to this sort of background into Wari imperialism just recently we've started to get genetic evidence that's been really really useful people studying populations in Iacucho and people studying populations outside of Iacucho and they're finding that places where it was proposed that Iacucho was conquering they're not finding evidence of people from Iacucho impacting the gene pool in these places as you would expect in a sort of warriors moving out and impacting colonized peoples sort of hypothesis so that is being sort of rewritten and instead we have more evidence of people from the coast moving periodically into the highlands in relation to these El Nino events that flood and drought impact coastal societies and they're able to sort of come up into the highlands and live at least for some time in a more convenient way and it's possible that this happened at the beginning of the middle horizon during a sort of sudden urbanization movement in Iacucho that may have been tied to coastal people joining the population in the highlands violence has been studied pretty extensively by Dr. Tiffany Tung and she's found that violence does look high and she interprets Wari as a sort of expansionist imperial force hurting people, killing people, maiming people that are in their way for what they want but also at Contropata in the Iacucho Valley which is considered to be like a Wari secondary center there's also very very high rates of violence in comparison to earlier time periods so it may not be that Wari is an external force conquering peripheral people it may be that Wari is a more heterogenous set of power structures of people sharing the same sorts of material culture and they're sort of factioning and fighting with one another and I think that even within Wari which we'll see in a minute in a very very large site I don't think that there's even a homogenous power structure within Wari hopefully we can get at that over the next several decades of people working at Wari of understanding these different ceremonial areas these different residential areas and where those people are coming from and what their sort of habitus is like what kind of integration into power structures do we see from them and then finally like bashing my head on tables because basically every time people find a burial where there's Wari related things they talk about Wari lords of settlements that are of conquered people so we have these sites Castillo de Warme and Cerro de Oro on the coast where they have these elite burials with Wari textiles and Wari pots but you know the group at Castillo de Warme did genetic analysis of 13 or 15 bodies of the elite burials and found that none of them were Aikucho all of them were local so and then they still continue to say like these are the lords of the conquered region and I don't really understand it at Cerro de Oro I just saw a really fantastic presentation where they analyzed the textiles of this sort of elite burial and found that all of them were done in they're all woven in the manner of local weaving techniques not Wari weaving techniques not Nazca weaving techniques and even the very exquisite loud ostentatious colorful Wari finisher on the mummy bundle of this elite looks Wari but it was done by local weavers in the way that they like to do their weavings so this is a very interesting sort of breakdown happening I think so this is what Wari looks like on the map this is from the 70s where Isbell, Nalblok and Shriver went out and dutifully mapped a very hard to map place first we're going to talk about there's the Peruvian there's a Peruvian government sponsored excavation group, Dr. Jose Ochitoma and Martha Cabrera have been working there for more than five years now excavating ceremonial structures and many sectors across the site they don't get a lot of coverage our project has had a hard time working with them there's a lot of political maneuvering in Ayacucho I don't think they like our presence which I can kind of understand I've worked with them in the past for just a very brief period of time you can see me there on a stall funded trip and you get a sense this is what some of the architecture in Wari looks like you've got these very large walls there are lintels sort of midway through those walls so there's multiple stories to these structures and you can see it's a giant cactus patch basically so what they're looking at they're in these ceremonial structures in these regions, Vegetayocmoco and Monkachayoc and they're excavating D-shaped structures they're excavating these storage facilities and all sorts of fantastic things that I'll just very briefly look at one of the amazing things is they have all of these sort of subterranean funeral galleries for elite people they're basically excavating royal tombs that's what the Ayacucho government wants that's what tourists want so that is basically what they're doing and so they keep finding below these subterranean galleries there's more subterranean galleries and as they go down they're finding this very non-Wari influenced pottery this basically very early period that these monumental architectural structures at Wari are not something from the late period after they have built up steam and have extracted resources from conquered peoples it's very early when Wari becomes an urban settlement they are building temples and they're making they're making warpa pottery with nasca and coastal iconography particularly which you can see again up here these spoons are very typical of this sort of early 600 AD stuff as it transitions you get this red comes in which is linked to connections with Tiwanaco pottery you can see even these which they found from their excavations are they're very very Tiwanaco I would be very interested to see where this ceramic paste of that comes from if it's actually a Tiwanaco potter if it's an imitation that would be really interesting but basically you've got sort of two traditions that are both Wari you have this white and orange slip with these colorful geometric designs that are basically abstract animals from earlier periods of the nasca ceramic tradition and then you have this later Tiwanacoid red pottery that depicts things in the style of some of Tiwanaco's religious iconography and they found crazy stuff gold they found literal gold idols spondylus shell from Ecuador which we'll talk about from our area these bronze tupus which are pins shaped like parrot heads etc etc so so that's not my those are not the areas that I excavated that was not our idea behind this was let's find also really cool gold stuff the question is people have long speculated about the population size of Wari but basically we have an area of several hundred hectares of very dense occupation that appears to be occupied in most places for 300-400 years the idea is the population is multiple tens of thousands I don't know how that was reached but I think it's probably reasonable at the very least we can consider this a very radical departure from previous settlements in the area so how did these people live not everybody was being buried in tombs with gold idols so what are the average residents out of that 50,000 doing with their lives is the city of Wari really a singular center and how did this dramatic shift to urban settlements impact people's social lives and their food ways particularly that's my question but these are sort of the questions behind our project as a whole so what we did is we went out to an area where there was no standing architecture but still pretty darn close to these monumental architectural sectors and I guess here's just a sense of what it's like and kind of what field systems look like you can see this from our site these sort of dry fields on the hillside that I've walked that have Wari-era pottery through it and then areas where it's irrigated where you have this ability to really sustain a lot of agricultural product a lot of tree resources in this area of Wanta this is what the site looks like this is a shot coming down from the hill into basically you can see it's very hard to make anything out on the ground and it's quite prickly this is what our area looked like we picked an area that was less prickly that was not showing any standing architecture that would be easier to sort of get a hold of quicker and that maybe wouldn't be the same kind of monumental architecture fortunately it wasn't the same kind of monumental architecture looking that off of some excavations in this area done in the 90s by Ismail Perez which was sort of more of a vernacular style but still pretty formal I wasn't personally expecting to find farmers or common sort of people here we're dealing with at least middle class and I don't know if I can assume that so we did some drone work we cleared the vegetation there's some stupid hat that's what the field work was early we did a basically we were pulled as a group by two extremes one was to sort of understand the layout of a neighborhood by following walls and doing wall trenching and try to get as many structures as possible and see how they fit together at the same time we wanted to get a detailed examination at some of these rooms and these complexes so that we can actually look at everyday life in one room that we can see these sort of niched walls that these guys are excavating there's from above all of that is extremely dense architecture this is what our area looked like after we sort of got through a lot of the season and we're looking at basically those same patio groups again probably about six of them according to our directors reckoning you can see up at three a corner of a new complex one is what we've excavated most of and that we can make the most sense of it looks like right to the left is another I don't know about five four definitely seems promising but that could be like a street or something I mean I don't know we need to do work on that my work is primarily in the rooms that we're excavating from one and I guess two if that turns out to be what that is I did a little sort of update of them based on a mixed curve that sort of spreads them out a little bit more but maybe is more accurate so basically if some of the features we're going to talk about the hearth which I'm analyzing a lot of material from dates are very early dates to 611 so this is sort of like pre-Middle Horizon right at the start we've got these early pottery caches deposited under like the low floors of some of these complexes that reflect that sort of Warpa Nazca stuff that date to about 653 to 756 and then late pottery that looks more Tiwanakoid from 694 to 968 that's a range between two dates maybe that earlier date is a bit off I'm not sure might be old wood that they sampled for that but this is what the map looks like I did sort of the geospatial data and ran the GIS for the team this is what we found we've got some copper stuff we've got a little sculpted Wari person on there that's our sort of fanciest item one of the interesting things is the incredible diversity of lithics these are stone tool makers living here and they know where all the stuff is and they're employing a lot of different techniques and using a lot of different resources that's the last you'll hear of that though the pottery we're finding this is that early pottery cache sort of octopus sort of nasca looking design we have some very bizarre bottles I guess that's what we're calling them sort of forms that we've never seen before being dedicated under these houses that share a very nasca oriented design in that same cache we have this sort of central coast neovaria style of a serpent so there's sort of this intentional deposition of items that are showing Wari or Warpa fusion with foreign people that's being put under these first sort of urban structures at the site which is really interesting as just a background and then we have a later pottery cache that has this sort of Tiwanako staff god figure and these faces with canines crossed sort of supernatural beings so what I did in the field I analyzed about 200 out of our 360 flotation samples heavy fraction in the field and have plotted that data just to get a quick sense because nobody else is analyzing anything quite yet I'm sort of the first one pushing for dissertations to be done so this is a sense of from these different excavation units where the burned bone is and potentially where more of the domestic refuse is deposited and you can see this sort of central area here this corner room here and this EA1 which was that niche room sort of light up very hot everything else is fairly cool there's a lot of bone everywhere but that's where the burning is happening so that's very interesting for me as we go forward and excavate more the lithic diversity basically the bigger the dot is the more flakes per liter came out of that and then the darker the purple it is the more diverse it is so we can see that this household here is doing some stone tool production and they're not just working Obsidian over and over again they're working Calcedonia and chert and various things that look like turquoise but aren't and I can't remember what they are they're working copper we have fragments of copper maybe from the oxidization process or also from the production working with that some of them are little fragments of things that look like the refuse of a finished product the debitage if you will of copper versus copper products so the light green is where the copper products are and then the little fragments are found in the dark green and so we can see that EA10 and 11 these two rooms we have more copper products but no evidence of working it EA1 has this some finished products but the higher density of the worked material and the same thing goes for Spondylis so finished beads come out here but no fragments from the making of beads in those areas so we've got a definite differentiation of use of space within these compounds so let's talk about botanicals that's all my background to sort of make sense of this stuff so there's three main questions that I can sort of take a stab at right now so one is what foods and fuels were they using two is what kinds of agricultural practices were they using to feed the population at Wari and to what degree are the people living in these compounds probably farmers themselves and then three what impact does urbanization have on how they're engaging with the landscape and what they're choosing to do with their food so as a background there's botanical analysis from Kanchopata one of the main things that comes out of that is that they're engaging with this plant called moye which we'll talk about that later which is used to make beer and basically they're eating quinoa they're eating maize, they're eating tubers and they're using this moye product to probably make beer so that's sort of the baseline of what I expected to find at Cerro Baúl that sort of Wari administrative center in the south and then at Tenahaha which is a sort of more rural farming settlement we can see during the middle horizon that's pretty common quinoa maize, parenkama which is a stand in for tuber moye present in both and at Cerro Baúl we have this whole fermentation complex of people making beer out of moye and maize brewery that a lot of research has gone into and so that's thought to be a major part of Wari food so we did flotation out behind the university um this is like class I'm just doing nothing and looking stupid and my hair is bad and I'm making somebody else do the work um and here's another person doing work for me um I'm doing as much work as I can but you know I for everybody let's let's engage a lot of people in this research so I have um I have five URAPs right now working with me, learning paleoethnobotany getting a sense of this project I think one is in the audience thank you so yeah thank you guys very much they're learning and going into the next year we're going to continue on and everybody's going to be faster and a lot of botanical data is going to be looked at this is um this is old data from at least a couple weeks ago but what we have is 40 analyzed samples of light fraction from which statistically we have 25,000 specimens which is a lot a lot for this region I'll explain why basically but Kanchopata analyzed some 150-200 samples and had about 35,000 specimens so our density of just remains in general is incredibly high what we do have most of it's wood which makes sense but you can see that the biggest slice not wood is bean fragment at 11% which is very odd and we'll talk about that and so as far as the fuel question goes dung is at about 2% wood is at about 69.7% so I think it's fair to say that maybe they're using dung sometimes but the trees are their thing and as you saw in the landscape at Wari it's fairly arid I mean you've got cactus there and I think if the cactus weren't there there'd probably be more trees but just even the landscape outside of that that's not currently on archeological sites or people's homes is not forested it's not a tree dense place as the highlands of the Andes tend not to be so I believe to to service several hundred years at a population of 10 to 50,000 is probably means that there's a lot of management going into fuel resources which I hope I can break down in the future this is a ubiquity chart and you can basically see just a lot of numbers I'll talk about it in a better, more digestible way this is what we're finding quinoa seeds makes a lot of sense this cooked sort of tuber fragments these are very common it's hard to identify at the moment maybe scanning electron microscopy we could do a little bit more and figure out what tubers they're using there's a lot of tubers in the Andes potato yucca, sweet potato yucca achira there's lots of options which would sort of complicate the picture and give us a little richer sense of what they're doing corn kernels are fairly common as we expected got one chili pepper seed so at least there's a little bit of flavor in the diet it's not just like starch hopefully that will find more of those and then we have these beans this looks like a lima bean fragment but it's uncertain it's a lot flatter and bigger and it's got this sort of squarish butt which really looks like that bean but the majority of them are the common bean, faziolis vulgaris and when we take wood out 43.1% of my weight of food products is bean which is very unusual so I've got a lot of hypotheses working on it and a lot of work will have to go into the beans the maize kernels are very high parenchyma, quinoa the densities of those are higher than the densities at Contropata but in addition to that we have all of these beans so out of let's see if I have the statistic I probably don't because I read it out of paper last time anyway so our beans oh yeah okay so at Contropata same environmental region same time period, same flotation machine slightly refurbished same sampling strategies same sort of excavation methods same PI even from all of their samples all 35,000 specimens they have 20 bean fragments per liter of soil so it's a substantial difference so that's interesting the moye was expected to be present it is present in some number but it is only 0.9% this little pink sliver much lower and then in terms of ubiquity across the site the ubiquity of various plants the total ubiquity okay so wood charcoal 100% beans 100% ubiquity every single sample has beans every single sample has fragments of tuber almost every single sample has quinoa and maize where is moye? 50% so it's not an everyday use sort of thing Wari is a very dense place with a lot of trash from accumulation of hundreds of years of urban residents not all of these samples the context is not necessarily very good but across the average of all of them they're eating beans a lot and they're not really engaging with moye particularly relative to other sites so that is of interest obviously then this speaks to some agricultural choices it speaks to the possibility of maize and bean intercropping as a way of keeping those fields going for this dense population I think that's a real possibility that hopefully in the future we could maybe do some excavation in Iacucho fields in my future career then I have a question about what kinds of weeds are popping up in these samples and basically the number of specimens of weed is lower than most lower than a rural site and the colored red ones are probably food anyway they're just small seeds kiwicha and kaniwa which are related to the quinoa group and then moye which I'm not certain is necessarily about it being food it may be about it being a fuel but essentially the counts of seeds are all tied to just one hearth basically that we will talk about the next question about agriculture is whether they're processing crops in the structures so basically I'm recovering both kernels the edible portion and then cupules and cob fragments cupules are basically the little things that attach to the kernels within the cob and when the cob burns they sort of separate and we recover those and so one method of sort of getting a sense of whether people are getting finished corn kernels in their kitchen or getting the cobs and working them in the house is this ratio between the kernels and the cupules and so a rural site like Tenahaha the cupules that are about five to one on the kernels Contiopata they had about a one to one which was interpreted as well these people maybe they're farming but some of them are probably disconnected and processed outside of the house we have a five kernel to one cupule ratio which is suggesting these folks aren't really engaging with corn cobs they're just engaging with corn kernels for the most part so we're getting a sense of how people are processing the crops and where hopefully we can get a better sense as we dig more units and so this is a map of the density across the site and basically that two percent dung is almost all coming from just this one little corner here which is our one intact hearth that we have with that in mind this is just one example this is asteraceae which is a wild seed could be a resource medicinally and for various other things as fodder but it also and every single seed wild seed or weedy seed would map out like this as well where all the density is in that hearth every sample associated with the hearth is dense with these seeds dense with dung not dense with anything else which suggests that that fire had some dung in it some of the dung in it the only identifiable dung within it is guinea pig dung although research has suggested that guinea pig digestive process does not preserve the seeds the guinea pig poop doesn't typically burn and leave seeds behind so I think they're using mixed fuel there but what it is suggestive of is that they are selecting weedy crops as fodder and they are entering into either the guinea pigs or the yamas that they're engaging with so while most of the spaces at the site are clean from wild seeds and weed seeds showing that they're not processing a lot they're not bringing back bundles of stuff with weeds attached they are intentionally engaging with wild plants and weedy plants to feed their animals and burn dung occasionally in hearths like this one and then just for comparison if you look at say maize kernel density you get hot spots in different places particularly in those places in this house sort of complex white dots are some good ones in the EA1 and then EA10 lights up pretty high for that and for most other food sources so implications of this I think I have 3 minutes okay so sorry I had to sort of rush through a lot of that but I'll answer as many questions as you have basically one the food ways at Wari seem to be fairly distinct from even Kanchopata which is nearby Kanchopata has been interpreted in a number of ways has been interpreted as a set of palatial estates of Wari lords and they're like multiple wives it's also been described as a series of families who are farming who are making ceramics who are probably gaining power from their engagement with the distribution and the creation of these highly charged ceramics with beautiful iconography that people all the way in the north and along the coast are interested in having but Kanchopata had this very high density of stone hose they found thousands of stone hose at the site every house complex had kilns and a lot of stuff for making pottery, wasting shirts and also stone hose and our site has no evidence of ceramic production no stone hose whatsoever the hose would potentially be used for collecting ceramic clay but also for just farming so we're not finding farming tools like we do at other places where people are farming so it actually looks like probably the people here based on the fact that they're not engaged with cobs, that they're largely not engaged with weeds, that there's no stone hose they're not farmers this is a class of people within Wari doing something to sustain themselves without having to go grow the corn themselves and then what this speaks to is sort of this relationship between Wari and Kanchopata I think we can start to unpack it a little bit once we understand the different like habitus of the people living in the houses in those two places and what kinds of things are they engaged with, what kinds of people are they engaged with it seems like the population at Wari are engaged with these coastal ideas at the beginning and there may be something there as we study some of this material culture that could speak to whether people are are making pots in different ways at Kanchopata than the pots we find at Wari or is it just the food ways or is it every sort of way of life or the people at Kanchopata living very different lives from the people at Wari should be very interesting to get a sense of that and obviously this was one field season so we have another field season coming up where more excavation will be done I'll have more samples coming the architecture at Wari is very complex we have multiple floors it appears that the space between floors the sort of fill is all trash basically everywhere we look is trash so the depositional history is hard and also there's a lot of looting so I'm going to be going down with the goal of taking micro morphological samples almost every unit that we've excavated in these in this compound has profile walls intact so once we open those back up I can do micro morph there was too much floating to do but I will have a team of floatation students from other universities this year and I'm very excited to be able to be out in the field and try to make sense of the depositional history sort of unpack because as you can see those maps that's just a sense right now of what rooms are doing what things but we have to really unpack which floors are which and which ones have been looted into and maybe completely not very usable and nobody's really done that work yet and I think it's going to be difficult without the micro morphological analysis so that's the next phase of this thank you to everybody for listening so they're not actual farmers with their interpretation so far yeah which is fine so you've got all this plethora of lithics and you've got copper working so are they possibly like half specialist I mean what are they doing with the leases plunder here but what are they doing with the lithics is it some kind of specialization going on what are you actually doing I don't think that there's a diversity of craft activities happening in sort of the same spaces so the one niched structure that was dug is a hotspot for lithic diversity it's also the hotspot for spondylist fragments it's also the hotspot for copper fragments so I don't think that the density of those artifact remains except maybe the lithics the copper and the spondylist does not suggest they're specialized bead makers or anything like that so I don't have a real sense of how they make their living per se it may be that they're tied to sort of the ceremonial complex that's just over 500 yards away in those galleries and they're doing things that don't leave from material remains in the home for their families but they're well off enough that they can sort of casually be engaged with foreign resources like spondylist and drill beads with their stone tools that they're good at making yeah I actually had a question a little different maybe it's kind of a question I was just thinking you were talking about how beer was pretty important to social life but you had very little evidence for the material that I was just thinking about my experiences in traveling around to micro breweries and doing commerce and distilleries as well and it was a really common repeated thing that especially micro breweries I guess because of the scale that the spent grains were then traded to local farms and they were food for animals so they would be moved away from wherever it was produced and then of course wherever it was consumed and the other thing is when Kevin and I were brewing beer back before all these things I would keep the spent grain and make bread from it so I wonder if you'd never get those remains because yeah they are getting the grain they are yeah they're kind of speckled throughout so the moye I think is very confusing at Cerro Baul certainly we've got like thousands, tens of thousands of moye seeds in pots that were for fermenting moye that have scorch marks on the bottom that are in situ brewery remains conchopata the ubiquity of moye is difficult I think they have one context that has very high densities that suggests brewery the rest of it is just it's common in the fire and so it's the kind of plant that drops a lot of fruit and that just walking around it sticks to your feet and animals track it I think finding the actual remains of the technology of the brewing that the pots in the ground like Katie Chu has that at San Jose de Morro and they had that at Cerro Baul it may be that you know it's not going to be something at every house it's not going to be something at every sort of neighborhood even potentially so we just may not find it we don't right so conchopata that wasn't the case but at Wari it could be don't forget it's not just moye it's maize right and that's very true they sprout the maize before they do it so we find burnt sprouted it is true so ethnographically I read that I got really on this guinea pig kick because I had the guinea pig pellets and the seeds there's a higher density of moye in that fire as well it looks like ethnographically there's some record of people feeding moye, beer, guts to guinea pigs so I started thinking about that that's possible I do think that that is very true that you know they would be using that resource to feed these animals because there's I mean yeah I'm sure they're keeping guinea pigs in their homes we just haven't quite excavated the context yet maybe we even have there's some like shoddy walls that don't finish that could have been finished with like cane and wood that could have been a kooie pen that I hope we could figure that out I think that they're raising guinea pigs in the house and in that case yeah it's definitely true that if they were doing small scale you know corn beer or something you have that stuff for the guinea pigs or take it to the corrals wherever they may be when the llamas are near and feed it to them alpacas actually we have a hired looks like they're engaged with alpacas more than llamas so far in the data which is they're done in Yamadang yeah you can there's fairly small pellets still though for llama compared to the size of the animal yeah okay so what does commoner look like here because you had said commoner and then you got this complex yeah does anybody know yeah I think that talking about sort of classes in that way is maybe assuming a lot so yes so there are more there are more rural sites in Ayakucho away from Wari that have that don't have this kind of architecture that don't have the sort of patio gallery rooms that still are engaged with Wari material culture that are still probably engaged with whatever power structure is at Wari but they live in sort of round houses yeah and that's what you're looking for about this complex yeah I think it was maybe a little yeah it's still the center right so that's a word in like our NSF grant you know that that was what they were looking for I didn't kind of expect that but I think it's still worthwhile to look at the daily lives of potentially you know I don't know how you know rich or whatever yeah an urban class or something along those lines well and so speaking of urbanism because that landscape you said might not have been forested or just too dry yeah like markets or whatever that could be bringing wood in like the Maya have where wood was one of yeah I mean yeah there's definitely trade infrastructure I think it's possible I think people there's not a lot of charcoal studies in the Andes but people have found foreign right like pine yeah yeah yeah that's a good question I think what I've read is prepared charcoal was one was one yeah yeah yeah yeah yeah yeah absolutely I don't have any questions for you because I never see you anymore but you know where he is I do know yeah there's a lot there's a lot more to yes although the yeah so it's I think so yeah the early one is the late one is a little bit more confusing that was inserted later so a lot of the living remains on that surface is probably an earlier time period and then somewhere in the 800s or 900s somebody dug through a couple of floors and went all the way down and put those pots that have the T-wanako faces deep down in there yeah I don't think they've done enough work so consider consider our field season ended in August and then like we barely had a lab going by the end and so the ceramic analysis is very early so people just grabbed what was cool and took photos of it yeah I can't believe they actually found a golden idol but yeah it does yeah so for us the architecture is in some places it's plastered everything is like yeah yeah and so almost every wall is sort of field stone and like not super fancy masonry some of them are they're you know the sort of lahas that are you know flat stones like that that are sort of in there a little bit more care to sort of pick flat faces for everything but typically they're all plastered painted white in anywhere that we found some plaster so that's that in the ceremonial sectors yeah they've got like they've got the tiwanako style and inka style stuff where it's you know slabs of yeah with tight joints and then they also have you know flat flagstone floors in places yeah a few walls have been brought down that far so the wall trenching doesn't go that we find the top and then yeah we had a team that was like always wall trenching and it was impossible to keep up with that basically yeah we have the slope is um it's a it's about 10% probably or like 15 maybe it's not not too bad but it's a hill um so yes there are thicker walls that were sort of unpacking with what their place is within the neighborhood layout that one of them was dug down to bedrock and is like in bedrock it's this it's this wide and it's very well built and it has a little canal sort of like cutting through the under of it so I think so yeah but we have a lot of blue and green precious stones yeah yeah you know we have in in I think in that sort of later pottery deposit cash thing there was she the excavator that did that Brittany full and she went so painstakingly through it because it was I mean it was deep it was like just stuff just crazy jungle fruits that I haven't identified just weird stuff in there that they're depositing together which would be really interesting but there was also little bits of like green powder throughout it interesting yeah okay it's like a Kaliche it's it's like a heavily lime based yeah but it's it's I don't I don't know across the whole site it's probably diverse because there's actually up the hill a ways you can oh okay okay gotcha well up the hill I think it's possible that there is so light in the bedrock because there's it's called Turquesa Loma de Turquesa or something and so like you can just walk along the surface and you see glittering blue and green like in the soil yeah I mean we haven't done any work to sort of figure out the sourcing for all the different stone that was in there but it's really remarkable because at Contra Pata I think it was like 98% obsidian and at this site it's like 50% obsidian and like chur and all these different and it's not just one kind of obsidian there's stuff with weird veins and we got people we'll be breaking that down yeah that's not all local yeah I don't think so right yeah Mika okay yeah okay yeah yeah yeah yeah yeah there's definitely I would think there's a diversity of sources I just that wasn't my analysis right right yeah okay yeah I mean that speaks of different yeah that's I mean that speaks a lot right because I mean if Warri we had a lot of power over the folks at Contra Pata they're either choosing to engage with foreign stuff which I think makes sense for them or you know the Contra Pata people are keeping them that obsidian source to themselves for their sort of daily lives and Warri's not coming over there for that yeah okay okay alright can I ask about the trenching wall trenching and wall digging that you just mentioned so how does that work okay so it this is our PI Bill Isbell this is sort of his his love yeah so what it is is you know this is a strategy to follow the walls yes yeah so all it is is basically we had walls in the old 1990 of the excavations they lined in a certain direction like a two by one unit where it looked like that wall should come out we found the wall and then it's just like surface surface clearing to get the top of the wall okay so it's just surface clearing yeah except for when it went deep and then like sometimes they were yeah so yeah sometimes the walls were you know 20 centimeters down sometimes they were over a meter and people just stopped and you dig on both sides yeah so yeah about this much on both sides to get evidence of what was going on on that floor right well if there was any kind of cover the floors are lower than the wall trenches go so we're not we're not damaging the floors because you mentioned that no no the one yeah the one that they did go down to bedrock that was an excavation unit that was done you know properly but yeah the wall trenching has has been it's been a struggle I mean the idea is just we want to get through all that but basically there's all this like really there's all this really like amazing artifacts that are sort of like at that level that there's we have very little control of the space of where they come from yeah so basically I get you know half of our loci are those and I sampled like 5% of them no no the problem with yeah yeah it was it was an interesting season yeah I had a lot of hats um but yeah he always says that the gpr not only is it like obviously we cleared a lot of it so at that point we could have done the gpr but yeah there's an idea that like there's so much sort of large rock along the way it would probably be too much noise and also okay yeah if you had such a dense architecture would you get as close to the gpr yeah but your theories will fall off it was it's sort of a it isn't a lot of no yeah I mean our highest our radio carbon dates that are the latest are like at at latest like 990 and and that was I expected to be like almost modern it was very shallow below the surface and it was just like there was a utilitarian pot busted and like some scattered ash and a little bit of charcoal and we dated that stuff figuring this is the top what do we got and it was like 990 yeah yeah yeah nobody touched worry except for whatever was going on in the 14th century yeah yeah yeah absolutely I wonder I mean one of the sort of implications of this is that you know from what I've looked at with our sort of our preliminary inventory ceramic forms in terms of what styles are present at least have a sense of presence absence of styles the lower levels of all of these all the trash in there and like on the surface etc are almost all warpa like there's not a lot of chalky-pompa and if it is chalky-pompa it's not the red it's the very early chalky-pompa pottery so the worry worry pottery is not what the people that built worry used potentially yeah yeah yeah cool thank you