 Mae'n cwrdd, yma, ond byddwn yn mynd i'r gwn i'r cyfnod oed, fel ydych chi'n gilydd ychydig yng Nghymru, fe oedd ymlaen yng Nghymru yng Nghymru yng Nghymru. Mae yna, erddangos weithio yma i'r Gwyrdd, yn y camp yng nghymru i ddod i gael i ddim yn ymlaen, ym gyfnod yn ei ddweud yng nghymru. Mae'r rhesymau ar y cyfnod yn llwylliant, Fy gennym ni'n goddwyd drwng ysgrifennu i'r Bryddon a'r ysgrifennu, gennym ni'n gwneud o'r helyniadau o'r Bryddon. Rwy'n cael ei wneud i'r ffruwyshwn. Fy gennym ni… Rwy'n cael ei wneud i'r fawr i'r fawr o'r fawr o'r fawr, rwy'n cael ei wneud i'r fawr o'r llun o'r llunio. Mae'r cysylltu'r ysgrifennu y Lennan yn ystod i naddwyd. Felly mae'n ffordd, mae'n wneud i'r comradu, mae hwn yn ymgyrch yn eu cyfnod ar gyfer y tîm ni. Yn y mwyaf, o'r ffrindau cyfnodol. Yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch ar gyfer y llai o fynd, o'r ymwyaf, o'r ymgyrch, o'r llennant, o'r enghwyls, ac o Trotsky. Ac y cwso, mae'n ychydig o'r ddisgolion, y ddisgolion gyhoch o'r ddisgolion yn y ddweud. Rydym ni'n ddweud ychydig ymrwyf yn cael ei gwaith o'r ddisgolion, ac yn ymdweud, mae'n ei ddweud i ddweud i ddweud i ddweud y ddweud. mae'r ffordd rydw i'n gweithio, mae'r ffordd rydw i'n gweithio yn llunio'n gweithio o'r gweithio'n gweithio o'r frasgau sy'n teimlo'r llunio sy'n ymddangos, yn gwneud hynny'n yr ysgol. Rwy'n cael ei wneud y tawr gyda'r ffordd rydw i'r ffordd. Mae'n ffordd yn ymddangos. Rydw i'n gweithio'r ffordd rydw i'n gweithio o'r bwysig o'r ffordd. yng nghyd, y ysgol yn ysgol yn y Brifysgol yng Nghymru fel yw'r iawn, yng Nghymru yng nghymru yn ysgol yn yma'r ysgol yn ymddiad. Ond yw eich gwybod gweld i'r ffarnwg ymddiad felly mae'r bwysig hefyd wedi'i gweithio'r ysgol oки i fynd i'r wrthoedol. Mae hynny'n fyddai'n gweithio'r llennyn ac mae'r ysgol yn balsyfism. Yn ffaraes balsyfism mae hynny'n gweithio'r hynny'n攻hwch yng Nghymru o'r concept, y dyfodol. Rydyn ni'n balshwych. Rydyn ni'n balshwych ar ei ddysgu. As yw'r ddigon i yn ei tynnu. Rydyn ni wedi yw'r ddysgu. Rydyn ni wedi'n ddigon i'r ddigon. Rydyn ni'n gweithio'r lehau a wneud ystod o'r organ. Rydyn ni'n defnyddio'r iddiadau fathigol am ddegon ni'n ddym ni, llunio'r rhifigio, yr unig i'r myfgleddau a'r ddaf amser o'r myflethau. Mae'r ddaf, mae'r ddaf yn rhoi yn ymgyrch. Mae'r ddweud o'r ddweud ar y cysylltu newydd, mae'r ddweud o'r ddwyf yn ystod, ac mae'r drosio, dyma'r rhai ddweud o'r ddweud? Y ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud, sy'n rydyn nhw'n'n dweud o'r ddweud. Ond mae'n ystyried o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud. sydd oedd ymddangos fel yno. A i'r bach yn ymddangos, mae'r cyfnod iawn yn gwneud. A'r cyflos wedi'u cyflos, mae gennym lle o'r gwleidio'r ymddangos yma. A, nifer o'r gyflos, ymdŵr i'r gweithio'n cyflos ymddangos, ymddangos yw'r gwleidio'n cyflos yn gweithio'r idea llwyniadau. a'r tassau yw'n dweud yw'n cael ei ddweud. A'r ddiwedd i'r ddweud y peth o'r ddechrau, y dyfodol y Refelwyr yn ddechrau'n gwirio'n dweud yw'r ddefnyddio. Y dyfodol yw'r ddechrau'n ddechrau'n ddegwyd? Mae'r ddegwyd yw'n ddegwyd. Felly nid oedd ymlaen i'r ddechrau. A yna ddim yn fwyaf o'r ddweud i'r ddegwyd, ond yn ysgolwyr. ac ydy'n gwybod i'n fwyaf am gweithio Lennin a bosialism, sy'n ddim yn ddifigwyrm iawn, a'r ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn a'r ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn, y rhai ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn. Fy enw, Lennin yn ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn, ystod amser yn ymdill yn ddechrau i'r ddifigwyrm iawn. Yn 1870, rhai ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn, yn ei ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn, y byddwch yn ymdill, ymwysig yn ddifigwyrm iawn, y botwll yn y gallu ddifigwyrm iawn i'r ddifigwyrm iawn, 150 miliwn yma, wasi'r hunu pedigol yn yma i'r hunu農 ar Bwb dynamic yma yn Aelodau Peethosburg yng Nghymru ac amllewch yn ymddrach o'r hunu hefyd, i'r hunu'r hunu'r hunu. Gyd-naw yma i Marks i Angles, maeth y gallai unrhyw yma, ychydig yma eich hunu a'r hunu dethau deutlau eich hunu ar rywun hyn o brydiau syddoddoddoddoddodd roedd y hunu llyfl. dwi'n bwysig o fynd i fynd i'r gwahodd, ac mae'n bwysig o'r ddweud o'r clas yw. Rwy'n dweud o ffraithio'r cyflog, o'r cyflogol yw'r cyflogol. Rydyn ni'n bwysig o phobl yw'r cyflogol, oherwydd mae'n ddod o'r ideaen o marxysm. Mae'n bwysig o'r dweud i'r cyflogol yn y rysyn o'r cyfrwys, a the attempt by a young generation to overthrow Zarrism. Mainly through the Norodnich movement, which was based on individual terrorism. They wanted to assassinate the the Zarr hoping that would change things. The problem is you assassinate one Zarr and they put another one in his place. That individual terrorism doesn't work. But unfortunately his brother Heirioech yn ddim yn ysgrifennu yn ei wneud ystod i'r ddweud ar gyfer yr arddangos i'r gyfnodd. Mae'r gysylltu. Rydyn ni'n ddweud bod y ddiwedd yn gweithio. I rydyn ni'n ddysgu'n ystod i'r ddweud. Rydyn ni'n ddweud o'r ddwyg Lennin, efallai yn sgwr ar gyfer ydy. Mae'r ddweud yn gweithio, mae'n ddweud o'r ddwygnu ar gyfer ystod. You could say that Lenin was quite a very intelligent young man, and he began at a thirst for ideas, and first he had sympathy with the Norodnix, thus I'm sure, but then began to be affected by these ideas from a broad called Marxism. Because Russia was obviously, as I said, a totalitarian regime. They were censorship. The ideas of Marxism weren't circled in a big way. Ond ydych yn hyn ymgyrch yn ei gwneud mewn senghor. Mae'r yng Nghaerlenion wedi'u bod yn gallu i'r ysgwrdd a'u wneud i ni'n gofio. Yn ystod, ac mae'n rhan o'n fath o'n rhan o'u. Yn ystod yw'r ar-ddiad, y coginion, y mae ysgwrdd y marx? Mae'n rhan o'n fath o'r rhaglenion i'r rhaglenion. Mae'n rhan o'n rhan o'n ysgwrdd y university. byddai'r brôn iawn. Mae'r Unifeil Cazan yn gyflawniol, a mae'n gofyn ni'n gwybodaeth a'r ystod ychydig, a gallai'n bosib, mae'n gwybodaeth oedd o ffordd, o'r ffordd, o'r ffordd, o'r ffordd. A mae'n gweithio i'r ddeudol a'r ddweud, i'r ddeudol, a fyddwch i'r mwythau i'n gweithio i'n gweithio i'r newydd i'r ddweud i'r ddweud ac mae'n gweithio i'r ddaf i'r Unifersiwyr Synch Pethysbwrg. Felly mae'n gyffredig, fel y bydd y gallu gwneud y cysylltu yma, fel y ffa, o ffais. A mae'n dechrau yn y ddweud yn y law. A'r ydym yn y gweithio yma, y 21, 22 yma, mae'n ddweud rydyn ni'n ddau'r marxism. Mae'n gwneud yn cyfnodol, mae'n ddweud o'r lawi, As long as he was concerned and realised himself he needed to basically make the sacrifice of voting his life in revolution in not only Russia but also internationally. This is a young man, and in St Peter's Bourg he established a group, a very small groups, a circle at that time. a chyfnodd, ymateb ymgyrch am yng Nghymru, a'r ffordd yn ymwyllfa arddangos. Maen nhw, ond, ydw yw'r ymdyn nhw'n ei ffwrdd, a felly mae'n sy'n ei gweithio. A'r gweithio mae'n ei wneud mae'n meddwl ymgyrchol yn ymgyrchol, fel yma ym 3 ymgyrchol. A'r bobl Bryde, mae'r bobl Bryde yn ymgyrchol, Diolch am yr unrhyw beth o valley, yna Tazmania. Roedd, bicyclesydd o'r llwyf ymlaen o'r legwyr, yno'r lefling gyda'i gwaith, a ydych chi'n dod o'r ddefnydd. bod yn amlwg i ddaliadu ac yn ond roedd yna, a'r lefling yn sybu cyfrifol. Mae'n ddarwm, ei wneud, mae'n ystod o'r holl diwrs o ddesig, eich oeddo, yno sut hwnna ychydig, yna bod nes сказала pwy fyddwn i quedion gynhal yng nghymru. Mae'r gwaith arnyfr oMusikio y t unwt yng Nghymru, mor hwn yn y bwyll yng nghymru, y Roedd, yng Nghymru, y Brannu, yng Nghymru, gweld o'r oran, o bwyny o'r oran, o'r oranau yn cyfdwyllol yng nghymru, ac roedd efo i euchaf i'r idea i fynd yma, mae'r awsiau a'r awsiau a'r awsiau a'r awsiau a'r awsiau a'r awsiau a'r awsiau. yn ymlaen. Mae'n gweld yma'n gwaith. Mae'r ymdyniau yn ymdyniau yn cael ei wneud y parwyr o'r cyflawn i ddau i'w rysg. Felly mae'n gofio i'n meddwl i'r cyflawn i'u wneud yn 1898. Mae'r gwybwch ymdyniau yn ei wneud, mae'n gyfer y byddwch yn cyflawn i'w gwaith. Mae'n rhaid i'w wneud ar y cyflawn i'r byw. Mae'r gwybwch yn cyflawn i'w gwaith i'w gwaith, mae'n gwybwch yn ei ddau i'w dim yn ei ddweud, was a manifesto that was all I had and this but it's had a big impact on Lenin. He was in touch also with other people who had gone to exile, forced into exile because of the conditions. Man called Kleckanoff, we were established a small group in Switzerland, you know the emancipation of labour group, only half a dozen people, trying to fight for these ideas of Marxism in Russia trying to smuggle back you know different copies into Russia of the works of Marx and Engels in particular and Lenin not only absorbed these ideas in a serious way which I think is an example perhaps to everybody, the seriousness in which he didn't just like-mindly skip over ideas, he tried to thoroughly understand them and therefore read and thoroughly tried to grasp what they were getting at which stimulated his whole approach you know what he was going to do when he got out of exile in 1900 for instance and he had certain correspondence with people about the establishment not of the partiness there or the re-establishment of the party but the beginnings of that which is the establishment of a newspaper. If they could in fact get a newspaper, a Marxist newspaper that could be the focus around which the elements could develop of a party. He later called it like the scaffolding you know in a building this would be the framework and he went and so Plec enough after after he was released in 1900 how old is he then 27 years of age I think he was yes 27 years you mean oh sorry when he went into exile he was 27 by the time he came out he was 30 in 1900 so it's an early young man who'd gone through all this experience and now has been thrown into this cauldron to try and found a revolutionary party in Russia um he brought out uh he wrote extensively in in Iskra he edited it together with others he even came to London on that basis but um he wrote a book called what is to be done and that book is quite a classic because in there he argues that first of all the conditions in Russia you can't have a kind of party like in Britain and so on whether you know this is going to be a revolutionary party that's going to be used to to lead the working class to overthrow the own order that has to be built up of professional revolutionaries who prepare to dedicate their lives in order to carry this through he says there's no point in an amateurist you know a setup this is going to be a dedicate after all he said that revolution is not a you know an incidental thing it's not an easy thing it's an enormous it's what it's a life and death question and therefore you have to have serious people who are prepared to carry it through and therefore he wrote this this uh this booklet where he says that um you know that without revolutionary theory you could have no revolutionary movement theory was the basis of it theoretically training cadres people are prepared to give their lives to the movement was the key aspect and that's what he put forward and that's and that tendency around Iskra this newspaper one a majority of the of the circles in Russia there was other confused ideas at the time I haven't got into I haven't got the time to go into them about economism and legal Marxism obscure ideas at the time to water down the ideas and try they combated those ideas and by the time they established a new conference which in reality was the founding conference in 1903 they Iskra did one a majority of of the opinion of the delegates the majority were supporting this the ideas that Lenin and Iskra had been arguing for over the previous two or three years which is an amazing achievement and in this congress they hammered out the fundamentals of what this party was going to be like on the national question about reformism and revolution with the character of the party and so on and so forth and the interesting thing about this I did write an article recently I think in the social appeal which carried about this congress where a split took place Iskra was the dominant force everybody had all the majority and suddenly there was a division in the ranks of this Iskra and the division wasn't very clear to begin with it was over like secondary as you would have thought organizational questions what is a member how do you define a member who should be on the editorial board you wouldn't think these are sort of earth shattering questions but Lenin in particular the faction he led at that time uh was called for what I better known at them as the hards as opposed to the other tendency that was there around Matoff which is called the softs they had a more softer attitude Lenin had a more harder attitude that was the kind of difference a quite a strange way of looking at things but he was a bit of an anticipation of what was going to come his anticipation of political differences that were going to emerge a year or two later and what they what the significance of it they then became they had a vote at the end of the day I don't want to go to all the ins and outs but the Bolsheviks and Bolshevism arise from the name of majority and Menshevism and Mensheviks are always from from the as a Russian word for minority so it was only a question of majority and minority within this historical conference at the time the Bolsheviks were the majority and the Lenin and they uh carried the day but it led to a split quite a bad split really and people walked away uh disgruntled Lenin tried to explain what had gone on what does get the bottom of this and what are you saying was the party had to be professionalised and there were those who didn't want the professionalization they wanted to make it a come over a loose knit kind of amateurish body kind of thing you know open to the middle class intellectuals you know could come and go that kind of thing what does Lenin said no you need a firm revolutionary party based on discipline based on you know a courageous movement and membership not a loose knit party and that was the split in 1903 and it began this idea of Bolshevism and Menshevism but it was only organisational questions later became political and the political differences were quite stark that the Menshevik tendency because the revolution in Russia was coming you could see that but what it was the character of this revolution well it was a revolution to modern to get rid of the czar to get rid of nationalism give land to the peasants and bring about national unity of the country solve some of the basic questions that we had solved in Britain 200 years ago in other words prepare the ground for capitalism really modernising the country that was the basis of it and of course you know under Oliver Cromwell you know that was our bourgeois revolution but this was a lot later with the working this young working class in Russia now began to emerge and come out of the scene in fact that was the big thing in 1905 the first revolution in Russia actually arose from a defeat of the war war actually is the midwife of revolution which is interesting for us today um there was a war between Japan and Russia and Russia was defeated it spurred on an impetus to revolution in Russia and that night you know a five revolution was an incredible year long event as a matter of fact where the working class came to the fore and the debate the debate in the movement was amongst the metrics in the bolsheviks the metrics thought that revolution well it should be led by the by the bourgeoisie led by the capitalist and the workers should be subordinate in support in the capitalist because after all it was bringing in capitalism Lenin on the other hand and the bolsheviks said hang on no no no the the ruling the the bourgeoisie in Russia are tied to imperialism they tied to the landlords they're tied to the old regime they will not play a revolutionary role in fact they're going to play a counter revolutionary role and that the only class in Russia that was revolutionary was the young working class which was shown in 1905 and they could win went over the peasantry on that basis as well so you have an alliance of workers and peasants carrying through this revolution which Lenin thought would have a big impact on Europe a successful revolution in Russia doing away with the tsar would have a big impact on Europe and would actually spur socialist revolution in Europe which will then you know come back into Russia itself so it's a very internationalist outlook that Lenin had very advanced there was one other person or perhaps had a more clear review and that was Leon Trotsky at that at the time he said yes the bourgeoisie account a revolutionary the working class is revolutionary it should lead the revolution but and it should get with the monarchy and and yes give land to the peasants and and all those things that the the capitalist did you know along two centuries ago in the west but it shouldn't just stay like that it should proceed to carry through nationalisation the economy proceed to have socialist measures and this was what the theory was of permanent revolution because if you had a socialist revolution in Russia which no one had ever thought of Russia a most backward country you could ever think of in the whole of of Europe how could ever Marx never certainly thought that he thought you know it would be Britain, Germany, France, where the industrial working class is strong but he was trotsky he had the idea no the working class could come to a come to power even before the west in Russia but of course it could not complete the revolution it would actually be the beginning of a world revolution because there was no no basis for socialism in backward Russia but if they had revolution could spark other revolutions in Germany, France, America and so on they then would provide Russia with all the material basis to move towards socialism you know those world revolution was the prospect as what Trotsky was putting forward even but even a bit more advanced if you like than Lenin at that particular time but the main I think lesson from it was the intervention of the of the Bolshevik Party and Lenin in the 1905 revolution and the experience that that gave Lenin later on said he was a dress rehearsal what a wonderful expression a dress rehearsal for a future revolution in Russia itself he drew out the lessons he said there's no more almost movements of the working class movements of the peasants and so on they threw up the workers in organizations that you've never even heard of before they're Soviet which was a workers committee a workers council which was an embryo of workers power precisely that's the lessons that he was learning this shows the independent movement of the working class and their organizations they've thrown up is the basis of a new society in the future that was a quite an almost again Trotsky had the same idea in fact Trotsky became the leader of the Petrograd Soviet in 1905 so they learned a lot out of this experience the first movement of the of the revolution was through the working class that was clear they were thrown up independent organizations and they showed their capacity to struggle all it was lacking if you like was the revolutionary party with the ability to pull it all together and of course the Bolsheviks and the Menshiviks grew enormously by the way because of revolution in a period of revolution people would draw huge revolutionary conclusions and they looked for revolutionary way out so the Bolsheviks and the Menshiviks all in one party by the way called the the russian social democratic labour party that they all grew enormously tens of thousands joined this organization and so on and so forth the only thing is that by the end of the year the revolution went down there was a defeat of the revolution there was an insurrection in in moscow in december and after that there was a defeat of the revolution and as a consequence the tsarist regime came with a male fist and slammed down on the working class and the revolutionary movement at that time so there was a normal reaction came was introduced a period of reaction a period where the working class was on the retreat where there was enormous then disillusionment there was a big setback the obviously the parties began to fall apart a bit on that under those circumstances people committed suicide because of the of they had so much illusions the thing was going to happen and then they were destroyed because people were being sent to Siberia were being shot were being hanged I mean the regime was absolutely vicious to say the least so this is a period now enormous difficulties having gone through 1905 now this is a period of reaction and this period of reaction would last until 1911 1912 was the revival so it lasted quite a bit of time within that period even the Bolshevik party was very very reduced to a skeleton if you're like you know under those conditions bear in mind that Lenin was then exiled all the leaders practically were in exile they couldn't stay in Russia for fear of being arrested and therefore they worked in those mainly abroad and in Lenin's case mainly in Austria and Switzerland to prepare to try to smuggle into into Russia you know illegal revolutionary newspapers and so on and so forth there was a debate that took place in the Bolshevik movement what under the impact of this disillusionment I would say which was looking for an easy way out one was saying let's dissolve the party just have an open party forget about the illegal it was called liquidation as you can spread they want to just a legal party illegal party I mean how can you have an illegal revolutionary party and desarys I mean just it wasn't going to happen but that was you know let's do something of that character then others thought you know let's uh uh you know up to left and up to left way boy caught everything because it was correct that boy caught the doom out in a revolution because the revolution was taking over everything you don't want to call for elections under those conditions but when it was a period of ebb then obviously conditions changed and they were those saying oh no boy caught everything boy and Lenin's position no use every opportunity you have because there's not many there to fight for our ideas so it'll be wrong to boycott things because you'd be boycotting yourself and therefore try and use the avenues that were available there was a bit of a bit of a struggle within the Bolshevik party under those circumstances and Lenin if you like stood his ground there was was clear and what if you can put it that way was clear as to what was needed at the time not to go around the down the road of ultra leftism and not to go down the road of opportunism but to steer a course to preserve the cadres to educate them for the next for the move forward and that's that was the whole essence of Lenin's work I think in these particular years because by 1912 you have a revival of the movement you know you can't keep the the movement down all the time just like in Britain in a sense what have you had in Britain I think you've had about 30 years perhaps 40 years of really semi-reaction in Britain to be honest about it you know trade union membership fell by half number of strikes fell to the lowest level since I think the 1880s right or the 1890s it just collapsed and you've had that for one reason or another but now there's been a new revival now they they recognize that even the even the sun isn't it I think the other day I don't read it but it's sort of online you know a class war they know what's coming that's the whole point and we should we should understand what's coming they've drawn the same or similar conclusions to ourselves in that regard and in 1912 there was a revival in Russia and because Lenin had done the work it holding the Bolshevik party together in a in a clear way and educated it and training it although it was in difficulties by the time then this this movement occurred in 1912 they were in a really a reasonably good position so they launched a daily newspaper an open legal daily newspaper called Pravda it was called and they published articles of course they're you know they've obviously been shut down by the by the censor in many cases but they they try to keep this paper going for a few years and the readership of the paper another was the support for the Bolshevik party and the ideas he was offering grew was estimated to do four fifths of the working class in Russia supported Pravda or sympathised with Pravda the big support in the working class and this was this was obviously you know extremely positive this was they also won elections in the Duma after you know in 1912 there's new elections they won six MPs if you like in the Duma which acted as again a lever to as a a tribune for the people to argue the case of the people argue the case of fundamental change and so on so there was quite an advance you know and things were looking you know pretty good if you like at that time of course nothing stays still as we know and all those commas are aware that by 1914 things took a turn for the worst that is the world war broke out august 1914 an imperialist war which had been brewing for some time because the the rivalry of the imperialist powers that the second international all the all the big socialist parties come to get past resolutions against the war before that and how they were going to oppose the war and that was the line that they had right up until august 1914 and then when the test came they capitulated all the all the main parties all the socialist parties gave in through through down this tower of internationalism and adopted a nationalist chauvinist position of supporting their own ruling class in the first world war it was a betrayal of international socialism a betrayal of the movement uh Lenin of course to be honest first of all Lenin didn't believe what he what that they had betrayed he saw the german paper called vorbets and it said that he's supporting the war he said it must be a forgery of the german general staff he did not believe it but then obviously it dawned obviously on him what the real situation was that they had betrayed the working class and as rhoda Luxembourg said that time as far as the german party was concerned it was a stinking corpse this organization now these parties which had betrayed the working class could never lead the socialist revolution they could never lead the working class as a power because they have capitulated to their own bourgeoisie their their own ruling class and therefore we have to realize that Lenin very early on we knew the third international a new international with a clean banner defending Marxism and internationalism and he wears the water for like a a campaign within starting with the bolshevik party the main enemy is at home in other words against this poison of chauvinism and we are almost you know almost lined up with the ruling class which obviously had an impact at that time in at that moment in 1914 because the barrage of propaganda by the ruling class against germany against russia against all the other powers whipping them up you know if you like and that that has happened today as well in relation to ukraine we know the poor ukrainian people are being used as a pawn by western imperialism in order to do the dirty work for western imperialism it is an imperialist conflict and as a consequence we've seen on the british tv and other estates whipping up this this ferori you know of support for the poor well we understand that but it's done in a cynical way they're they're not interested in the plight of the ukrainians they're interested in one thing is that their interest of imperialism and how they can position themselves you know both in relation to their power politics and their interests which rules their own which rules their policies and of course behind them is american imperialism the biggest imperialism of all they're out for what they're out for their own interests of course they're collided with russia but that's an imperialist rivalry if you like and we our task was to expose what was going on to cut across this sham this propaganda that was going on and stand yes as lenin did now the words yes you're in a minority with so what you know we have to resist the the impact if you like of bourgeois public opinion because that's what it is or petty bourgeois public opinion which should be mobilized and can be mobilized at certain points and the revolutionary party has to has to stand up to that and stand on its principles and fight against it because we know that the situation will change and this propaganda will eventually die down that they will not have the same responses that they have at apricle time people will change on the basis of events it's events that change and they through the experience of the world war on the bloodshed and the horror obviously result that in a changing consciousness of many workers and was preparing a revolution at that moment but lenin's if you like rose to come out very very hard against the leaders who had betrayed and to fight for an internationalist policy and if you like you bent the stick to say this is what I we expect from every one of our comrades to to to understand they must not bend to this bourgeois campaign they must not bend to imperialism and so on and so forth and as a result they stood firm and but they were a tiny minority the member of internationalists in the world at that time was very very small well from Lenin Trotsky the Bolsheviks in Britain you had John McClain in in Scotland you had James Connelly in Ireland you had Eugene Debs in America you had Rosa Luxembourg and Carline it but it's a handful you know struggling against the the stream they come together in Zimavild in 1915 but that's mainly a kind of pacifist conference if the truth has been told Lenin was on the left of that you know arguing for revolution you know arguing for the if like civil war that's what he was talking about turn the war into civil war I mean these these are quite sharp language and the reason why the sharpness was to pose things bluntly not them not to to fudge things because the pacifists were obviously there's a lot of pacifism and ideas that that nature peace there's no how can there be peace in the middle of an imperialist war we have to overthrow the ruling class if you want peace and that's the way that Lenin posed it a revolutionary approach to the to the to the first world war itself but he was isolated when he was in well in Switzerland he went to Australia he was in Australia he went to Switzerland and trying to camp you know hold the thing together from abroad the war he said he he he gave a lecture actually in January 1917 to young socialist in Switzerland swiss young socialist it was a lecture about the the lessons of the 1905 revolution and in it at the end he says look I know that Europe appears to be a graveyard you know it's it's it's it's dead it's shattered there's no movement out there far from the war the din of the war he says but what is being prepared is a revolution that's what's being prepared now and they were all quite taken aback by this this this incredible prophecy if you like that revolution's being prepared in Europe but he did say that he said well I'm getting on now he said and probably the older generation will not see it in my time he said it'll be the youth that carries through the revolution and yet within one month the Tsar had fallen and the Russian revolution had taken place shows sharp and sudden changes in the situations he said which is prevalent that we have at the present time it shows the the enormous instability and crisis underlying society that's the reasons for it so we had this this the revolution breaking out in Russia in February 1917 the Bolsheviks didn't win a majority they only had 8 000 members at that time in February 1917 the Menshviks actually had a bigger force many because they may have mainly had intellectuals and people that people knew them and so on and so forth they took the line of least resistance I suppose a provisional Government was established the Tsar had been overthrown and what else happened? Soviets were created by the working class that was the decisive feature of the revolution but Lenin shows the genius of Lenin he recognized that the whole situation had fundamentally changed your bourgeois government you've got the Soviets being being established big organizations which could have taken power at that time by the way that they were so powerful the bourgeois were very very very weak and yet they were propping up a bourgeois government the Soviets were through the Menshvik majority were propping up the bourgeois government and from a fraction from from Switzerland he wrote a telegram no confidence in this bourgeois government no confidence in Karenski above all only of confidence in yourselves the independent movement of the working class that initials initial reaction because there were those in Russia even in the bourgeois party were wavering you know oh you know intoxicated by revolution oh look at this it's all happening you know and but no Lenin had a very level ahead and then he suggested they came back he wrote what was called letters from afar these these several letters he wrote before leaving Switzerland which basically said this is just the beginning of a revolution that is that we get there's going to be a second phase to the revolution where the working class will come to power and we can have it'll be a socialist revolution he'd never said that before it's what Trotsky said in 1904 1905 per revolution he'd come over to that kind of position and when he went to the to the Bolsheviks on coming back from exile he had a conference how he got here he had to argue to change this perspective that from this you know modernized bourgeois state no we want a socialist revolution he was in a minority of one he the others were just astounded what the hell is Lenin on about you know he's gone mad talking about and the on the basis of his his powers of persuasion particularly of the worker members of the Bolshevik party were more closer to the revolutionary feelings or the masses he was able to convince the majority of the Bolshevik organization the Bolshevik party at that time because it became a party in 1912 so it was the Bolshevik party at their task now was to prepare a second revolution for the working class they come to power a socialist revolution as the beginning of a world revolution it wasn't a russian revolution it was the beginning of the world revolution that's the way you saw it not like later on it's the Stalinist society you know socialism one country and all the rest it's nonsense Lenin always says it's the world revolution which is more important this is just the beginning of it and therefore that was the plan that was the idea he won over the Bolshevik party and then skillfully if you like was able to patiently explain these ideas they were growing they were developing the Bolshevik party and winning over sections of workers who obviously were impatient because of war the the lack of food the lack of bread and obviously the the peasant who were in up in arms as well because they didn't have any land and they used the slogans bread land and peace all power to the soviets because the soviets were in the hands of the right wing were in the hands of the reformers so he said yeah but we can patiently win them over we'll win the working class over by propaganda by by agitation and that's exactly what happened because the the old regime couldn't answer the problems couldn't bring about peace couldn't give the workers bread couldn't give the land to the peasants they they did nothing they were impotent all they want to is pursue the war let's let's keep the war going that was the whole basis of their program so the Bolsheviks were able to to gain more and more of a majority even by by june when the the the soviets when the mensurex had to call a demonstration of the soviets and they thought they'd had the majority all the placards came out in the demo all power to the soviets bread land and peace it was all the bolshevik slogans and uh and this that was that intolerable and that's why they launched uh a campaigning of slander against the bolshevik party lending was they denounced lending as a as a a german agent of course as the usual stuff using a german agent which was obviously serious because if they arrested him as being a german agent they would have shot him and the party advised him to go underground and he fled to finland at that time uh just like unfortunately what should have happened to to um Carl Liebnik and Rosa Luxembourg because they were hunted as well in january 1919 by the counter revolution and instead of escaping berlin which they should have done and got into hiding they didn't and they were caught and when they're caught they were murdered and that's what would have happened to to lending if you hadn't escaped at that particular time and from exile he was uh always say um in touch with the comrades from finland in touch with the bolsheviks we're now underground party they smashed up all their printing presses they drove them underground they arrested the leaders trotsky was in in jail and other leaders where it were put in jail and they were only released in august when there was a counter revolution taking place of cornell off journal cornell off was marching his troops to overthrow the provisional government and they were so terrified they allowed the bolsheviks to to act if you like which they did act to um subvert the counter revolution but in doing so they won more support and by september october they won the overwhelming support of the support in the soviets in moscow in petersburg and a lot of many others as well and lenin from afar was demanded they take power all power to the soviets if we've got a majority they should take power the party now should be on course for insurrection and of course they were those in the party in the leadership were a bit evident about this and that's what you always have a crisis within the party in one sense is a decisive turn isn't it in events this is not just you know go about your daily paper sailing around the corner this is actually preparing to take power and because trotsky was in a position as leader or became a leader of the milit the revolution military committee because they wanted i was i was the garrison in in petrograd in that in that sense they were able under his tutelage were able to organize the insurrection which took place on the 25th of october the old calendar on the 7th of november which had to be trotsky's birthday what a great birthday present they came it came to about lenin comes into the hall the old leaders of the of the soviets disappeared they scuttle out and basically lenin says this we are we are here to create a new world order you know and this was a revolution in the making and this was an amazing feat that shocked the entire world despite everything but the only way this could come about was the borschwick party without the party it would not be possible to do anything you you cannot just improvise a party the whole role of lenin and he was he i would say was the most advanced thinker in relation to the importance of the party trotsky no luxembourg no none of the none of the leaders understood the real significance and importance of building the revolutionary party but lenin and that's what he devoted his life to do build this this instrument this steeled instrument of those who are prepared to make this understood and prepared to put their lives on the line to carry through the revolution and he he gathered those two together they became the cadars on which they were able to win the working class under those revolutionary conditions but if he wouldn't if it didn't exist it wouldn't have happened i think trotsky compared it to a piston box you know and the energy of the masses is like steam you know the energy steam is very powerful you put it through a piston box you can drive a locomotive but if without the piston box it disappears into the air it's nothing and that's through the energy of the masses has to be directed to take power that's the basis of the revolutionary party and that's what we're trying to create today for the revolutionary events that are coming in britain you cannot wait in order to build the party as it comes along you have to organise it train it educate it pull it together shape it if you like on the basis of the experience of bolshevism of lenin and the experience of the last hundred years as well of learning what what the score is in that way preparing for the ground that emerges they came to power i haven't got as i've run out of time basically but lenin they come to power but they knew that they would have to extend the revolution internationally they couldn't have socialism in russia it was too backward you know 70% of the people illiterate so backward country if you couldn't establish a material bit new class society on that basis it needed to extend it to the west and that's what they tried to do in 1919 they established the communist international the third international and with that they put a call out for the formation of communist parties all over the world and within a year huge communist parties out of the old organisations crisis emerged and mass communist parties were created in Germany in France in Italy in Czechoslovakia whole number of countries apart from britain which was very very small as another another lesson going to another time probably but here showed the potential unfortunately a revolutionary tie did break out as well after the after the the first world war but it was betrayed these young communist parties either didn't exist or they were very very embryonic and therefore the leadership fell to the social democracy your reformers leaders who then betrayed the working class power could have been in the hands of the german working class in november 1918 but it was squandered you know all the attempts of the working class that come to power because but Trotsky summed it up to me the crisis of of mankind is a crisis of leadership the revolutionary leadership that's the essence that's the the real essence and he hoped that the third international would solve that problem unfortunately uh Lenin had been shot in 1918 by a social revolution left social revolutionary he had a stroke in 1922 then a series of stroke strokes that put him out of action and by that time you had the growing bureaucracy within the Soviet Union because of the backward country very very few people could read and write the old official started to come back in the state apparatus and Stalin was the figure head of this bureaucracy in Russia itself and when Lenin was on his deathbed he carried out a struggle with Trotsky alongside Trotsky against bureaucracy within Russia itself asking for the removal of Stalin unfortunately he was paralyzed and then he died and then there was a manoeuvre against Trotsky and he was sidelined and eventually as we know Trotsky was expelled from the Soviet Union launched the idea of a new international the fourth international unfortunately in 1940 he was hunted down and murdered this whole family had been wiped out by actually so he he was the standard bearer for Lenin you're in a continuation like Lenin continued the struggle of marks and angles when they died but Lenin died it was Trotsky who carried on the struggle of defensive Marxism and we our heritage goes back to those days of the Russian revolution of Trotsky's left opposition where the the comedy who founded our tendency Ted Grant was brought up in the left opposition and absorbed the ideas and prepared the way for the defense of those ideas that we have today our tendency the international Marxist tendency internationally has the only ideas that can overthrow capitalism win a majority in the working there's no one else this is no one else the sex don't make me laugh the reformists where we we've had a guts full of the reformists are capable of doing they have no faith whatsoever in revolution revolution they have a good laugh about that they have no idea what's coming therefore we alone have that responsibility it sounds like an enormous task as Lenin pointed out to the young socialist in January 1917 what's coming but events comrades events will throw up this revolutionary movement but if we have the embryo we develop a small organisation that has the capacity then we can build on that we can go from five ten thousand fifty thousand and become a factor in the situation a British revolution on the cards a successful revolution will transform the entire world it would set the whole world alight and that's what our aim is on the basis of this crisis coming up we and we alone if we do our job correctly if we put ourselves on the line and if we link up with best work is in Britain we can overthrow capitalism and lay the basis of the socialist republic in Britain as the basis for the world revolution itself that's the lesson of Lenin that's the lesson of Bolshevism and we must learn it