 Let's, let's, let's keep going. Sorry, just thinking of time. I apologize. Mona, long friend of this conference, Senator from Egypt, advisor to the UN High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations, which let's hope works. And so I think a lot about Egypt, although you haven't had many demonstrations in Egypt, despite LCC also. And one wonders, say what you like, but is Egypt losing its, its important place in the Arab world? Is this a big issue at home? You are making it a big issue. Okay. No answer. Okay. Stay. No. Before I talk, I want to thank, I want to thank Jerry for gathering us once more as a very special club here, club of WPC. And I want to thank his team. I want to thank one for everything they've done. And of course, the host country. Now, let me go to the new Middle East. As I had told you, this is what I would like to talk about. The first time this term new Middle East was used, was used by Shimon Perez. If you remember in 1993, after the Oslo Accords, this was a view that he has put out, and an initiative. And I'm afraid it didn't work as we thought it would. As the time, many analysts concluded that complete and final conflict resolution must be achieved. And here we're talking, of course, about the Palestinian question, which was not mentioned and is not mentioned either today, prior to efforts at reconciliation. Now, I think that Shimon Perez was a man of vision, and that his ideas did not take hold is not his fault. But today, the move is to replace all these misconceptions in the Arab world. And there is a tendency to do so. This is what they want to do. Although I have seen some commentators lament that the Arab, that the Abraham Accord represent the obliteration of the Palestinian cause and the imperialist economic aims of Israel. I believe this is nonsense. That is why I think it is time today to turn to the Arab and Middle Eastern civil society, what we call or what Joseph Nye called the soft power. And this is where you really feel the pulse of the Arab world and of the Middle East, the MENA region. So I believe that after and what the West thinks of the changes that are happening in the Middle East. So after reducing the region, the region was reduced to global war on terror. For two decades, we had nothing but that. This is what is their claim to fame. But today, the Middle East is now seen through the lens of the great power competition narrative. Increasingly, the Middle East is defined as a battleground between the U.S. and China and to a lesser extent, Russia. So what is new is the trend towards Middle Eastern strategic autonomy, which mainly translates in that the diversification of foreign policies by U.S. Gulf partners and allies such as Egypt and even Israel. Since 2021, most Middle East countries have worked towards de-escalation, de-escalation and partly out of the realization that U.S. disengagement, which I think this is a turning point in the Middle East. And I would think this was also the flashpoint, really, the disengagement of the U.S., not positive, but negative, but taken very seriously by the countries in the region seeing that they can't count anymore on the U.S. partners. So the disengagement of the U.S. from the region implied that countries in this region had to take matters in their own hands. And this is what they're trying to do now. So after the Gulf states and Egypt put an end to the Qatar blockade in January 21, a frenzy of diplomatic visits followed, and that momentum of de-escalation even involved Iran at one point, with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi toning down the hawkish rhetoric towards Iran. This de-escalation moment coincided with the Abraham Accords and the subsequent wave of normalization between Israel and several Arab states. More than anything, the Accords reflect the new foreign policy ambitions of Middle Eastern countries. In March, and this is important, Israel hosted a security summit in the Negev attended by Bahrain, Emirati and Egyptian foreign ministers. The summit illustrates how much the Middle East landscape has changed in less than two years. Notably, these developments are homegrown. They came from inside the region and not from outside. Their evidence of the growing desire of the Middle East states to shape their own regional order in their own terms. And the question is, what is the best way for the U.S. to tamp down the Middle East from becoming a focal point of competition with Russia and China? I believe the more local actors grow confident about their own autonomy, the less tempted they will be to align themselves on the agenda of another external power. And this is shown in the Ukraine-Russian war when the feeling is that some of the Western countries would like our countries to take sides. And they're not taking sides. They refuse to take sides today. They are not pro-Russian, but they're not anti-Russia either. So we heard this from Minister Girgash, eager to diversify their partnership on the part of the West, more realism is required. So I would like to present some of the salient points that I would see as prominent in the changed Middle East. One is the role of religion in daily life. Two is the role, the advancement of women in the workplace. Three is prioritizing opportunities for young people to learn technological skills. No more are they going, are they pushed to learn political science or international relations? And this is the only thing that I know. So now they're pushed to stoke new technology, technology so as to be better equipped to participate in the 21st century. What is noticeable also is an enhanced role of the state. Today China's model is looked upon with admiration in many of the Arab countries today, in many of the Arab Middle Eastern countries. Non-interference in other affairs, namely supporting each other's internal measures, be they authoritarian or not, to safeguard what is very important today in this region which is stability, stability and prosperity. So the belief is that jobs, economic growth and oil wealth can be used to entice citizens to ignore demands of political pluralism, which the West continues to ask for. So strained relations of late between the West and traditional allies in the region are bringing a central question into a sharp focus. Does the West really understand today's changed Middle East? What we're seeing today is that the leadership of the Middle East and the majority of its people have remained resolute to make progress on many fronts. But are these transformative changes being recognized in the West? I don't think so. Most of the public opinion suggests no. People in the West still tend to view the Middle East as backward and conflict-ridden, a region where progress is gradual and a place more likely to be a source of problems rather than solution. That's great. Two minutes. 30 seconds. It's been eight minutes already. One glaring example is the declaration of U.S. disengagement from the region. This is really a turning point here. But it's underpinning change in the new Middle East. What do we see? Bold reform agendas such as Saudi Arabia's modernization program. Even the veil for women is no more obligatory. So in Egypt, if we take an example, for a majority are rejecting the ideology of politicized religious move. Although Islam is extremism, it's still very well entrenched in most institutions of the society. But the youth are today favoring pragmatic governments that can create more jobs for young people. Reform religious institutions and enhance public services such as health and education. Great. Mona, really, thank you very, very much. Thank you. Let's move on. We can always come back to these issues. Okay. And I'm very grateful to you. Thank you.