 Book II. CHAPTER XVIII. In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked the English in Connecticut along the lower parts of the river and killed many of them as they were at work in the fields, both men and women, to the great terror of the rest. Then they went off in great pride and triumph with many high threats. They also attacked a fort at the river's mouth, though strong and well defended, and though they did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of danger. This made them stand upon their guard everywhere and prepare for resistance, and they earnestly solicited their friends and neighbors in Massachusetts to send them speedy aid, for they looked for more forcible onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote from their general court to those here, asking them to join with them in this war, which they were cordially willing to do, but took the opportunity to write to them about some previous events, as well as the present trouble and pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor's answer I will hear insert. Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony. Sir, the Lord having disposed that your letters to our late Governor have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more freedom of time and thought so that I might do it more to your and my own satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be supplied later, as for the matters which you and your counsel submit to our consideration, we did not think it advisable to make them so public as by bringing them to the cognizance of our general court. But having been considered by our counsel, this answer we think fit to return to you. 1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without the consent of your general court, we acknowledge your good feeling towards us, which we never had caused to doubt, and await your full resolution in due course. 2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us and not you, except incidentally, we partly agree with you, but we suppose that in case of peril you will not act upon that consideration any more than we should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the Pequots and all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he may vent the first outburst of his rage upon some one section of the English, nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue his advantage to the undoing of the whole nation. Therefore, in soliciting your help, we do so with respect to your own safety as well as ours. 3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you on all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it, but as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recognizing that we cannot involve you in this campaign against your consent, so we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time you make a similar call upon us, and whereas it is objected that we refused to aid you against the French, we consider the cases are not quite equivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our failing you on that occasion. 4. Whereas you object that we began the war without consulting you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice, the truth is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and the enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided to include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after, and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable for us to change our plans. 5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has not been with our permission, and what we have provided to meet such cases at our last court, Mr. Winslow can inform you. 6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with your enemies the French, we answer you are misinformed, except for some letters which have passed between our late governor and them, of which we were cognizant, we have neither traded nor encouraged our people to trade with them, and only one or two vessels taking letters had permission from our governor to go there. Note, by this means they furnished them with supplies and have continued to do so. Several other objections have been made to us privately by our worthy friend, to which he has received some answer, but as most of them concern particular discurtices or injuries from individuals here we cannot say more than this, that if the offenders are exposed in the right way we shall be ready to do justice as the cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured that such things are done without our knowledge and are not a little grievous to us. Now as to joining us in this war which only concerns us to the same extent as it does yourselves, vis the relief of our friends and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you may think us able to carry it through without you, and if the Lord pleased to be with us so we may, nevertheless, three things we offer for your consideration, which we think will have some weight with you. First, if we should sink under this burden, your opportunity of seasonable help would be lost in three respects. You could then only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the risk and expense of the present undertaking, the suffering we should have borne if through your neglect would much reduce the acceptableness of your help afterwards. Those amongst you who are now full of courage and zeal would be dispirited and less able to support so great a burden. Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as yourselves may judge. Thirdly, if the Lord pleased to bless our endeavors so that we end the war or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours that it will be thereafter difficult to entertain such opinion of your goodwill towards us, as is fitting in neighbors and brethren. What ill consequences might result on both sides, wise men may well fear, and would rather prevent than hope to redress? With hearty salutations to yourself and all your counsel and other good friends with you, I rest, yours most assured in the Lord, John Winthrop, Boston, the twentieth of the third month, 1637. In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter before, had sought to make peace with the Narragansets, and used very pernicious arguments to persuade them. The English were strangers, and were beginning to overspread their country, and would deprive them of it in time if they were allowed, thus to increase. If the Narragansets were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they would only make way for their own overthrow, for then the English would subjugate them. But if they would listen to their advice, they need not fear the strength of the English, for they would not make open war upon them, but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and lie in ambush for them as they went about the country, all of which they could do with but little danger to themselves. By these means they easily saw the English could not long hold out, but would either be starved or forced to leave the country. They urged these and similar arguments so strongly that the Narragansets were wavering, and half-minded to make peace with them and join them against the English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs they had suffered from the Pequots, and what an opportunity they now had, with the help of the English, to repay them, revenge was so sweet to them that it prevailed over everything else, so they resolved to join the English against them, and they did so. The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own expense, and with all possible speed got them armed, with sufficient leaders and a bark to carry their provisions and supply all their needs. But when they were ready to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had word that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there would be no need of them. I shall not take it upon myself to describe in detail what had occurred, because I expect it will be done fully by those who best know the circumstances. I will only touch upon them in general. From Connecticut, where they were most alive to the present danger and all that it threatened, they raised a party of men, and another party met them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansets were to join them. The Narragansets were anxious to be gone before the English were well rested and refreshed, especially some of them that had arrived last, for they wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly and undiscovered. A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put in there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them to profit by the Indians' keenness, and to show themselves as eager as they were, for it would encourage them, and promptness would result to their great advantage. So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march so that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most of their chief men were before day. They approached it in utter silence, and both the English and Indians surrounded it, so that they should not escape. They then made the attack with great courage, speedily forcing an entrance to the fort and shooting amongst them. Those that entered first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party ran to their houses and set them on fire, the mats catching quickly, and, all standing close together, the wind soon fanned them into a blaze. In fact, more were burnt to death than killed otherwise. It burnt their bow-strings and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped the fire were slain by the sword, some hewn to pieces, others run through with their rapiers, so that they were quickly dispatched and very few escaped. It is believed that there were about four hundred killed. It was a fearful sight to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood quenching it. The smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave praise to God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to enclose their enemy, and give them so speedy a victory over such a proud and insulting foe. The Naragansett Indians all this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left the whole execution to the English, except to stop any who broke away. But they mocked their enemies in their defeat and misery, calling out to them when they saw them dancing in the flames, a word which, in the language of the vanquished Indians, signified, O brave Pequots, and which was used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of triumph after victory. After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded, they marched to the water-side, where they met with some of their vessels, by which they were refreshed with food and other necessaries. But during their march the remnant of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a body, intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they had to cross. But when they saw the English prepared for them, they kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor received any. After refreshing themselves and taking further counsel, they resolved to follow up their victory and make war upon the rest. But most of the Narraganset Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy, or because they saw the English would profit more by the victory than they were willing they should, or perhaps deprive them of the advantage of having the Pequots become tributary to them. For the rest of these events, and the further campaign against the Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter from Mr. Winthrop to the Governor here. Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of New Plymouth. Worthy sir, I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to acquaint you with the Lord's mercies towards us, in prevailing against his and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise his name with us. About eighty of our men coasted along towards the Dutch plantation, sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here and there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners. They captured two sachums and beheaded them, and not hearing of Sassakus, the chief sachum, they gave a prisoner his life to go and find him. He went and brought them word where he was, but Sassakus, suspecting him to be a spy, fled after he had gone, with some twenty more to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. However they divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the providence of God directed them, for their Indian allies had all gone, except three or four, who did not know how to guide them, or else would not. On the thirteenth of the month they chanced upon a large band of the tribe, eighty men and two hundred women and children, in a small Indian town close by a hideous swamp, which they had all slipped into before our men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up, but there were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason, with some ten of their men, and Captain Patrick with some twenty or more of his, the noise of whose shooting attracted Captain Trask with fifty more. The order was given to surround the swamp, which was about a mile round, but Lieutenant Davenport and some twelve more, not hearing the command, rushed into the swamp among the Indians. It was so thick with shrub wood, and so boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were wounded by many shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded near the arm-hole, and another man was shot in the head, and they were so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by the Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more, rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered, that if they would come out and yield, they should have their lives, except such as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the sacrum of the place came out, and an old man or two, and their wives and children, and after that some other women and children, and they parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sent to them again to call them out, but they said they would sell their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so fiercely that if he had not cried out and been rescued at once, they would have killed him. Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the Indians were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could kill them more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night about twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close up to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their hat-brims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their clothes, but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not one of them was wounded, except the three who had so rashly entered the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some of the Indians who were still alive got through between our men, though they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart, but they were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed. Upon searching the swamp next morning they found nine slain, and some they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the mire, so they think that of all the bands not twenty escaped. Afterwards they found some who had died of their wounds while in flight. The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending the male children to Bermuda—note, but they were taken to the West Indies—end of note—with Mr. William Pierce, and the women and female children are distributed through the towns. In all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about seven hundred. The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so terrified that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the Satchams of Long Island came to Mr. Stouton and offered themselves as tributaries under their protection, and two of the Nepnet Satchams have been here to seek our friendship. Among the prisoners we have the wife and children of Mononoto, the former, a modest-looking woman of good behavior. It was by her mediation that the two English girls were spared from death and used kindly, so I have taken charge of her. One of the first requests was that the English should not abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken from her. Those that had been wounded were soon brought back by John Gallop, who came with his shallop in a happy hour, to bring them food and take the wounded to the penis where our chief surgeon was, with Mr. Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people are all in good health, the Lord be praised, and although they had marched in their arms all day and had been in the fight all night, they professed they were so fresh that they could readily have started off on another such expedition. This is the substance of what I received, though I am forced to omit several considerable circumstances. So being much pressed for time, the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and Mr. Vane, I will break off, and with hearty salutations I rest, yours assured, John Winthrop. P.S. The captain reports we have killed thirteen Satchums, but Sassacus and Mononoto are still living. 28th of the fifth month, 1637. That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus, the Pequot's chief Satchum, having fled to the Mohawks, they cut off his head, and executed some other of their leaders, whether to satisfy the English or the Narragansets, who, as I have censored, hired them to do it, or for their own advantage, I do not know, but thus the war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed. Some of them submitted themselves to the Narragansets and lived under them, but others betook themselves to the Monheagues under their Satchum Uncus, with the approbation of the English of Connecticut, under whose protection Uncus lived. He and his men having been faithful to them in the war, and having done them very good service. But it so vexed the Narragansets that they had not the whole sway over them, that they never ceased plotting and contriving how to subjugate them, and when they found they could not attain their ends, owing to the English protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against the English, as will appear later. They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp in England, saying that Mr. Shirley neither had paid nor would pay them any money, nor give them any account. They were very vexed, blaming them still that they had sent everything to Mr. Shirley and none to themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their former answer and insisted upon it, and some wise advisors urged them to do so, nevertheless, as they believed they were really out of substantial sums of money, especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to send them what beaver they had on their hands, but they delayed doing so till next year. Mr. Shirley's letters were to this purpose, that as the other partners had abandoned him in the payment of former bills, so now he told them he would abandon them in this, and believe it, they should find it true, and he was as good as his word, for they could never get a penny from him, nor bring him to account, though Mr. Beauchamp sued him in chancery. But they all turned their complaints against the new Plymouth partners where there was least cause. Indeed, they had suffered most unjustly. They discharged Mr. Shirley from his agency, and forbade him to buy or send over any more goods for them, and urged him to come to an end with their affairs. CHAPTER XIX This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen governor. Amongst other enormities that occurred this year, three men were tried and executed for robbery and murder. Their names were Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stennings. There was a fourth, Daniel Crows, who was also found guilty, but he escaped and could not be found. Arthur Peach was the ringleader. He was a strong and desperate young man, and had been one of the soldiers in the Pequot War, and had done as good service as any there, always being one of the first in any attack. Being now out of means and loathe to work, and taking to idle ways and company, he intended to go to the Dutch colony, and had lured the other three, who were servants and apprentices, to go with him. But there was also another cause for his going away secretly in this manner. He had not only run into debt, but he had seduced a girl, a maid servant in the town, and fear of punishment made him wish to get away, though this was not known till after his death. The other three ran away from their masters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they did not go by the ordinary route, but shaped such a course as they thought would evade pursuit. Finding themselves somewhere between the Bay of Massachusetts and the Narragansett's country, and wishing to rest, they made a fire a little off the road by the wayside, and took tobacco. At length there came a Narragansett Indian by, who had been trading at the Bay, and had some cloth and beads with him. They had met him the day before, and now he was returning. Peach called him to come and drink tobacco with them, and he came and sat down. He had told the others he would kill the Indian and take his goods. The others were afraid, but Peach said, Hang the rogue, he has killed many of us. So they let him do as he would, and when he saw his opportunity he took his rapier and ran the man through the body once or twice, and took from him five fathoms of wampum and three coats of cloth, and then they went their way, leaving him for dead. But the Indian managed to scramble up when they had gone, and made shift to get home. By this means they were discovered, and the Indians caught them, for wanting a canoe to take them over the water, and not thinking their act was known by the Satcham's command, they were taken to a quidnet island, and were there accused of the deed, and examined and committed upon it by the English. The Indians sent for Mr. Williams, and made grievous complaint, and the friends and relatives of the injured native were ready to rise in arms and incite the rest to do the same, believing they would now find the Pequot's words were true, that the English would turn upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, and told them they should see justice done upon the offenders, and went to the wounded man, and took Mr. James, the physician, with him. The man told him who did it, and how it was done. The physician found his wounds mortal, and that he could not live, as he testified upon oath before the jury in open court. He died shortly after. The governor at the bay was acquainted with it, but referred it to New Plymouth, because the act was committed in this jurisdiction. But he urged that by all means justice should be done, or it would cause a war. Nevertheless, some of the more ignorant colonists objected that an Englishman should be put to death for an Indian. So at last the murderers were brought home from the island, and after being tried, and the evidence produced, they all in the end freely confessed to all the Indian had accused them of, and that they had done it in the manner described. So they were condemned by the jury, and executed. Some of the Narraganset Indians, and the murdered man's friends, were present when it was done, which gave them and all the country satisfaction. But it was a matter of much sadness to them here, as it was the second execution since they came, both being for willful murder. This year they received more letters from England, full of renewed complaints, on the one hand that Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews could get no money or accounting from Mr. Shirley, on the other that the latter should be importuned by them, retorting that he would account with those here and not with them, etc. So as had been decided before, Viz, that if nothing came of their last letters, they would then send them what fur they could, thinking that when some good part had been paid to them, Mr. Shirley and they would more easily agree about the remainder, they now sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp through Mr. Joseph Young in the Mary and Anne, thirteen hundred twenty-five pounds of beaver divided between them. Mr. Beauchamp returned an account of his share, showing that he made four hundred pounds sterling out of it, for eight and all expenses paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had the larger and better half, did not make so much out of his through his own indiscretion, and yet charged the loss, which was about forty pounds, to them here. They sent them more by bills and other payments, which was received and acknowledged by them, and divided between them, such as for cattle of Mr. Allerton's which were sold, and the price of a bark which belonged to the stock and was sold, amounting to four hundred thirty-four pounds sterling. The total value was thus twelve hundred thirty-four pounds sterling, except what Mr. Andrews had lost on his beaver, and which was made good otherwise. But this did not stay there, clamors, as will appear hereafter. It pleased God about this time to bless the country with such an influx of people that it was much enriched, and cattle of all kinds stood at high prices for many years. Cows were sold at twenty pounds, some at twenty-five pounds apiece, sometimes even at twenty-eight pounds. A cow-calf usually fetched ten pounds, a milch goat three pounds, and sometimes four pounds, and she-kids thirty shillings and often two pounds apiece. By this means the original settlers who had stock began to increase in wealth. Corn also commanded a high price, vis six shillings a bushel. So other trading began to be neglected, and the old partners, having forbidden Mr. Shirley to send them any more goods, abandoned their trade at Kennebec, and, as things stood, decided to follow it no longer. But a few of them were loathed that it should all be lost by closing it entirely, so they joined with some others and agreed to give the colony about one-sixth of the profits from it, and with the first fruits of this the colony built a house for a prison. The trade at Kennebec has since been continued to the great benefit of the place, for, as some well foresaw, such high prices for corn and cattle could not long continue, and the revenue got by trade would be much missed. This year, about the first or second of June, there was a fearful earthquake. Here it was heard before it was felt. It began with a rumbling noise, or low murmur, like remote thunder. It came from the northward and passed southward. As the noise approached the earth began to shake, and at length with such violence that platters, dishes and other things standing on shelves came clattering down, and people were afraid for the houses themselves. It happened that at the time several of the chief citizens of the town were holding a meeting in a house, conferring with some of their friends who were about to move from the place, as if the Lord would hereby show his displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing from one another. It was very terrible for a while, and as the men sat talking in the house, some women and others were just out of doors, and the earth shook with such violence that they could not stand without catching hold of the posts and palings nearby. But the violence did not last long. About half an hour after or less came another noise and shaking, but not so severe as before, and not lasting long. Some ships along the coast were shaken by it, but it was not only felt near the sea, for the Indians noticed it inland. So powerful is the mighty hand of the Lord as to make both the earth and the sea to shake, and the mountains to tremble before him when he pleases, and who can stay his hand? It was observed that the summers for several years after this earthquake were not so hot and seasonable for the ripening of corn and other fruits as formerly, but were colder and more moist and subject to early and untimely frosts, so that often much Indian corn failed, whether this was the cause I leave it to the naturalists to judge. CHAPTER XXI. I will combine these two years, because there occurred but little of interest outside of the ordinary affairs of the colony. New Plymouth had several times granted land for various townships, and among the rest, to the inhabitants of Skituate, some of them coming from here. A large tract of land there had also been given to their four London partners, Mr. Shirley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. Hatherly. At Mr. Hatherly's request the locality was fixed upon for himself and them, for the other three had given him power to choose for them. This tract of land extended up to the borderline of their neighbors of Massachusetts, who some years later established a town called Hingham on the land next to it. This now led to great disputes between these two townships, about their boundaries, and some meadowlands that lay between them. The inhabitants of Hingham began to allot some of these meadows to their people, measuring and staking them out for that purpose. The people of Skituate pulled up their steaks and threw them away. So it developed into a controversy between the two governments. Many letters passed between them about it, and it hung in suspense for about two years. The Court of Massachusetts appointed men to fix their boundary line according to their patent, and the way they went to work made it include all Skituate itself, and I know not how much more. On the other hand, according to the boundary lines of the patent of New Plymouth, theirs would take in Hingham and much more within the bounds they had set. In the end both courts agreed to choose two commissioners on each side, and give them absolute power to settle the boundaries between them, and what they decided was to stand irrevocably. They had one meeting at Hingham but could not agree, for their commissioners stood stiffly on a certain clause in their grant that their limits should extend from Charles River or any branch or part thereof, and three miles further to the southward, or from the most southern part of the Massachusetts bay, and three miles further south. But they chose to adhere to the former limit, for they had found a small river, or brook, rather, which a long way inland trended far southward, and entered some part of what was taken to be Charles River, and from the most southerly part of this, and three miles further southward, they wished to run a line eastwards to the sea about twenty miles, which would take in a part of New Plymouth itself. Now, though the patent and colony of New Plymouth was much the older, the patent for the extension upon which Skituates stood was granted after theirs of Massachusetts, so the latter took first place as regards this extension. The New Plymouth answer to the deputies of Massachusetts was, they owed that their claims for Skituates could not be based in any way upon their original grant, but, on the other hand, neither could the others prove this stream to be a part of Charles River, for they did not know which Charles River was, except so far as the people here, who came first, gave the name to the river upon which Charlestown was afterwards built, believing it to be that which Captain Smith so named. Now those who first named it had best reason to know it, and to explain which it was, but they only termed it Charles River as far as it was navigated by them, that is, as far as a boat could go, but that all the small brooks should flow into it, far inland, and were all differently named by the natives, should now be made out to be the Charles River or parts of it, they saw no reason to allow. They gave an instance of the Humber in Old England, which had the Trent, House, and many other rivers of lesser note running into it, and again many smaller brooks fell into the Trent and House, but all had their own names. Again it was contended that no mention was made of an east line in their patent. They were to begin at the sea and go west by a line, et cetera. At this meeting, however, no conclusion was reached, but things were discussed and well prepared for an issue. Next year the same commissioners were appointed, and met at Skituate, and concluded the matter as follows. The agreement as to the boundaries between New Plymouth and Massachusetts, whereas there were two commissioners appointed by the two jurisdictions, the one of Massachusetts government, appointing John Indicott, gentlemen, and Israel Stoutin, gentlemen, the other of New Plymouth government, appointing William Bradford, governor, and Edward Winslow, gentlemen, for the setting out and determining the boundaries of the lands between the said jurisdictions, whereby this present age and posterity to come may live peaceably and quietly. And for as much as the said commissioners on both sides have full power so to do, as appears by the record of both jurisdictions, we the said commissioners above named, do hereby with one consent and agreement conclude, determine, and by these presence declare, that all the marshes at Cohasset that lie on the one side of the river next to Hingham shall belong to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and all the marshes that lie in the other side of the river next to Skituate shall belong to the jurisdiction of New Plymouth, except sixty acres of marshland at the mouth of the river on the Skituate side next to the sea, which we do hereby agree, conclude, and determine, shall belong to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and further we do hereby agree, determine, and conclude, that the boundaries between the said jurisdictions are as follows, vis, from the mouth of the brook that runs into Cohasset marshes, which we call by the name of Bound brook, with a straight and direct line to the middle of a great pond that lies on the right hand of the upper path, or common way that leads between Waymouth and New Plymouth, close to the path as we go along, which was formerly, and we desire may still be, called a cord pond, lying about five or six miles from Waymouth, southerly, and from thence with a straight line to the southernmost part of Charles River, and three miles southerly into the country, as expressed in the patent granted by His Majesty, to the company of the Massachusetts Colony. Said always, and nevertheless concluded and determined by mutual agreement between the said commissioners, that if it fall out that the said line from a cord pond to the southernmost part of Charles River, and three miles southerly, restrict or hinder any part of any settlement begun by the governor of New Plymouth, or hereafter to be begun within ten years after the date of these presents, that then notwithstanding the said line, where it shall so obtrude, as aforesaid, so much land as shall make up the quantity of eight square miles, to belong to every settlement so begun, or to be begun, as aforesaid, which we agree, determine, and conclude, to appertain and belong to the said governor of New Plymouth. And whereas the said line from the said brook, which runs into co-hasset salt marshes, called by us bound brook, and the pond called a cord pond, lie near the lands belonging to the townships of Skituaite and Hingham, we do therefore hereby determine and conclude, that if any divisions already made and accorded by either of the said townships do cross the said line, that then it shall stand and be enforced according to the former intents and purposes of the said towns granting them, the marshes formerly agreed upon accepted, and that no town in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceed, but contain themselves within the said lines expressed. Then witness whereof we, the commissioners of both jurisdictions, do by these presence indented set our hands and seals, the ninth day of the fourth month in the sixteenth year of our sovereign Lord King Charles, and in the year of our Lord, sixteen forty, William Bradford Governor, Edward Winslow, John Endicott, Israel Stouton. The extended New Plymouth patent having been taken out in the name of William Bradford, as in trust, ran in these terms, to him, his heirs, associates, and assigns. But the number of freemen having now greatly increased, and several townships being established and settled in several quarters such as New Plymouth, Duxbury, Skituate, Taunton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, and not long after Seaconk, afterwards called at the wish of the inhabitants Rehoboth, and Nosset, it was desired by the court that William Bradford should make surrender of the same into their hands, this he willingly did. In these two years they had several letters from England, asking them to send some one over to end the business of the accounts with Mr. Shirley, who now professed he could not make them up without help from them, especially from Mr. Winslow. They had serious thoughts of it, and the majority of the partners here believed it best to send, but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters that Mr. Winslow was neither willing to go himself, nor that any other of the partners should do so, for he was convinced that if any of them went they would be arrested, and an action for such a sum laid upon them that they would be unable to procure bail, and would consequently be imprisoned, and that then the partners there could force them to do whatever they wished, or else they might be brought into trouble by the archbishop's means, as things then were over there. But though they were much inclined to send, and Captain Standish was willing to go, they decided, since they could not agree about it, and it was of such importance, and the consequences might prove dangerous, to ask Mr. John Winthrop's advice. It seemed the more suitable because Mr. Andrews had in many letters acquainted him with the differences between them, and appointed him his assigned to receive his part of the debt, and though they declined to pay anything as a debt till the controversy was ended, they had deposited one hundred ten pounds in money in his hands for Mr. Andrews to be paid to him in part as soon as he should come to any agreement with the rest. But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslow's mind, and dissuaded them from sending, so they abandoned the idea and returned this answer. That the times were dangerous in England as things stood with them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerly, and for a little thing had been clapped into the fleet, and how long it had been before he could get out to his aunt their great loss, and things were not better but worse in that respect. However, that their honesty might be made manifest to all, they made them this offer, to refer the case to some gentlemen and merchants at the Bay of Massachusetts, such as they should choose, and were well known to them, as they had many friends and acquaintances there better known to them than to the partners here, and let them be informed of the case by both sides, and receive all the evidence that could be produced in writing or otherwise. The partners here would then bind themselves to stand by their decision and make good their award, though it should cost them all they had in the world. But this did not please them, they were offended at it. So it came to nothing, and afterwards Mr. Shirley wrote, that if Mr. Winslow would meet him in France, the Low Countries or Scotland, let him name the place and he would come to him there, but owing to the troubles that now began to arise in our own nation and other reasons, this did not come to any effect. What made them especially desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stop the aspersions cast upon them about it, though they believed that they had suffered the greatest wrong and had most cause for complaint, and partly because they feared a fall in the price of cattle in which the greatest part of their means was invested. This was no vain fear, for it fell indeed before they had reached a conclusion, and so suddenly that the price of a cow which a month before had been at twenty pounds now fell to five pounds, and a goat that went at three pounds or fifty shillings would now yield but eight shillings or ten shillings at the most. Everyone had feared a fall in cattle, but it was thought it would be by degrees and not straight from the highest pitch to the lowest. It was a great loss to many and some were ruined. Another reason why they so much wished to close their accounts was that many of them were growing aged, and indeed it was a rare thing that so many partners should all live together so many years, and they saw many changes were likely to occur, so they were loathed to leave these entanglements upon their children and posterity, who might be driven to move their homes as they had done, indeed they themselves might have to do so before they died. However, things had still to be left open, but next year they ripened somewhat, though they were then less able to pay for the reasons mentioned above. CHAPTER XXI Mr. Shirley, being weary of this controversy and desirous to end it, wrote to Mr. John Atwood and Mr. William Collier, two of the inhabitants of this place, and special acquaintances of his, and desired them to be intermediaries, and advised the partners here as to some way of reaching a composition by mutual agreement. He also wrote to the partners similarly, in part, as follows. JAMES SHERLY IN ENGLAND TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD AT NEW PLEMETH Sir, I have written so much concerning the closing of our accounts that I confess I do not know what more to write. If you desire an end, as you seem to do, there are, I think, only two ways. Either we can perfect all accounts from the first to the last on both sides, or we must do it by compounding, and this way, first or last, we shall have to come to. If we fight about it at law, we shall both only cleave the air, and the lawyers will be the chief gainers. Then let us set to the work one way or another and make an end, so that I may not continue to suffer both in my reputation and my business. Nor are you free in this respect. The gospel suffers by your delay, and causes its followers to be ill-spoken of. Do not be afraid to make a fair and reasonable offer. Believe me, I shall not take advantage of you, or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and let him have full power to compound with me. Otherwise, let the accounts be fully made up, so that we may close according to the figures. Now, blessed be God, times are so much changed here that I hope to see many of you return to your native country again, and have such freedom and liberty as the word of God prescribes. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now. God has miraculously confounded them, and brought down all their Popish and Machiavellian plots and projects upon their own heads. I pray you take it seriously into consideration, let each give way a little so that we may meet. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, so I ever rest your loving friend James Shirley, Clapham, May 18, 1641. Being urged by this letter, and also by Mr. Atwoods and Mr. Collier's mediation, to bring things to an end, and by none more earnestly than by their own desires, the new Plymouth partners took this course. They appointed these two men to meet them on a certain day, and summoned other friends on both sides, and Mr. Freeman, brother-in-law of Mr. Beauchamp. Having drawn up an inventory of all remaining stock whatsoever, such as housing, boats, the bark, and all implements belonging to them, used during the period of trading, together with the surplus of all commodities, such as beads, knives, hatchets, cloth, or anything else, both valueless and saleable, with all debts both bad and collectible, and having spent several days upon it with the help of all books and papers, either in their hands or those of Josias Winslow, their accountant, they found the total sum on valuation amounted to fourteen hundred pounds. They then, all of them, took a voluntary and solemn oath in the presence of one another, and of all their friends above mentioned now present, that this was all that any of them knew of or could remember, and Josias Winslow did the same on his part. But the truth is the valuation was too low, for, as an instance, in reckoning some cattle taken from Mr. Allerton, a cow which had cost twenty-five pounds was so valued in this account, but she subsequently realized only four pounds fifteen shillings zero pence. Also being conscientious about their oaths, they included all that they knew of which was owing to the stock, but they did not make such a diligent search concerning what the stock might owe them, so that many scattered debts fell upon them afterwards, which they had not charged in. However, this done, they drew up certain articles of agreement between Mr. Atwood on Mr. Shirley's behalf and themselves. Articles of agreement made and concluded on October 15th, 1641. Whereas there was a partnership for a period of years agreed upon between James Shirley, John Beauchamp and Richard Andrews of London, merchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Miles Standish, William Brewster, John Alden, John Howland and Isaac Allerton in a trade of beaver skins and other furs from New England, and the term of the said partnership having expired, various consignments of goods having been sent to New England by the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and many large returns made from New England by the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, et cetera. A dispute arising about the expense incurred for two ships, the one called the White Angel of Bristol, and the other the Friendship of Barnstable, and a projected voyage in her, et cetera, which said ships and their voyages, the said William Bradford, et cetera, consider do not concern the accounts of the partnership, and whereas the accounts of the said partnership are found to be confused and cannot be clearly present through default of Josiah Winslow, the bookkeeper, and whereas the said WB, et cetera, have received all their goods for the said trade from the aforesaid James Shirley, and have made most of their returns to him by consent of the said John Beauchamp and Richard Andrews, and whereas also the said James Shirley has given power and authority to Mr. John Atwood with the advice and consent of William Collier of Duxbury on his behalf to put an absolute end to the said partnership with all and every accounts, reckonings, dues, claims, demands, whatsoever, to the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews from the said WB, et cetera, for and concerning the said beaver trade, and also the charge of the said two ships and their voyages made or projected, whether just or unjust, from the world's beginnings to this present, as also for the payment of a purchase of 1800 pounds made by Isaac Allerton on behalf of the said WB, et cetera, and of the joint stock, shares, lands, and adventurers whatsoever in New England aforesaid, as appears by a deed bearing the date November 6, 1627, and also for and from such sum and sums of money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Thomas Prince and Miles Standish, for the recovery of dues by accounts between them, the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Isaac Allerton, for the ship called The White Angel. Now the said John Atwood, with advice of the said William Collier, having had much communication and spent several days in discussion of the said disputes and accounts with the said WB, et cetera, and the said WB, et cetera, having also with the said bookkeeper spent much time in collecting and listing the remainder of the stock of partnership for the said trade, and whatsoever has been received or is due by the said attorney ship before expressed, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues there unto belonging, which in all amount to the sum of 1400 pounds or thereabout, and for better satisfaction of the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, the said WB, and all the rest of the above said partners, together with Josias Winslow the bookkeeper, have taken a voluntary oath that the said sum of 1400 pounds or thereabout includes whatever they know to the utmost of their remembrance. In consideration of which, and to the end, that a full, absolute, and final end may now be made, and all suits in law may be avoided, and love and peace continued, it is therefore agreed and concluded between the said John Atwood, with the advice and consent of the said William Collier, on behalf of the said James Shirley, to and with the said WB, etc., in manner and form following, vis that the said John Atwood shall procure a sufficient release and discharge under the hands and seals of the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fair and unconcealed to the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, whereby the said William Bradford, etc., their heirs, executors, and administrators, and each of them shall be fully and absolutely acquitted and discharged of all actions, suits, reckonings, accounts, claims, and demands whatsoever concerning the general stock of beaver trade, payment of the said 1800 pounds for the purchase and all demands, reckonings, accounts just or unjust concerning the two ships, White Angel and Friendship afore said, together with whatsoever has been received by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate of Isaac Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said ship White Angel, by virtue of a letter of attorney to him, Thomas Prince, and Miles Standish, directed from the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as afore said. It is also agreed and concluded between the said parties to these presence, that the said WB, EW, etc., shall now be bound in 2400 pounds for payment of 1200 pounds in full satisfaction of all demands as afore said, to be paid in manner and form following, that is to say, 400 pounds within two months next after the receipt of the afore said releases and discharges, 110 pounds whereof is already in the hands of John Winthrop Sr., of Boston Esquire, by the means of Richard Andrews afore said, and 80 pounds of beaver now deposited in the hands of the said John Atwood, to be both in part payment of the said 400 pounds and the other 800 pounds, to be paid 200 pounds per annum, to such assigns as shall be appointed, inhabiting either New Plymouth or Massachusetts in such goods and commodities, and at such rates as the country shall afford at the time of delivery and payment, and in the meantime the said bond of 2400 pounds to be deposited in the hands of the said John Atwood, and it is agreed upon by and between the said parties to these presents, that if the said John Atwood shall not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges, as afore said from the said James Shirley, John Beauchamp and Richard Andrews, at or before the last day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, that then the said John Atwood shall at the said date precisely, redeliver or cause to be delivered unto the said WB, EW, etc., their said bond of 2400 pounds and the said 80 pounds of beaver, or the due value thereof, without any fraud or further delay, and for performance of all and each of the covenants and agreements herein contained and expressed, which on the one part and behalf of the said James Shirley, are to be observed and performed, shall become bound in the sum of 2400 pounds to them, the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Miles Standish, William Brewster, John Alden, and John Howland, and it is lastly agreed upon between the said parties, that these presents shall be left in trust to be kept for both parties in the hands of Mr. John Rainer, teacher of New Plymouth, in witnessware of all the said parties have here and to severally set their hands, the day and year first above written, John Atwood, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, etc., in the presence of Edmund Freeman, William Thomas, William Paddy, Nathaniel Souther. Next year this long and tedious business came to an issue, as will appear, though not to a final end with all the parties, but so much for the present. I had forgotten to insert that the church here had in 1638 invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chauncey, a reverend godly and very learned man, who stayed till the latter part of 1645, intending after a trial to choose him pastor for the more convenient performance of the ministry with Mr. John Rainer, the teacher. But there appeared some differences about baptism, he holding that it ought only to be done by dipping and putting the whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawful. The church conceded that immersion or dipping was lawful, but not so convenient in this cold country, but they could not allow that sprinkling, which nearly all the churches of Christ used to this day, was unlawful and merely a human invention. They were willing to yield to him as far as they could, and to allow him to practice according to his convictions, and granted that when he came to administer the ordinance he might perform it in that way for any who so desired, provided he allowed Mr. Rainer, when requested, to baptize by sprinkling. But he said he could not yield to this, so the church procured some other ministers to discuss the point with him publicly, such as Mr. Ralph Partridge of Duxbury. But he was not satisfied, so the church sent to several other churches to ask their help and advice in the matter, and with his will and consent sent them his arguments, such as to the church of Boston in Massachusetts, to be communicated to other churches there, and to the churches of Connecticut and New Haven and many others. They received very able answers from them and other learned ministers, who all concluded against him. Their answers are too long to give here, but Mr. Chauncey was not satisfied. They considered that everything that was proper had been done, so Mr. Chauncey, who had been almost three years here, removed to skituate where he is still a minister of the church. About this time, cattle and other things having fallen greatly in value, people began to be less affluent. Many had already gone to Duxbury, Marshfield, and other places, and amongst them many of the leading men, such as Mr. Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr. Alden. Others dropped away daily, with the results that the place became far less flourishing. I now come to the conclusion of the long and tedious business between the partners here and those in England. James Shirley in England to the partners of New Plymouth. Loving friends, Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prince, Captain Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland, give me leave to include you all in one letter concerning the final end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, which I think I may truly say is uncomfortable and unprofitable for all. It has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all suits and disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. I am content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon, and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to you all, and if it lacks anything to make it complete, write it yourselves, and it shall be done, provided that you all, either jointly or severally, seal a similar discharge to me. For that purpose I have drawn up a copy and sent it to Mr. Atwood with the one I have sealed for you. Mr. Andrews has sealed an acquittance also, and sent it to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he thought fit, and, as I hear, has transferred his debt, which he makes five hundred forty-four pounds, to the gentleman of the bay. Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbins have taken a great deal of pains with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, and myself to bring us to agree, and we have had many meetings and spent much time upon it. Mr. Andrews wished you to have one third of the twelve hundred pounds, and the bay two thirds, but to do that we three partners here must have agreed to do it, which would be a difficult matter now. However, Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, Mr. Hibbins, and I have agreed, and they are giving you their bond to settle with Mr. Beauchamp and procure his general release, and thus free you from all the trouble and expense that he might put you to. Now our agreement is that you must pay to the gentleman of the bay nine hundred pounds, they to bear all expenses which may in any way arise concerning the free and absolute clearing of you from us three, and you to have the other three hundred pounds. Upon receiving my release from you I will send you your bonds for the purchase money. I would have sent them now, but first I want Mr. Beauchamp to release you as well as I, because they bind you to him as well as to me, though I know that if a man is bound to twelve men, when one releases him it is the same as if all did so. So my discharge is to that extent sufficient. So do not doubt but you shall have them and your power of attorney and anything else that is fit. Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, James Shirley, June 14th, 1642. Mr. Andrews's discharge was similar to Mr. Shirley's. He was by agreement to have five hundred pounds of the money which he gave to those at the bay who brought his discharge and received the money, vis one-third of the five hundred pounds paid down, and the rest in four equal payments to be paid yearly for which they gave their bonds. Forty-four pounds more was demanded in addition, but they believed they could arrange it with Mr. Andrews so it was not included in the bond. But Mr. Beauchamp would give way in nothing, and demanded four hundred pounds of the partners here, sending a release to a friend to be delivered to them on receipt of the money. But his release was not perfect, having left out some of the partners' names with some other defects, and besides the other partners there gave them to understand he had not nearly so much due to him. So no end was made with him till four years after. CHAPTER XXIII. I must open this year with an event which brought great sadness and mourning to them all. About the eighteenth of April died their reverend elder, my dear and loving friend, Mr. William Brewster, a man who had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part in wheel or woe with this poor persecuted church for over thirty-five years in England, Holland, and this wilderness, and had done the Lord and them faithful service in his calling. Notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was nearly four score years, if not quite when he died. He had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest. He died in his bed in peace, in the midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, and gave him what help and comfort they could, and he too comforted them whilst he could. His illness was not long, and until the last day he did not keep his bed. His speech continued until about the last half day, and then failed him, and at about nine or ten o'clock that evening he died without any pangs at all. A few hours before he drew his breath short and some few minutes from the end he drew it long, as a man fallen into a sound sleep, without any gaspings, and so sweetly departed this life into a better. I would ask, was he the worse for any of his former sufferings? What do I say, worse? Nay, he was surely the better, for now they were added to his honour. It is a manifest token, says the apostle, 2 Thessalonians 1, 5, 6, and 7, of the righteous judgment of God that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer, seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you, and to you who are troubled rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels. And 1st Peter 4, 14, if you be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you. What though he lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in this life and pompous monuments at his funeral, yet the memorial of the just shall be blessed when the name of the wicked shall rot with their marble monuments. Proverbs 10, 7 I should say something of his life, if to say a little were not worse than to be silent, but I cannot wholly forbear, though perhaps more may be written at some later time. After he had attained some learning, vis, the knowledge of the Latin tongue and some insight into Greek, and had spent some little time at Cambridge, then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue, he went to court and served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, for several years, when he was Secretary of State. His master found him so discreet and faithful that he trusted him more than all the others who were round him, and employed him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed him rather as a son than a servant, and knowing his wisdom and godliness, he would converse with him in private, more as a friend and familiar than as a master. He accompanied him when he was sent as ambassador by the Queen into the Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester's time, besides other important affairs of state, to receive possession of the cautionary towns in token of which the keys of flushing were delivered to him in her Majesty's name. Mr. Davison held them some time, handing them over to Mr. Brewster, who kept them under his pillow the first night. On his departure the Netherlands honoured Mr. Davison with a gold chain, he gave it into the keeping of Mr. Brewster, and when they arrived in England commanded him to wear it as they rode through the country until they arrived at court. He remained with him through his troubles, when later he was dismissed in connection with the death of the Queen of Scots, and for some good time after doing him much faithful service. Afterwards Mr. Brewster went and lived in the country, much respected by his friends and the gentlemen of the neighbourhood, especially the godly and religious. He did much good there in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practice and example and the encouragement of others, but by procuring good preachers for the places thereabouts, and persuading others to help and assist in such work, generally taking most of the expense on himself, sometimes beyond his means. Thus he continued for many years, doing the best he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord revealed himself further to him. In the end the tyranny of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the former and persecuting the latter, caused him and many more to look further into things, and to realise the unlawfulness of their episcopal callings, and to feel the burden of their many anti-Christian corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured to throw off, in which they succeeded as the beginning of this treatise shows. After they had joined themselves together in communion, as was mentioned earlier, he was a special help and support to them. On the Lord's Day they generally met at his house, which was a manner of the bishops, and he entertained them with great kindness when they came, providing for them at heavy expense to himself. He was the leader of those who were captured at Boston in Lincolnshire, suffering the greatest loss, and was one of the seven who were kept longest in prison and afterwards bound over to the Assizes. After he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, having spent most of his means, with a large family to support, and being from his breeding and previous mode of life not so fit for such laborious employment as others were. But he always bore his troubles with much cheerfulness and content. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in Holland his circumstances improved, and he lived well and plentifully, for through his knowledge of Latin he was able to teach many foreign students English. By his method they acquired it quickly and with great fluency, for he drew up rules to learn it by, after the manner of teaching Latin, and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, came to him, some of them being sons of distinguished men. By the help of some friends he also had means to set up a printing press, and thus had employment enough, and owing to many books being forbidden to be printed in England they might have had more work than they could do. But on moving to this country all these things were laid aside again, and a new way of living must be framed, in which he was in no way unwilling to take his part and bear his burden with the rest, living often for many months without corn or bread, with nothing but fish to eat, and often not even that. He drank nothing but water for many years, indeed until five or six years before his death, and yet by the blessing of God he lived in health to a very old age. He labored in the fields as long as he was able, yet when the church had no other minister he taught twice every Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great edification and comfort of his hearers, many being brought to God by his ministry. He did more in this way in a single year than many who have their hundreds a year do in all their lives. As for his personal qualities he was favored above many, he was wise and discreet and well spoken, having a grave and deliberate utterance with a very cheerful spirit. He was very sociable and pleasant among his friends, of a humble and modest mind and a peaceable disposition, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and sometimes overvaluing others. He was innocent in his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those without, as well as those within. Nevertheless he would tell them plainly of their faults, both public and privately, but in such a way that it was usually well taken. He was tender-hearted and compassionate with those in misery, especially when they were of good birth and rank, and had fallen into want and poverty, either for religion's sake or through the oppression of others. He would always say that of all men such deserved to be most pitied. None displeased him more than those who would haughtily and proudly exalt themselves, having risen from nothing and having little else to commend them than a few fine clothes or more means than others. When preaching he deeply moved and stirred the affections, and he was very plain and direct in what he taught, being thereby the more profitable to his hearers. He had a singularly good gift of prayer, both public and private, in ripping up the heart and conscience before God in the humble confession of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon of it. He always thought it better for ministers to pray oftener and divide their prayers than to be long and tedious, except on special occasions, such as days of humiliation and the like, because he believed that heart and spirit, especially in the week, could with difficulty continue so long to stand bent as it were towards God, as his meet in prayer, without flagging and failing. In the government of the church, which was proper to his office as elder, he was careful to preserve good order and purity both in doctrine and communion, and to suppress any error or contention that might begin to arise, and accordingly God gave success to his endeavors in this all his days, and he was given to see the fruit of his labours. But I must break off, though I have only touched the heads of a few things. I cannot but take occasion here to wonder at the marvellous providence of God, that notwithstanding the many changes these people went through, and the many enemies they had, and the difficulties they met with, so many of them should live to very old age. It was not only their reverent elder, for one swallow makes no summer, as they say, but many more of them, some dying about and before this time, and some still living, who reached sixty or sixty-five years of age, others seventy or over, and some nearly eighty as he was. It must needs be accounted for by more than natural reasons, for it is found in experience that change of air, hunger, unwholesome food, much drinking of water, sorrows and troubles, etc., are all enemies to health, causing many diseases, loss of natural vigor and shortness of life. Yet all those unfavorable conditions were their lot. They went from England to Holland, where they found both worse air and diet than where they came from, thence enduring a long imprisonment as it were aboard ship, they came to New England, and their way of living here has already been shown, and what crosses, troubles, fears, wants and sorrows they were liable to. In a sense they may say with the Apostle, 2 Corinthians 11, 26 and 27, that they were in journeyings often in perils of water, in perils of robbers, in perils by their own nation, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the wilderness, in perils on the sea, in perils among false brethren, in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness. What was it then that upheld them? It was God's visitation that preserved their spirits, Job 1012, Thou hast granted me life and favor, and thy visitation hath preserved my spirits. He that upheld the Apostle upheld them, they were persecuted but not forsaken, cast down but not destroyed, 2 Corinthians 4, 9, as unknown and yet well known, as dying and behold, we live, as chastened and not killed, 2 Corinthians 6, 9. God, it seems, would have all men behold and observe such mercies and works of his providence as towards his people, that they, in like cases, might be encouraged to depend upon God in their trials, and also bless his name when they see his goodness towards others. Man lives not by bread alone. It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace and rest and heart's ease, in enjoying the contentment and good things of this world only, that health is preserved and life prolonged. God in such examples would have the world see and behold that he can do it without them, and if the world will shut its eyes and take no notice of it, yet he would have his people see and consider it. Daniel was better off with pulse than others with the king's dainties. Jacob, though he went from his own nation to another people, and passed through famine, fear, and many afflictions, yet lived till old age, and died sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as numberless other of God's servants have done, and still shall do through God's goodness, not withstanding all the malice of their enemies, when the branch of the wicked shall be cut off before his day, Job 1532, and bloody and deceitful men shall not live out half their days, Psalm 55, 23. Owing to the plotting of the Narragansetts, ever since the Pequot war, the Indians had formed a general conspiracy against the English in all parts, as was partly discovered the year before, and now confirmed by various discoveries and the free confessions of several Indians from different places. They therefore sought means to prevent the trouble and secure themselves, which ultimately resulted in the formation of closer union and confederation defined by articles from which the following extracts are taken. Articles of confederation between the colonies under the governments of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, New Haven, and those in combination therewith. Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aim, namely to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and peace, and whereas in our setting, by a wise providence of God, we find ourselves further dispersed along the seacoasts and rivers than was at first intended, so that we cannot, as desired, conveniently live under one government and jurisdiction, and whereas we live surrounded by people of several tribes and strange languages, who may hereafter prove injurious to us and our posterity, we therefore conceive it our bounden duty without delay to enter into an immediate consociation among ourselves for mutual help and strength in our future concerns, so that in national and religious affairs, as in other respects, we may be and continue, one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing articles. One, wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between the parties or jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and severally by these presence do conclude and agree that they all be and henceforth be called by the name of the United Colonies of New England. Two, the said United Colonies for themselves and their posterity jointly and severally, hereby enter into a firm and perpetual League of Friendship and Amity for offense and defense, mutual advice and succor, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth of the gospel and for their own mutual safety and welfare. Three, it is further agreed that the colonies which at present are or hereafter shall be begun within the limits of Massachusetts, shall be forever under Massachusetts, and shall have separate jurisdiction among themselves in all cases as a complete body, and that new Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them similarly have separate jurisdiction and government within their limits. Four, it is by these Confederates agreed that the expense of all just wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what party or member of this confederation so ever they fall, shall, both in men, provisions, and all other disbursements be borne by all the parties of this confederation in different proportions according to their different abilities. According to the different numbers which from time to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true and just count, and that according to the different expenses of each jurisdiction and colony, the whole advantage of the war, if it please God to bless their endeavors, whether in lands, goods, or persons, shall be proportionately divided amongst the said Confederates. Five, it is further agreed that if these jurisdictions or any colony under or in combination with them be invaded by any enemy whatsoever, upon notice and request of any three magistrates of the jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the Confederates without any further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to the Confederate in danger, but in different proportions. Viz, Massachusetts, a hundred men sufficiently armed and provided, and each of the rest 45 so armed and provided, or any lesser number if less be required according to this proportion. But none of the jurisdictions to exceed these numbers till by a meeting of the commissioners for this confederation further aid appear necessary, and this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater numbers in each jurisdiction which shall be brought before the next meeting some other proportion be ordered. Six, it is also agreed that for the management of all affairs concerning the whole confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen by and out of each of these four jurisdictions, namely, two for Massachusetts, two for New Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and two for New Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, who shall bring full power from their general courts, respectively to hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aides, expenses, etc., not intermeddling with the government of any of these jurisdictions which by the third article is reserved entirely to themselves. But if these eight commissioners when they meet shall not all agree, any six of the eight agreeing shall have power to settle and determine the business in question. But if six do not agree, then such proportions, with their reasons, so far as they have been debated, shall be referred to the four general courts, Viz, Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, and if at all the said general courts the business so referred be concluded, then it shall be prosecuted by the Confederates and all their members. It is further agreed that these eight commissioners shall meet once every year, besides special meetings, to consider and conclude all affairs belonging to this confederation, which meeting shall always be on the first Thursday in September, and that the next meeting after the date of these presence, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at Boston in Massachusetts, the third at Hartford, the fourth at New Haven, the fifth at New Plymouth, and so on successively, if in the meantime some central place be not agreed upon as more convenient for all the jurisdictions. Seven. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight commissioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, six of them agreeing may choose a President from among themselves, whose duty shall be to direct the proceedings of that particular meeting, but he shall be invested with no such power or respect as might hinder the propounding or progress of any business, or in any way turn the scales otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed. Eight. It is also agreed that the commissioners for this confederation hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as they may have commission or opportunity, shall endeavor to frame agreements in case of a civil nature in which all the colonies are interested for the preservation of peace among themselves, and preventing as much as possible all causes of war or dispute with others. Nine. And since the Justice Wars may have dangerous consequences, especially for the smaller settlements in these United Colonies, it is agreed that neither Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, nor New Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this confederation or any part thereof, in any way whatsoever, sudden exigencies accepted, without the consent and agreement of six of the four mentioned eight commissioners. Ten. That on special occasions, when meetings are summoned by three magistrates of any jurisdiction, if any of the commissioners do not come, do notice having been given or sent, it is agreed that four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war which cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each jurisdiction, but not less than six shall determine the justice of the war, or allow the demands or bills of expenses, or cause any levies to be made for it. Eleven. It is further agreed that if any of the confederates shall hereafter break any of these articles of agreement, or in any way injure any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement or injury shall be duly considered by the commissioners for the other jurisdictions, that both peace and this present confederation may be entirely preserved without violation. Twelve. Lastly, this perpetual confederation and its several articles, being read and seriously considered both by the General Court of Massachusetts and by the commissioners for New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, is fully allowed and confirmed by three of the aforenamed confederates, Viz, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, the commissioners for New Plymouth having no commission to conclude, request time to advise with their General Court. At a meeting of the commissioners for the confederation held at Boston on the 7th of September, it appearing that the General Court of New Plymouth, and the several townships thereof, have read, considered, and approved these articles of confederation, as appears by commission from their General Court bearing date of the 29th of August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to ratify and confirm the same on their behalf, we, therefore, the commissioners for Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, do also, for our several governments, subscribe to them. John Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts, Thomas Dudley, Theophany Eaton, George Fenwick, Edward Hopkins, Thomas Gregson. At their first meeting held at Boston on the above-mentioned date, amongst other things, they had the following matter of great importance to consider. The Narragansetts, after subduing the Pequots, thought they were going to rule over all the Indians round them, but the English, especially those of Connecticut, were friendly with Uncus, Satchim of the Monheed tribe, which lived near them, as the Narragansetts did near those of Massachusetts. Uncus had been faithful to them in the Pequot war, and they had agreed to support him in his just liberties, and were willing that such of the surviving Pequots as had submitted to him, should remain with him and live quietly under his protection. This greatly increased his power and importance, and the Narragansetts could not endure to see it. So Miantonomo, their chief Satchim, an ambitious man, tried secretly and by treachery, according to the Indian Way, to make away with him, hiring someone to kill him. They tried to poison him, that not succeeding, they planned to knock him on the head in the night in his house, or to shoot him, and such like devices. But none of these plots taking effect, Miantonomo made open war upon Uncus, though it was contrary to his agreements with the English and the Monheeds. He suddenly came upon him with nine hundred or a thousand men, without proclaiming war. Uncus at that time had not half so many, but it pleased God to give him the victory, and he slew many of the Narragansetts and wounded many more. But most important of all, he took Miantonomo prisoner. But as he was a great man, and the Narragansetts a powerful people who would be sure to seek revenge, he did nothing until he had taken the advice of the English. So by the help and direction of those of Connecticut, he kept him prisoner until this meeting of the Confederation. The commissioners weighed the cause between Uncus and Miantonomo, and the evidence being duly considered, the commissioners saw that Uncus would not be safe while Miantonomo lived. So they concluded that he might justly put such a false and bloodthirsty enemy to death. But in his own jurisdiction, not on English ground, they advised that in his execution all mercy and toleration should be shown, contrary to the practice of the Indians who use tortures and all kinds of cruelty. Furthermore, as Uncus had hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and had consulted them in this, if the Narragansett Indians or others unjustly attacked Uncus for this execution, the commissioners promised that the English would assist and protect him as far as they could against violence upon notice and request. Uncus followed this advice, and accordingly executed Miantonomo in a fair manner with due respect for the honour of his position, but what followed on the Narragansett's part will appear later. CHAPTER XXIV Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor this year. Many having left here, owing to the district being so limited and barren, and their finding better accommodation elsewhere, and several others looking for opportunity to go, the church began seriously to consider whether it were not better to remove jointly to some other place than to be thus weakened, and as it were insensibly dissolved. Much consultation took place and opinions varied. Some were for staying together here, arguing that people could live here if only they were content, and that it was not so much for necessity that they removed as for enriching themselves. Others were resolute upon removal, and signified that here they could not stay, and that if the church did not remove they must. This swayed many to agree to removal, rather than that there should be a total disillusion, if a place could be found suitable to accommodate the whole body more conveniently and uncomfortably, and with room for development should others join them for their greater strength and better subsistence. With these provisos the majority consented to removal to a place called Nosset, which had been superficially viewed, and the goodwill of the owners obtained. They began too late to see the error of their previous policy, for they found they had already given away the best and most convenient places to others, and now were in want of such situations themselves. For Nosset was about fifty miles from here, on the outskirts of the country, and remote from all society. Furthermore, on close examination, they found it would prove so limited that it would not suffice to accommodate the whole body much less be capable of any expansion. So in a short time they would be worse off there than they were now. This made them change their resolution, but such as were resolved upon removal took advantage of the agreement made, and went on notwithstanding, nor could the rest hinder them since they had already made some beginning. Thus was this poor church left like an ancient mother grown old and forsaken of her children, though not in their affections yet as regards their bodily presence and personal helpfulness. Her ancient members being most of them worn away by death, and those of later times being, like children, transferred to other families, she, like a widow, was left only to trust in God. Thus she who had made many rich herself became poor. Soon another broil was begun by the Narragansets, though they had unjustly made war upon Uncus as before described. The winter before this they earnestly urged the Governor of Massachusetts to permit them to make war again in revenge for the death of their Sagamore, claiming that Uncus had first received and accepted ransom for Miantanomo, and then put him to death. But the Governor refused the presents they brought, and told them it was they themselves who had done wrong and broken the conditions of peace. Neither he nor any of the English would allow them to make any further war upon Uncus, and that if they did so the English must assist him and oppose them. But if when the commissioners met, the matter having had a fair hearing, it could be proved that he had received this ransom, they would make Uncus return it. Notwithstanding this, at the spring of the year they gathered in great power, and fell upon Uncus, killing many of his men and wounding more, besides receiving some loss themselves. Uncus then called for aid from the English. They told him what the Narragansets objected, he denied it. They told him it must come to trial, and if he was innocent, should the Narragansets refuse to desist, they would assist him. So at this meeting they sent both to Uncus and the Narragansets, and required their Sagamores to come, or sent deputies to the commissioners, who had now met at Hartford, promising a fair and impartial hearing of all their grievances, and that all wrongs should be redressed. They also promised that they should come and return without any danger or molestation. Upon which the Narragansets sent one Sagamore and some other deputies with full power to do what was thought right. Uncus came in person, accompanied by some of his chiefs. After discussion the commissioners made the following declaration to the Narragansets deputies. One, that they did not find any proof of a ransom being agreed upon. Two, it did not appear that any Wampum had been paid as a ransom, or any part of a ransom for Miantanomo's life. Three, that, had they in any way proved their charge against Uncus, the commissioners would have required him to make due satisfaction. Four, that if hereafter they could produce satisfactory proof, the English would consider it and proceed accordingly. Five, the commissioners required that neither they nor their allies, the Niantics, should make war or injurious assault upon Uncus or any of his tribe, until they could show proof of the ransom being given, unless he should first attack them. Six, that if they attacked Uncus the English had undertaken to assist him. Hereupon the Narragansets Sagam, consulting with the other deputies, undertook on behalf of the Narragansets and Niantics that no hostile acts should be committed upon Uncus or any of his tribe till after the next planting of corn, and that thereafter, before they made war, they would give thirty days notice to the Governor of Massachusetts or Connecticut. The commissioners, approving of this offer, required Uncus as he expected the continuance of the favour of the English to observe the same terms of peace with the Narragansets and their people. The foregoing conclusions were then subscribed by the commissioners for the several jurisdictions on the 19th of September, 1644, Edward Hopkins President, Simon Bradstreet, William Hathorn, Edward Winslow, John Brown, George Fenwick, Theophany Eaton, Thomas Gregson. The Narraganset deputies further promised that if, contrary to this agreement, any of the Niantic Piquots made any attack upon Uncus or any of his people, they would deliver them to the English for punishment, and that they would not attempt to incite the Mohawks against Uncus during this truce. Their names were subscribed with their marks. We Tawish, Pampiamet, Chenug, Pomunas. The commissioners were summoned to meet at Boston before their ordinary time, partly in regard to some differences between the French and the government of Massachusetts, about their aiding governor-latour against Monsieur Donnet, and partly about the Indians, who had broken the agreements of peace concluded last year. This meeting was held at Boston on July 28th. Besides some underhand attacks made on both sides, the Narragansets gathered a great power and fell upon Uncus and killed many of his men and wounded many more, far exceeding him in number, and having got a large number of arms. They did this without the knowledge and consent of the English, contrary to the former agreement, and were determined to continue the war, notwithstanding anything the English said or did. So, encouraged by their recent victory, and a promise of assistance from the Mohawks, a strong, war-like and desperate tribe, they had already devoured Uncus and his people in their hopes, and would surely have done so in fact if the English had not quickly gone to his aid. But the English of Connecticut sent him forty men, as a garrison for him, till the commissioners could meet and take further steps. Having thus met, they forthwith sent three messengers, Sergeant John Davis, Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smith, with full and ample instructions both to the Narragansets and Uncus, requiring them either to come in person or send qualified deputies, and if they refused or delayed, to warn them that the English were determined to oppose these hostile invasions, and that they had sent their men to defend Uncus, and to know of the Narragansets whether they would stand by the former peace. The messengers returned from the Narragansets not only with slights, but with a threatening answer. They also brought a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, assuring them that war would shortly break out, and the whole country would be a flame, and that the satchums of the Narragansets had concluded a neutrality with the English of Providence and Aquidnet Island, whereupon the commissioners, considering the great danger and provocations offered, and the necessity we should be put to of making war on the Narragansets, and being cautious to have the way clear in a matter of such wide public concern to all the colonies, thought fit to advise with such of the magistrates and elders of Massachusetts as were on hand, and also with some of the chief military commanders there, who, being assembled, it was then agreed, one, that our engagement bound us to aid and defend Uncus, two, that this aid could not be confined to defense of him and his fort or habitation, but must be extended to the security of his liberty and property, three, that this aid must be speedy lest he should be swallowed up in the meantime, four, the justice of the war being clear to ourselves and the rest then present, it was thought meat that the case should be stated, and the reasons and grounds of the war declared and published, five, that a day of humiliation should be appointed, which was the fifth day of the week following, six, it was also agreed by the commissioners that the total number of men to be raised throughout the colonies should be three hundred, Massachusetts one hundred ninety, New Plymouth forty, Connecticut forty, New Haven thirty, and that considering Uncus was in instant danger, forty men should forthwith be sent from Massachusetts for his relief, for the forty previously sent from Connecticut had orders to stay only one month, and their time having expired they returned, and the Narragansett's hearing of it took the advantage and came suddenly upon him and gave him another blow to his further loss, and were ready to do so again, but the forty men from Massachusetts having arrived they drew off. The declaration of war which they published I shall not transcribe as it is very long and is already in print. I will only note the insolent reception of it by the Narragansett's and the answers to the three messengers sent from the commissioners to deliver it. They received them with scorn and contempt, and told them they resolved to have no peace without the head of Uncus, that it mattered not who began the war, they were determined to continue it, that if the English did not withdraw their garrison from Uncus they would procure the Mohawks against them. Ultimately they threatened that they would lay the English cattle in heaps as high as their houses, and that no Englishman should stir outside his door so much as to relieve himself, but he should be killed. When the messengers demanded guides to pass on through their country to deliver the message of the commissioners to Uncus, they refused them and in scorn offered them an old piquant woman. Nay, the messengers personally were in danger, for while the interpreter was speaking with them about the answer he should take back, some natives came and stood behind him with hatchets, according to their murderous manner, but one of his comrades gave him warning, and so all three broke off and came away. These and similar affronts so terrified the Indians they had with them that they ran away, and left them to get home as best they could. So the confederation hastened the preparations, according to the agreement, and sent to New Plymouth to dispatch their forty men with all speed, to be stationed at Seaconk lest it should be in danger before the rest were ready. They were all well armed with snaffants' guns under command of Captain Standish. Those from other places were also led by able commanders, such as Captain Mason for Connecticut, etc. Major Gibbons was made general with such commissions and instructions as were proper. Everything being ready, some of the soldiers already started and the rest ready to march, the commissioners thought it right before any hostile act was committed to return a present which had previously been sent to the governor of Massachusetts from the Narragansett Satchams, and though not accepted by him, had been laid by to be accepted or refused according to their behavior, so it was sent back by two messengers and an interpreter who were further instructed to inform the Narragansetts that the men the English had already sent to Uncus and other parts had express orders so far only to stand upon his or their defense and not to attempt any invasion of the Narragansett's country, and that even yet, if they made due reparation for what had passed and gave good security for the future, they should find that the English were as desirous of peace and as tender of Narragansett blood as ever. If therefore Pesachus, Genomo, with the other Satchams, would without further delay come with them to Boston, the commissioners promised and assured them free liberty to come and return without molestation, but deputies would not now serve, nor would the preparations on hand be stayed or the directions recalled till the aforementioned Sagamors came, and further consultation had taken place. If on the other hand they would have nothing but war, the English were ready and would proceed accordingly. Pesachus, Miksano, and Witawish, three principal Satchams of the Narragansett Indians, and Awa Sequin, deputy for the Niantics, with a large train of men, a few days after, came to Boston. To omit all other circumstances and the discussion which took place between them and the commissioners, they came to the following conclusion. 1. It is agreed between the commissioners of the United Colonies and the Narragansett and Niantic Sagamors that the latter shall pay or cause to be paid at Boston, to the Massachusetts commissioners, the full sum of two thousand fathom of good white wampum, or a third part of black wampum in four payments, namely five hundred fathom within twenty days, five hundred fathom within four months, five hundred fathom at or before next corn-planting time, and five hundred fathom within two years from the date of these presents, which two thousand fathom the commissioners accept as satisfaction for former expenses defrayed. 2. The aforesaid Sagamors and deputy, on behalf of the Narragansett and Niantic Indians, hereby promise and covenant that upon demand and proof they will restore to Uncus the Mon Higgs Sagamor, all captives both men, women, and children, all canoes which they or any of their men have taken, or as many Narragansett canoes in good condition, in place of them, and will give full satisfaction for all such corn as they or any of their men have destroyed, of his or his men's, since last planting time, and the English commissioners hereby promise that Uncus shall do likewise. 3. Whereas there are various disputes and grievances between the Narragansett and Niantic Indians, and Uncus and his men, which in the absence of Uncus cannot now be determined, it is hereby agreed that the Narragansett and Niantic Sagamors either come themselves or send their deputies to the meeting of the commissioners for the colonies, either at New Haven in September 1646, or sooner, upon due notice, if the said commissioners meet sooner, fully instructed to make due proof of their injuries, and to submit to the judgment of the commissioners in giving or receiving satisfaction. And the said commissioners, not doubting but Uncus will either come himself or send his deputies, promise to give full hearing to both parties impartially, according to their allegations and proofs. 4. The said Narragansett and Niantic Sagamors and deputies do hereby promise and covenant to maintain a firm and perpetual peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their successors, and with Uncus the Monheeg Sachem and his men, with Osamacwine, Pomham, Sokanoke, Kachamakin, Shohanan, Pasakanaway, and all other Sagamors and their tribes who are in friendship with or subject to any of the English, hereby engaging themselves that they will not at any time hereafter disturb the peace of the country by any attacks, hostile attempts, invasions, or other injuries to any of the United Colonies or their successors, or to the aforesaid Indians, either in their persons, buildings, cattle, or goods, directly or indirectly, nor will they combine with any other enemy against them, and if they know of any Indians or others who are conspiring or intend harm to the said English, or any Indians subject to or in friendship with them, they will without delay, acquaint and give notice thereof to the English commissioners or some of them, or if any questions or disputes shall at any time hereafter arise between them and Uncus, or any Indians mentioned above, they will, according to former engagements which they hereby confirm and ratify, first acquaint the English, and request their judgment and advice therein, and will not attempt or begin any war or hostile invasion till they have liberty and permission from the commissioners of the United Colonies so to do. 5. The said Narragansett and Niantic, Sagamors, and deputies do hereby promise they will forewith deliver and restore all such Indian fugitives or captives, as have at any time fled from the English, and are now living among them, or give due satisfaction for them to the commissioners for Massachusetts, and further, that they will without delay pay or cause to be paid, a yearly tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, to the English colonies, for all such Pequots as live among them, according to the former treaty and agreement made at Hartford, 1638, namely one fathom of white wampum for every Pequot man, and half a fathom for each Pequot youth, and one hand length for each male child, and if Wequeshcook refused to pay this tribute for any Pequots with him, the Narragansett Sagamors promise to assist the English against him, and they further undertake that they will resign and yield up the whole Pequot country, and every part of it, to the English colonies as due to them by conquest. Six, the said Narragansett and Niantic Sagamors and deputy do hereby promise and covenant, that within fourteen days they will bring and deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners on behalf of the colonies, four of their children, Viz, the eldest son of Pesachus, the son of Tasakwanoite, the brother of Pesachus, the son of Awashawi, and the son of Iwangso, a Niantic, to be kept as hostages or pledges by the English, till the afore mentioned two thousand fathom of wampum has been paid at the times appointed, and the differences between themselves and Uncus have been heard and settled, and until these articles have been underwritten at Boston by Genimo and Wipitok, and further they hereby promise and covenant that if at any time hereafter any of the said children shall escape or be taken away from the English before the promises be fully accomplished, they will either bring back and deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners the same children, or if they cannot be found, such and so many other children as shall be chosen by the commissioners for the United Colonies or their assigns within twenty days after demand, and in the meantime, until the said four children be delivered as hostages, the Narragansett and Niantic Sagamores and Deputy do freely and of their own accord leave with the Massachusetts commissioners as pledges for present security for Indians, Viz, Witawish, Pamunish, Jawashow, Waguameno, who also freely consent and offer themselves to stay as pledges till the afore said children are delivered. 7. The commissioners for the United Colonies do hereby promise and agree that the four Indians now left as pledges shall be provided for at the expense of the United Colonies, and that the four children to be delivered as hostages shall be kept and maintained at the same expense, that they will require Unkas and his men, with all other Indian Sagamores before named, to forbear all acts of hostility against the Narragansett and Niantic Indians for the future, and further, all the promises being duly observed and kept by the Narragansetts and Niantics and their tribes, they will at the end of the two years restore the said children delivered as hostages, and maintain a firm peace with the Narragansett and Niantic Indians and their successors. 8. It is fully agreed by and between the said parties that if any hostile attempts be made while this treaty is in hand, or before notice of this agreement can be given, such attempts and the consequences thereof shall on neither part be counted a violation of this treaty, nor a breach of the peace here made and concluded. 9. The Narragansett and Niantic Sagamores and deputy hereby agree and covenant to, and with, the commissioners of the United Colonies, that henceforth they will neither give, grant, sell, nor in any way alienate any part of their country, nor any parcel of land therein, to any of the English or others without consent or permission of the commissioners. 10. Lastly they promise that if any Piqua or other Indians be found among them who have in time of peace murdered any of the English, they shall be delivered to just punishment. In witness whereof the parties above named have interchangeably subscribed these presents the day and year above written. John Winthrop President, Herbert Pelham, Thomas Prince, John Brown, George Fenwick, Edward Hopkins, Theophany Eaton, Stephen Goodyear, Pesicus, Hismark, Mikeseno, Hismark, Wheatowish, Hismark, Awasequan, Hismark, Abdus, Hismark, Pamunish, Hismark, Kutshamekin, Hismark. In drawing up this treaty and agreement between the commissioners of the United Colonies and the Sagamores and deputy of the Narragansett and Niantic Indians, Benedict Arnold was interpreter upon his oath, Sergeant Calicoat and his man an Indian were present, and Josias and Kutshamekin, two Indians acquainted with the English language, assisted, making the whole treaty and every article clear to the Sagamores and deputy present. Thus was the war pending at this time prevented.