 Book 2, part 2 of Xenophon's Anabasis. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org, recording by Anna Simon. Anabasis by Xenophon. Translated by H. G. Takens. Book 2, part 2. Number 3. And now comes the proof of what I stated above, that the king was utterly taken aback by the sudden apparition of the army. Only the day before, he had sent and demanded the surrender of their arms, and now, with the rising sun, came heralds sent by him to arrange a truce. These, having reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The guard reported their arrival, and Clericus, who was busy inspecting the ranks, sent back word to the heralds that they must wait his leisure. Having carefully arranged the troops, so that from every side they might present the appearance of a compact battle-line, without a single unarmed man in sight, he summoned the ambassadors, and himself went forward to meet them. With the soldiers, who, for choice, accrued from a noble aspect, were the flower of his force, a cause which he had invited the other generals also to adopt. And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he questioned them as to what their wishes were. They replied that they had come to arrange a truce, and were persons competent to carry proposals from the king to the helens, and from the helens to the king. He returned answer to them, Take back word then to your master that we need a battle first, for we have had no breakfast, and he will be a brave man who will dare mention the word truce to helens without providing them with breakfast. With this message the heralds rode off, but were back again in no time, which was a proof that the king, or someone appointed by him to transact the business, was hard by. They reported that the message seemed reasonable to the king. They had now come bringing guides who, if a truce were arranged, would conduct them where they could get provisions. Clearchus inquired whether the truce was offered to the individual man merely as they went and came, or to all alike. To all, they replied, until the king receives your final answer. When they had so spoken, Clearchus, having removed the ambassadors, held a council, and it was resolved to make a truce at once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions, and Clearchus said, I agree to the resolution. Still, I do not propose to announce it at once, but to while away time till the ambassadors begin to fear that we have decided against the truce, though I suspect, he added, the same fear will be operative on the minds of our soldiers also. As soon as the right moment seemed to have arrived, he delivered his answer in favour of the truce, and bade the ambassadors at once conduct them to the provisions. So these led the way, and Clearchus, without relaxing precaution in spite of having secured a truce, marched after them with his army in line and himself in command of the rearguard. Over and over again they encountered trenches and conduits so full of water that they could not be crossed without bridges, but they contrived well enough for these by means of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they cut down for the occasion. And here Clearchus' system of superintendence was a study in itself, as he stood with his spear in his left hand and a stick in the other, and when it seemed to him there was any dawdling among the parties told off to the work, he would pick out the right man and down would come to stick, nor at the same time was he above plunging into the mud and lending a hand himself, so that everyone else was forced for very shame to display equal alacrity. The man told off for the business with a man of thirty years of age, but even the elder man when they saw the energy of Clearchus could not resist lending their aid also. What stimulated the haste of Clearchus was the suspicion in his mind that these trenches were not as a rule so full of water, since it was not their season to irrigate the plain, and he fancied that the king had led the water on for the express purpose of vividly presenting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their march was threatened at the very start. Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where their guides indicated to them that they would find provisions. They were found to contain plenty of corn and wine made from palm dates, and an accylated beverage extracted by boiling from the same fruit. As to the palm nuts or dates themselves, it was noticeable that the salt which we are accustomed to see in Hellas were set aside for the domestic servants. Those put aside for the masters are picked specimens and are simply marvellous for their beauty and size, looking like great golden lumps of amber. Some specimens they dried and preserved as sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an accompaniment of wine but apt to give headache. Here too for the first time in their lives the man tasted the brain of the palm. No one could help being struck by the beauty of this object and the peculiarity of its delicious flavour. But this, like the dried fruits, was exceedingly apt to give headache, when this cabbage or brain has been removed from the palm the whole tree withers from top to bottom. In these villages they remained three days, and a deputation from the great king arrived, to Sir Furness and the king's brother-in-law and three other Persians, with a retinue of many slaves. As soon as the generals of the Hellenes had presented themselves, to Sir Furness opened the proceedings with a following speech through the lips of an interpreter. Men of Hellas, I am your next door neighbour in Hellas. Therefore was it that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you were fallen, regarded it as a godsend, if by any means I might obtain, as a boon from the king, the privilege of bringing you back in safety to your own country, and that, I take it, will earn me gratitude from you and all Hellas. In this determination I preferred my request to the king. I claimed it as a favour which was fairly my due. For was it not I who first announced to him the hostile approach of Cyrus, who supported that announcement by the aid I brought, who alone among the officers confronted with the Hellenes in battle did not flee, but charged right through and united my troops with the king inside your camp, where he was arrived having slain Cyrus. It was I, lastly, who gave chase to the barbarians under Cyrus, with the help of those here present with me at this moment, which are also among the trustiest followers of our Lord the King. Now I counsel you to give a moderate answer, so that it may be easier for me to carry out my design, if happily I may obtain from him some good thing on your behalf. Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then they answered, and Clearchus was their spokesman. We neither misted as a body to make war against the king, nor was our march conducted with that object, but it was Cyrus, as you know, who invented many and diverse pretexts that it might take you off your guard and transport us hither. Yet, after a while, when we saw that he was in sore straits, we were ashamed in the sight of God and man, to betray him whom we had permitted for so long a season to benefit us. But now that Cyrus is dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom against the king himself. There is neither person nor thing for the sake of which we would care to injure the king's country. We would not choose to kill him if we could, rather we would march straight home if we were not molested. But, God helping us, we will retaliate on all who injures. On the other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean to be outdone in kindly deeds as far as in us lies. So he spoke, and as the fairness listened and replied, That answer will I take back to the king and bring you word from him again. Until I come again, let the truths continue, and we will furnish you with the market. All next day he did not come back, and the Hellenes were troubled with anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news that he had obtained from the king, the boon he asked. He was permitted to save the Hellenes, though there were many gainsayers who argued that it was not seemly for the king to let those who had marched against him depart in peace. And at last he said, You may now, if you like, take pledges from us that we will make the countries through which you pass friendly to you, and will lead you back without treachery into hellas, and will furnish you with the market, and wherever you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions from the district. You on your side must swear that you will march as through a friendly country without damage, merely taking food and drink wherever we fail to supply a market, or if we afford a market you shall only obtain provisions by paying for them. This was agreed to, and oaths and pledges exchanged between them, to Saphurnus and the king's brother-in-law upon the one side, and the generals and officers of the Hellenes on the other. After this, to Saphurnus said, And now I go back to the king. As soon as I have transacted what I have in mind to, I will come back, ready equipped, to lead your way to hellas, and to return myself to my own dominion. Number four. After these things the Hellenes and Aries waited for to Saphurnus, being encamped close to one another. For more than twenty days they waited, during which time there came visitors to Aries, his brother, and other king's folk. To those under him came certain other Persians, encouraging them and bearing pledges to some of them from the king himself, that he would bear no grudge against them on account of the part they bore in the expedition against him with Cyrus, or for all else of the things which were passed. Whilst these overtures were being made, Aries and his friends gave manifest signs of paying less attention to the Hellenes, so much so that if for no other reason the majority of the lesser were not well pleased, and they came to Clericus and the other generals, asking what they were waiting for. Do we not know full well, they said, that the king would give a great deal to destroy us, so that other Hellenes may take warning and think twice before they march against the king. Today it suits his purpose to induce us to stop here, because his army is scattered. But as soon as he has got together another armament, attack us most certainly he will. How do we know he is not at this moment digging away at trenches or running up walls to make our path impassable? It is not to be supposed that he will desire us to return to Helles with a tale how a handful of men like ourselves beat the king at his own gates, laughed him to scorn, and then came home again. Clericus replied, I too am keenly aware of all this, but I reason thus. If we turn our backs now they will say we mean war and are acting contrary to the truths, and then what follows? First of all no one will furnish us with a market or means of providing ourselves with food. Next we shall have no one to guide us. Moreover such action on our part will be a signal to areas to hold a loop from us, so that not a friend will be left to us. Even those who were formerly our friends will now be numbered with our enemies. What other river or rivers we may find we have to cross I do not know, but this we know, to cross the Euphrates in face of resistance is impossible. You see in the event of being driven to an engagement we have no cavalry to help us, but with the enemy it is the reverse, not only the most, but the best of his troops are cavalry, so that if we are victorious we shall kill no one. But if we are defeated not a man of us can escape. For my part I cannot see why the king, who has so many advantages on his side, if he desires to destroy us, should swear oaths and tender solemn pledges merely in order to purge himself in the sight of heaven, to render his word worthless and discreditable the wide world over. These arguments he propounded at length. Meanwhile Tisifernus came back, apparently ready to return home. He had his own force with him, and so had Arantas, who was also present, his. The letter brought moreover his bride with him, the king's daughter, whom he had just wedded. The journey was now at length fairly commenced. Tisifernus led the way and provided a market. They advanced, and Arius advanced too, at the head of Cyrus's Asiatic troops, side by side with Tisifernus and Arantas, and with these two he also pitched his camp. The Hellenes, holding them in suspicion, marched separately with the guides, and they encamped on each occasion a person apart or rather less, and both parties kept watch upon each other as if they were enemies, which hardly tended to lull suspicion. And sometimes, whilst forging for wood and grass and so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged, which occasioned further embitterments. Three stages they had accomplished ere they reached the wall of Medea, as it is called, and passed within it. It was built of baked bricks, laid upon bitumen. It was twenty feet broad, and a hundred feet high, and a length of it was said to be twenty parasangs. It lies at no great distance from Babylon. From this point they marched two stages, eight parasangs, and crossed two canals, the first by a regular bridge, the other spanned by a bridge of seven boats. These canals issued from the Tigris, and from them a whole system of minor trenches was cut, leading over the country, large ones to begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till at last they become the mirthed runnels, like those in Hellas used for watering millet fields. They reached the river Tigris. At this point there was a large and thickly populated city named Citus, at a distance of fifteen furlongs from the river. The Hellenes accordingly encamped by the side of that city, near a large and beautiful park which was thick with all sorts of trees. The Asietics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were entirely hidden from view. After Sippur, Prosenus, and Senefon were walking in front of the Place d'Herm, when a man came up and demanded of the advanced guard where he could find Prosenus or Clericus. He did not ask from Menon, and that too though he came from Arius, who was Menon's friend. As soon as Prosenus had said, I am he whom you seek? the man replied, I have been sent by Arius and Artausus, who have been trusted friends to Cyrus in past days, and are your well-wishers. They warn you to be on your guard in case the barbarians attack you in the night. There is a large body of troops in the neighbouring park. They also warn you to send and occupy the bridge over the Tigris, since Tisophenus is minded to break it down in the night if he can, so that you may not cross, but be caught between the river and the canal. On hearing this, they took the man to Clericus, and acquainted him with his statement. Clericus, on his side, was much disturbed, and indeed alarmed at the news. But a young fellow who was present, struck with an idea, suggested that the two statements were inconsistent, as to the contemplated attack and the proposed destruction of the bridge. Clearly the attacking party must either conquer or be worsted. If they conquer, what need of their breaking down the bridge? Why, if there were half a dozen bridges, said he, we should not be any of the more able to save ourselves by flight. There may be no place to flee to, but in the opposite case, suppose we win with the bridge broken down, it is they who will not be able to save themselves by flight. And what is worse for them, not a single soul will be able to bring them succour from the other side for all their numbers, since the bridge will be broken down. Clericus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked the messenger, how large the country between the Tigris and the canal might be? A large district, he replied, and in it are villages and cities numerous and large. Then it dawned upon them. The barbarians had sent the men with subtlety, in fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge and occupy the island territory with the strong defences of the Tigris on the one side and of the canal on the other, supplying themselves with provisions from the country so included, large and rich as it was, with no lack of hands subtlet, in addition to which a harbour of refuge and asylum would be found for anyone who was mined to the king and mischief. After this they retired to rest in peace, not however neglecting to send a guard to occupy the bridge in spite of all, and there was no attack from any quarter whatsoever, nor did any of the enemy's people approach the bridges, so the guards were able to report next morning. But as soon as it was morning they proceeded to cross the bridge, which consisted of thirty-seven vessels, and in so doing they used the utmost precaution possible, for reports were brought by some of the Hellenes with tessipheronus that an attempt was to be made to attack them while crossing. All this turned out to be false, though it is true that while crossing they did catch sight of Gluss watching, with some others, to see if they crossed the river. But as soon as he had satisfied himself on that point he rode off and was gone. From the river Tigris they advanced four stages, twenty parasungs, to the river Fiskus, which is a hundred feet broad and spanned by a bridge. Here lay a large and populous city named Opus, close to which the Hellenes were encountered by the natural brother of Cyrus and Arthasuerces, who was leading a large army from Susa and Egbatana to assist the king. He halted his troops and watched the Hellenes march past. Clericus led them in a column, too abreast, and from time to time the vanguard came to a standstill. Just so often, and just so long, the effect repeated itself down to the hindmost man. Hold, hold, hold, along the whole line, so that even to the Hellenes themselves their armies seemed enormous, and the Persian was fairly astonished at the spectacle. From this place they marched through Medea, six desert stages, thirty parasungs, to the villages of Parasatus, Cyrus's and the king's mother. These Tessiphonus, in mockery of Cyrus, delivered over to the Hellenes to Plunder, except that the folk in them were not to be made slaves. They contained much corn, cattle, and other property. From this place they advanced four desert stages, twenty parasungs, keeping the Tigris on the left. On the first of these stages, on the other side of the river, lay a large city. It was a well-to-do place, named Kyne, from which the natives used to carry across loaves and cheeses and wine on rafts made of skins. End of Book Two, Part Two Book Two, Part Three of Xenophant's Anabasis This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org, recording by Anna Simon. Anabasis by Xenophant, translated by H.G. Dakens, Book Two, Part Three. Number Five After this they reached the river Zapatus, which is four hundred feet broad, and here they halted three days. During the interval, suspicions were rife, though no act of treachery displayed itself. Clearchus accordingly resolved to bring to an end these feelings of mistrust before they led to war. Consequently he sent a messenger to the Persian to say that he desired an interview with him, to which the other readily consented. As soon as they were met, Clearchus spoke as follows. To Cephernis, he said, I do not forget that oaths have been exchanged between us, and right hands shaken, in token that we will abstain from mutual injury. But I can see that you watch us narrowly as if we were foes, and we, seeing this, watch you narrowly in return. But as I fail to discover, after investigation, that you are endeavouring to do as a mischief, and I am quite sure that nothing of the sort has ever entered our heads with regard to you. The best plan seemed to me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that, if possible, we might dispel the mutual distrust on either side. For I have known people here now, the victims in some cases of columny, or possibly of mere suspicion, who, in apprehension of one another, and eager to deal the first blow, have committed irreparable wrong against those who neither intended nor so much as harboured a thought of mischief against them. I have come to you under a conviction that such misunderstandings may best be put astop to by personal intercourse, and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are wrong in mistrusting us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oath which we took in the sight of heaven are a barrier to mutual hostility. I envy not the man whose conscience tells him that he has disregarded these. For, in a war with heaven, by what swiftness afoot can a man escape? In what quarter find refuge? In what darkness slink away and be hid? To what strong fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all things in all ways subject to the gods? Is not their lordship over all alike outspread? As touching the gods, therefore, and our oaths, that is how I view this matter. To their safekeeping we consigned the friendship which we solemnly contracted. But, turning to matters human, you I look upon as our greatest blessing in this present time. With you every path is plain to us, every river possible, and of provisions we shall know no stint. But without you all our way is through darkness, for we know nothing concerning it. Every river will be an obstacle, each multitude a terror. But, worst terror of all, the vast wilderness so full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a fit of madness we murdered you, what then? In slaying our benefactor, should we not have challenged to enter the lists against us, a more formidable antagonist in the king himself? Let me tell you how many high hopes I should rob myself of, where I to take in hand to do you mischief. I coveted the friendship of Cyrus. I believed him to be abler than any man of his day to benefit those whom he chose. But today I look, and behold, it is you who are in his place. The power which belonged to Cyrus and his territory are yours now. You have them and your own satripy besides safe and sound, while the king's power which was a thorn in the side of Cyrus is your support. This being so, it would be madness not to wish to be your friend. But I will go further and state to you the reasons of my confidence that you on your side will desire our friendship. I know that the Missions are a cause of trouble to you, and I flattered myself that with my present force I could render them humbly obedient to you. This applies to the Pesidians also, and I am told there are many other such tribes besides. I think I can deal with them all. They shall seize from being a constant disturbance to your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians. I know your anger against them today is very great. Nor can I see what better force you will find to help you in chastising them than this which marches at my back today. Again, if you seek the friendship of any of your neighbours round, there shall be no friend so great as you. If anyone annoys you with us as your faithful servitors, you shall be lorded over him. And such service will render you not as harlings merely for Pes' sake, but for the gratitude which we shall rightly feel to you, to whom we owe our lives. As I dwell on these matters I confess the idea of your feeling mistrust of us is so astonishing that I would give much to discover the name of the man who is so clever of speech that he can persuade you that we harbour designs against you. Clercus ended, and as the furnace responded thus. I am glad, Clercus, to listen to your sensible remarks, for with the sentiments you hold, if you were to devise any mischief against me it could only be out of malevolence to yourself. But if you imagine that you, on your side, have any better reason to mistrust the king and me, than we you, listen to me in turn, and I will deceive you. I ask you, does it seem to you that we lack the means, if we have the will, to destroy you? Have we not horsemen enough, or infantry, or whatever other army you like, whereby we may be able to injure you, without risk of suffering in return? Or possibly, do we seem to you to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking you? Do you not see all these great planes which you would find it hard enough to traverse, even when they are friendly? And all yonder great mountain chains left for you to cross, which we can at any time occupy in advance and render impossible? And all those rivers on whose banks we can deal craftily by you, checking and controlling and choosing the right number of you whom we care to fight? Nay, there are some which you will not be able to cross at all, unless we transport you to the other side. And if at all these points we will burst it, yet fire, as they say, is stronger than the fruit of the field. We can burn it down and call up famine in arms against you, against which you, for all your bravery, will never be able to contend. Why, then, with all these avenues of attack, this machinery of war open to us, not one of which can be turned against ourselves? Why should we select from among them all that method which alone in the sight of God is impious and of man abominable? Surely it belongs to people altogether without resources, who are helplessly struggling in the toils of fate, and are villains to boot, to seek accomplishment of their desires by perjury to heaven and faithlessness to their fellows. We are not so in reasoning, clericus, nor so foolish. Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did we not proceed to do it? No, well, that the cause of this was nothing less than my passion to prove myself faithful to the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus went up, relying on a foreign force attracted by payment, I in turn might go down strong in the same through service rendered. Various ways in which you, Hellenes, may be useful to me, you yourself have mentioned, but there is one still greater. It is the great king's privilege alone to wear the tiara upright upon his head. Yet in your presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, here, upon his heart. Throughout this speech he seemed to clericus to be speaking the truth, and he rejoined. Then are not those worthy of the worst penalties, who, in spite of all that exists, to cement our friendship, endeavour by slander to make us enemies? Even so, replied Tessofurnus, and if your generals and captains care to come in some open and public way, I will name to you those who tell me that you are plotting against me and the army under me. Good, replied clericus, I will bring all, and I will show you on my side the source from which I derive my information concerning you. After this conversation Tessofurnus, with kindliest expression, invited clericus to remain with him at the time, and entertained him at dinner. Next day clericus returned to the camp, and made no secret of his persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the affections of Tessofurnus, and he reported what he had said, insisting that those invited ought to go to Tessofurnus, and that any Helene convicted of Columnius language ought to be punished, not only as traitors themselves, but as disaffected to their fellow countrymen. The slanderer and traducer was Menon, so at any rate he suspected, because he knew that he had had meetings with Tessofurnus whilst he was with Aries, and was factiously opposed to himself, plotting how to win over the whole army to him as a means of winning the good graces of Tessofurnus. But clericus wanted the entire army to give its mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out of the way. Some of the soldiers protested, the captains and generals had better not all go, it was better not to put too much confidence in Tessofurnus. But clericus insisted so strongly that finally it was arranged for five generals to go, and twenty captains. These were accompanied by about two hundred of the other soldiers, who took the opportunity of marketing. On arrival at the doors of Tessofurnus' quarters, the generals were summoned inside. They were Proxonus, the Boesion, Menon, the Thessalion, Aegis, the Arcadian, clericus, the Laconian, and Socrates, the Achaean, while the captains remained at the doors. Not long after that, at one and the same signal, those within were seized and those without cut down, after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped over the plain, killing every Helene they encountered, bond or free. The Helenes, as they looked from the camp, viewed that strange horsemanship with surprise and could not explain to themselves what it all meant, until Nicarcus, the Arcadian, came tearing along for bare life with a wound in the belly and clutching his protruding entrails in his hands. He told them all that had happened. Instantly the Helenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter consternation and fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the camp. However, they did not all come. Only Aearius came and Artaeusus and Mithridatus, who were Cyrus's most faithful friends, but the interpreter of the Helenes said he saw and recognized the brother of the Saphonus, also with them. They had at their back other Persians, also, armed with caresses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they were within a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the Helenes who might be there to approach and hear a message from the king. After this, two Helene generals went out with all precaution. These were Cleonar, the Orchromenian, and Saphonetus, the Stemphalian, attended by Sanophon the Athenian, who went to learn news of proxenus. Caryosophus was at the time away in a village with a party gathering provisions. As soon as they had halted within earshot, Aearius said, Helenes, Clearchus being shown to have committed perjury and have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he is dead. But proxenus and menon, in return for having given information of his treachery, are in highest esteem and honor. As to yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his, since they belong to Cyrus, who was his slave. To this, the Helenes made answer by the mouth of Cleonar of Orchromenas, their spokesman, who said, addressing Ares, Thou villain, Ares, and you the rest of you, who were Cyrus's friends, have you no shame before God or man? First to swear to us that you have the same friends and the same enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and betray us, making common cause with Saphonus, that most empires and villainous of men. With him you have murdered the very man to whom you gave your solemn word and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors, and, having so done, you join hand with our enemies to come against us. Ares answered, There is no doubt but that Clearchus has been known for some time to harbour designs against Saphonus and Orontas, and all of us who side with them. Taking up this assertion, Saphon said, Well then, granting that Clearchus broke the truth, contrary to our oaths, he has his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish. But where are Proxonus and Menon, our generals, and your good friends and benefactors, as you admit, sent them back to us? Surely, just because they are friends of both parties, they will try to give us the best advice for you and for us. At this the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long while, and then they went away without vouchsaving a word. Number 6 The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king, and there decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier and a true lover of fighting. This is a testimony of all who knew him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home, but after the peace he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the Hellenes, and having secured his object set sail, empowered by the Ephraeid, to make war upon the Thracians north of the church's sonnys and perinthas. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason or other, the Ephas changed their minds and endeavored to bring him back again from the Isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience and went off with sales set for the Hellespond. In consequence he was condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to orders, and now, finding himself in exile, he came to Cyrus. Working on the feelings of that prince in a language described elsewhere, he received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand derricks. Having got his money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army, whereupon he had once went off in hopes of finding another sphere of warfare in his company. These I take it where the characteristic acts of a man whose affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war. When he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in fighting. When it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it briefly, war was his mistress. Just as another man will spend his fortune on a favourite or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to squander his substance on soldering. But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was nonetheless a soldier born, as herein appears. Danger was a delight to him, he quarreled it, attacking the enemy by night or by day, and in difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good soldier. The question arises, was he equally good as a commander? It must be admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he was, none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also capable of impressing upon those about him, that Cleyarchus must be obeyed, and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature. With a scowling expression and a harshly grating voice, he chastised with severity, and at times with such fury that he was sorry afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without purpose that he applied the whip. He had a theory that there was no good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is regarded to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his hands off his friends and be ready to dash without a moment's hesitation against a foe, must fear his commander more than the enemy. Accordingly, in any straight, this was the man whom the soldiers were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The cloud which lay upon his brow at those times lit up with brightness, his face became radiant, and the old sternus was so charged with vigor and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was passed and it was open to them to go and taste subordination, and there's some other officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he, but was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him, either by state appointment or through want or other arch necessity, yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the foe which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew how to rule. But to play a subordinate part himself he had no great taste, so at any rate it was said. At the time of his death he must have been about fifty years of age. Proxenus, the Briochean, was of a different temperament. It happened the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was that he paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini. After enjoying that teacher's society he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to rule, and while he was unfriendly termed to the leaders of the age he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service. In this mood he threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power and wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high it was nonetheless evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honorably he would obtain them if he might or else forgo them. As a commander he had the art of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed he showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful to reel and recognize generalship was, he thought, to praise the virtues and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily understood then that of those who were brought in contact with him, the good and noble indeed were as well-wishers, but he laid himself open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only thirty years of age. As to Menon, the Thessalian, the mainspring of his action was obvious, what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his gains, and if he studied to be unfriendly terms with the powerful it was an order that he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest road to the achievement of his desire is lay he thought through false swearing, lying and cheating, for in his vocabulary simplicity and truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon the ridicule of his associates. In like manner the possessions of his foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task he thought to steal from people on their guard, but it was his particular good fortune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a friend in the midst of his security. If it were a purged person or a wrongdoer he dreaded him as well-armed and entrenched, but the honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding them as weaklings devoid of manhood, and as other men pride themselves on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself on a capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and scorn of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as only half-educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's friendship he set about his object by slandering those who stood nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the obedience of his soldiers by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds and the fluency with which he wandered his own capacity and readiness for enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be honoured and caused by them. Or if anyone stood aloof from him he set it down as a meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse he had not robbed him of existence. As to certain obscure charges brought against his character these may certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts which are known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured from Aristipus the command of his mercenaries. He had not yet lost that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Aries, a barbarian who was liking for fair young men with the explanation. And before he had grown up beard himself he had contracted a similar relationship with a bearded favourite named Therapus. When his fellow generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched with Cyrus against the king he alone, although he had shared their conduct, was exempted from their fate. But after their death the vengeance of the king fell upon him and he was put to death not like Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of death, decapitation. But as the report says he lived for a year in pain and disgrace and died the death of a felon. A guys the Arcadian and Socrates the Archaean were both among the sufferers who were put to death. To the credit be it said of both no one ever derided either as cowardly in war. No one ever had a fault to find with either on the score of friendship. They were about 35 years of age. End of book two Book three part one of Xenophon's Anabasis This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Andrew Coleman Anabasis by Xenophon Translated by H.G.Dakins Book three part one Number one After the generals had been seized and the captains and soldiers who formed their escort had been killed the Helens lay in deeper plexity, a prey to painful reflections. Here were they at the king's gates and on every side invoining them were many hostile cities and tribes of men who was there now to furnish them with a market. Separated from Helens by more than a thousand miles they had not even a guide to point the way. Impassable rivers lay a thwart their homeward route and hem them in. Betrayed even by the Asiatics at whose side they had marched with Cyrus to the attack they were left in isolation. Without a single mounted trooper to aid them in pursuit was it not perfectly plain that if they won a battle their enemies would escape to a man. But if they were beaten themselves not one soul of them would survive. Haunted by such thoughts and with hearts full of despair but few of them tasted food that evening but few of them kindled even a fire and many never came into camp at all that night but took their rest where each chance to be. They could not close their eyes for very pain and yearning after their father lands or their parents the wife or child whom they never expected to look upon again. Such was the plight in which each and all tried to seek repose. Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian, Xenophon who had accompanied Cyrus neither as a general nor as an officer nor yet as a private soldier but simply on the invitation of an old friend Proxenas. This old friend had sent to fetch him from home promising if he would come to introduce him to Cyrus whom said Proxenas I consider to be worth my fatherland and more to me. Xenophon having read the letter consulted Socrates the Athenian whether he should accept or refuse the invitation. Socrates who had a suspicion that the state of Athens might in some way look escance at my friendship with Cyrus whose zealous cooperation with the last demonians against Athens in the war was not forgotten advised Xenophon to go to Delphi and there to consult the god as to the desirability of such a journey. Xenophon went and put the question to Apollo to which of the gods he must pray and do sacrifice so that he might best accomplish his intended journey and return in safety with good fortune. Then Apollo answered him to such and such gods must they do sacrifice and when he had returned home he reported to Socrates the Oracle but he when he heard blamed Xenophon that he had not in the first instance inquired of the god whether it were better for him to go or to stay but had taken on himself to settle that point affirmatively by inquiring street way how he might best perform the journey. Since however continued Socrates you did so put the question you should do what the god enjoined thus and without further ado Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god had named and set sail on his voyage he overtook Proxenas and Cyrus at Sardis when they were just ready to start on the march up country and was at once introduced to Cyrus. Proxenas eagerly pressed him to stop a request which Cyrus with like Arda supported adding that as soon as the campaign was over he would send him home. The campaign referred to was understood to be against the Pisidians that is how Xenophon came to join the expedition deceived indeed though not by Proxenas who was equally in the dark with the rest of the Helens not counting Clearchus as to the intended attack upon the king then though the majority were in apprehension of the journey which was not at all to their minds yet for very shame of one another and Cyrus they continued to follow him and with the rest went Xenophon and now in this season of perplexity he too with the rest was in sore distress and could not sleep but anon getting a snatch of sleep he had a dream it seemed to him in a vision that there was a storm of thunder and lightning and a bolt fell on his father's house and there upon the house was all in a blaze he sprung up in terror and pondering the matter decided that in part the dream was good in that he had seen a great light from Zeus whilst in the midst of toil and danger but partly too he feared it for evidently it had come from Zeus the king and the fire kindled all around what could that mean but that he was hemmed in by various perplexities and so could not escape from the country of the king the full meaning however is to be discovered from what happened after the dream this is what took place as soon as he was fully awake the first clear thought which came into his head was why am I lying here the night advances with the day it is like enough the enemy will be upon us if we are to fall into the hands of the king what is left us but to face the most horrible of sights and to suffer the most fearful pains and then to die in salted and igmenious death to defend ourselves to ward off that fate not a hand stirs no one is preparing none cares but here we lie as though it were time to rest and take our ease I too what am I waiting for a general to undertake the work and from what city am I waiting till I am older myself and of ripe age older I shall never be if today I betray myself to my enemies there upon he got up and called together first proxenuses officers and when they were met he said sleep sirs I cannot nor can you I fancy nor lie here longer when I see in what streets we are our enemy we may be sure did not open war upon us till he felt he had everything amply ready yet none of us chose a corresponding anxiety to enter the lists of battle in the bravest style and yet if we yield ourselves and fall into the king's power need we ask what our fate will be this man who when his own brother the son of the same parents was dead was not content with that but severed head and hand from the body and nailed them to a cross we then who have not even a tie of blood in our favor but who marched against him meaning to make a slave of him instead of a king and to slay him if we could what is likely to be our fate at his hands when he not go all lengths so that by inflicting on us the extreme of ignominy and torture he may rouse in the rest of mankind a terror of ever marching against him anymore there is no question but that our business is to avoid by all means getting into his clutches for my part all the while the truce lasted I never ceased pitying ourselves and congratulating the king and those with him as like a helpless spectator I surveyed the extent and quality of their territory the plentiousness of their provisions the multitude of their dependence their cattle their gold and their apparel and then to turn and ponder the condition of our soldiers without part or lot in these good things except we bought it few I knew had any longer the wherewithal to buy and yet our oath held us down so that we could not provide ourselves otherwise than by purchase I say as I reasoned thus there were times when I dreaded the truce more than I now dread war now however that they have abruptly ended the truce there is an end also to their own insolence and to our suspicion all these good things of theirs are now set as prizes for the competence which so whether of us shall prove the better men will they fall as girdens and the gods themselves are the judges of the strife the gods who fall surely will be on our side seeing it is our enemies who have taken their names falsely whilst we with much to lure us yet for our oaths sake and the gods who are our witnesses sternly held aloof so that it seems to me we have a right to enter upon this contest with much more heart than our foes and further we are possessed of bodies more capable than theirs of bearing cold and heat and labour souls too we have by the help of heaven better and braver neither men themselves are more vulnerable more mortal than ourselves if so be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again how be it for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections are being made whatsoever betide let us not in heaven's name wait for others to come and challenge us to noble deeds let us rather take the lead in stimulating the rest of valor show yourselves to be the bravest of officers and among generals the worthiest to command for myself if you choose to start forwards on this quest I will follow or if you bid me lead you my age shall be no excuse to stand between me and your orders at least I am of full age I take it to avert misfortune from my own head such were the speaker's words and the officers when they heard all with one exception called upon him to put himself at their head this was a certain apollonides their present who spoke in the Boetian dialect this man's opinion was that it was mere nonsense for anyone to pretend they could obtain safety otherwise than by an appeal to the king if he had skill to enforce it and at the same time he began to dilate on the difficulties but Xenophon cut him short almost marvellous of men though you have eyes to see you do not perceive though you have ears to hear you do not recollect you are present with the rest of us now hear when after the death of Cyrus the king fronting himself on that occurrence sent dictatorially to bid us lay down our arms but when we instead of giving up our arms put them on and went and pitched our camp near him his manner changed it is hard to say what he did not do he was so at his wit's end sending us embassies and begging for a truce and furnishing provisions the while until he had got it or to take the contrary instance when just now acting precisely on your principles our generals came and captains went trusting to the truce unarmed to a conference with them what came of it what is happening at this instant beaten goaded with pricks insulted poor souls they cannot even die though death I wean would be very sweet and you who know all this how can you say that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-defence how can you bid us go again and try the arts of persuasion in my opinion sirs we ought not to admit this fellow to the same rank with ourselves rather ought we to deprive him of his captaincy and load him with packs and treat him as such the man is a disgrace to his own fatherland and the whole of Hellas that being a Helene he is what he is here a gaseous the stimphalian broke in exclaiming nay this fellow has no connection either with Boetia or with Hellas none whatever I have noted both his ears boards like a Lydian's and so it was him then they banished but the rest visited the ranks and wherever a general was left they summoned the general where he was gone the lieutenant general and where again the captain alone was left the captain as soon as they were all met they seated themselves in front of the placid arm the assembled generals and officers numbering about a hundred it was nearly midnight when this took place there upon Hieronymus the alien the eldest of proxenuses captains commenced speaking as follows generals and captains it seemed right to us in view of the present crisis ourselves to assemble and to summon you that we might advise upon some practicable cause would you Xenophon repeat what you said to us there upon Xenophon spoke as follows we all know only too well that the King and Tisophonies have seized as many of us as they could and it is clear they are plotting to destroy the rest of us if they can our business is plain it is to do all we can to avoid getting into the power of the barbarians rather if we can we will get them into our power rely upon this then all you who are here assembled now is your great opportunity the soldiers outside have their eyes fixed upon you if they think that you are faint hearted they will turn cowards but if you show them that you are making your own preparations to attack the enemy and setting an example to the rest follow you be assured they will imitate you they will maybe it is but right and fair that you should somewhat excel them for you are generals you are commanders of brigades or regiments and if while it was peace you had the advantage in wealth and position so now when it is war you are expected to rise superior to the common herd to think for them to toil for them whenever there be need at this very moment you would confer a great boon on the army if you made it your business to appoint generals and officers to fill the places of those that are lost for without leaders nothing good or noble to put it concisely was ever wrought anywhere and in military matters this is absolutely true for if discipline is held to be of saving virtue the want of it has been the ruin of many air now well then when you have appointed all the commanders necessary it would only be opportune I take it if you were to summon the rest of the soldiers and speak some words of encouragement even now I dare say you noticed yourselves the crest fallen air with which they came into camp the despondency with which they fell to picket duty so that unless there is a change for the better I do not know for what service they will be fit whether by night if need were or even by day the thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they mean to do instead of to what they are likely to suffer do that and their spirits will soon revive wonderfully you know I need hardly remind you it is not numbers or strength that gives victory in war but heaven helping them to one or other of two competence it is given to dash with stouter hearts to meet the foe and such onset in nine cases out of ten those others refuse to meet this observation also I have laid to heart that they who in matters of war seek in all ways to save their lives are just they who as a role died dishonorably whereas they who recognising that death is the common lot and destiny of all men strive hard to die nobly these more frequently as I observe do after all attain to old age or at any rate while life lasts they spend their days more happily this lesson let all later heart this day for we are just at such a crisis of our fate now is the season to be brave ourselves and to stimulate the rest by our example with these words he ceased and after him Charisapha said Xenophon, hitherto I knew only so much of you as that you were I heard an Athenian but now I must commend you for your words and for your conduct I hope that there may be many more like you for it would prove a public blessing then turning to the officers and now said he let us waste no time retire at once I beg you and choose leaders where you need them after you have made your elections come back to the middle of the camp and bring the newly appointed officers after that we will there summon a general meeting of the soldiers let Talmudis the Herald he added be in attendance with these words on his lips he got up in order that what was needful might be done at once without delay after this the generals were chosen these were Tumassian the Dardanian in place of Clearchus Xanthocles and Achaean in place of Socrates Cleannor and Arcadian in place of Agius Phylicias and Achaean in place of Menon and in place of Proxenus Xenophon the Athenian end of book 3 part 1 book 3 part 2 of Xenophon's Anabasis this is a Librivox recording all Librivox recordings were in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org recording by Andrew Coleman Anabasis by Xenophon translated by H.G.Dakins book 3 part 2 number 2 by the time the new generals had been chosen the first faint glimmer of dawn had hardly commenced as they met in the centre of the camp and resolved to post an advance guard and to call a general meeting of the soldiers now when these had come together Carisaphas the Last Ammonian first rose and spoke as follows fellow soldiers the present posture of affairs is not pleasant seeing that we are robbed of so many generals and captains and soldiers and more than that our former allies Ariias and his men have betrayed us still we must rise above our circumstances to prove ourselves brave men and not give in but try to save ourselves by glorious victory if we can or if not at least to die gloriously and never while we have breath in our bodies fall into the hands of our enemies in which latter case I fear we shall suffer things which I pray that gods may visit rather upon those we hate at this point Cleanor the Archimelian stood up and spoke as follows you see men the perjury and the impiety of the king you see the faithlessness of Tissa Furnies professing that he was next door neighbour to Hellas and would give a good deal to save us in confirmation of which he took an oath to us himself he gave us the pledge of his right hand and then with a lie upon his lips this same man turned round and arrested our generals he had no reverence even for Zeus the god of strangers but after entertaining Cleauchus at his own board as a friend he used his hospitality to delude and decoy his victims and Ariias whom we offered to make king with whom we exchanged pledges not to betray each other even this man without a particle of fear of the gods or respect for Cyrus in his grave though he was most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime even he has turned aside to the worst foes of Cyrus and is doing his best to injure the dead man's friends them may the gods were quite as they deserve but we with these things before our eyes will not anymore be cheated and cajoled by them we will make the best fight we can and having made it whatever the gods think fit to send we will accept after him Xenophon arose he was arrayed for war in his bravest apparel for said he to himself if the gods grant victory the finest attire will match with victory best or if I must needs die then for one who has aspired to be the noblest it is well there should be some outward correspondence between his expectation and his end he began his speech as follows Cleanor has spoken of the perjury and faithlessness of the barbarians and you yourselves know them only too well I fancy if then we are minded to enter a second time into terms of friendship with them with the experience of what our generals who in all confidence entrusted themselves to their power have suffered reason would we should feel deep despondency if on the other hand we purpose to take our good swords in our hands and to inflict punishment on them for what they have done and from this time forward will be on terms of downright war with them then God helping we have many a bright hope of safety the words were scarcely spoken when someone sneezed and with one impulse the soldiers bowed in worship and Xenophon proceeded I propose sirs since even as we spoke of safety an omen from Zeus the saviour has appeared we vow a vow to sacrifice to the saviour thank offerings for safe deliverance where so ever first we reach a friendly country and let us couple with that vow another of individual ascent that we will offer to the rest of the gods according to our ability let all those who are in favour of this proposal hold up their hands they all held up their hands and there and then they vowed a vow and chanted the battle hymn but as soon as these sacred matters were duly ended he began once more thus I was saying that many and bright are the hopes we have of safety first of all we it is who confirm and ratify the oaths we take by heaven but our enemies have taken false oaths and broken the truce contrary to their solemn word this being so it is but natural that the gods should be opposed to our enemies but with ourselves allied the gods who were able to make the great ones quickly small and out of sore perplexity can save the little ones with ease what time it pleases them in the next place let me recall to your minds the dangers of our own forefathers that you may see and know that bravery is your heirloom and that by the aid of the gods brave men are rescued even out of the midst of soreest straits so was it when the Persians came and their attendant hosts with a very great armament to wipe out Athens from the face of the earth the men of Athens had the heart to withstand them and conquered them then they vowed to Artemis that for every man they slew of the enemy they would sacrifice to the goddess goats so many and when they could not find sufficient for the slain they resolved to offer yearly five hundred and to this day they performed that sacrifice and at a somewhat later date when Xerxes assembled his countless hosts and marched upon Helas then too our fathers conquered the forefathers of our foes by land and by sea and proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies but the greatest witness of all is the freedom of our cities the liberty of that land in which you were born and bred for you call no man master or lord you bow your heads to nuns saved to the gods alone such were your forefathers and their sons are ye think not I am going to say that you put to shame in any way your ancestry far from it not many days since you too were drawn up in battle face to face with these true descendants of their ancestors and by the help of heaven you conquered them though they many times outnumbered you at that time it was to win a throne for Cyrus that you showed your bravery today when the struggle is for your own salvation what is more natural than that you should show yourselves braver and more zealous still nay it is very meet and right that you should be more undaunted still today to face the foe the other day though you had not tested them and before your eyes lay their immeasurable host you have the heart to go against them with the spirit of your fathers today you have made trial of them and knowing that however many times your number they do not care to await your onset what concern have you now to be afraid of them nor let anyone suppose that herein is a point of weakness in that Cyrus's troops who before were drawn up by your side have now deserted us for they are even worse coward still than those we worsted at any rate they have deserted us and sought refuge with them leaders of the forlorn hope of flight far better is it to have them brigaded with the enemy than shoulder to shoulder in our ranks but if any of you is out of heart to think that we have no cavalry while the enemy have many squadrons to command lay to heart this doctrine their 10,000 horse only equal 10,000 men upon their backs neither less nor more did anyone ever die in battle from the bite or kick of a horse it is the men the real swordsmen who do whatever is done in battles in fact we on our stout shanks are better mounted than those cavalry fellows there they hang onto their horses necks in mortal dread not only of us but of falling off while we well planted upon earth can deal far heavier blows to our assailants and aim more steadily at who we will there is one point I admit in which their cavalry have the whip hand of us it is safer for them than it is for us to run away maybe however you are in good heart about the fighting but annoyed to think that Tissa Furnies will not guide us anymore and that the king will not furnish us with a market any longer now consider is it better for us to have a guide like Tissa Furnies whom we know to be plotting against us or to take a chance of the stray people whom we catch and compel to guide us who will know that any mistake made in leading us will be a sad mistake for their own lives again is it better to be buying provisions in a market of their providing in scant measure and at high prices without even the money to pay for them any longer or by right of conquest to help ourselves applying such measure as suits our fancy best or again perhaps you admit that our present position is not without its advantages but you feel sure that the rivers are a difficulty and think that you were never more taken in than when you crossed them if so consider whether after all this is not perhaps the most foolish thing which the barbarians have done no river is impassable throughout whatever difficulties it may present at some distance from its source you need only make your way up to the spring head and there you may cross it without wetting more than your ankles but granted that the rivers do bar our passage and their guides are not forthcoming what care we we need feel no alarm for all that we have heard of the myseons a people whom we certainly cannot admit to be better than ourselves and yet they inhabit numbers of large and prosperous cities in the king's own country without asking to leave the Pisidians are an equally good instance of the Lycaeonians we have seen with our own eyes how they fare seizing fortresses down in the plains and reaping the fruits of these men's territory as to us I go so far as to assert we ought never to have let it be seen that we were bent on getting home at any rate not so soon we began stocking and furnishing ourselves as if we fully meant to settle down for life somewhere or other hereabouts I'm sure that the king would be twice glad to give the myseons as many guides as they like or as many hostages as they care to demand in return for a safe conduct out of his country he would make carriage roads for them and if they preferred to take their departure in coaches and for he would not say them nay so too I am sure he would be only too glad to accommodate us in the same way if he saw us preparing to settle down here but perhaps it is just as well that we did not stop for I fear if once we learn to live in idleness and to batten in luxury and dalliance with these tall and handsome median and persian women and maidens we shall be like the lotus eaters and forget the road home altogether it seems to me that it is only right in the first instance to make an effort to return to Hellas and to revisit our hearts and homes if only to prove to other Hellens that it is their own faults if they are poor and needy seeing it is in their power to give to those now living a proper life at home a free passage hither and convert them into well-to-do burgers at once now sirs is it not clear that all these good things belong to whoever has strength to hold them let us look another matter in the face how are we to march most safely or where blows are needed how are we to fight to the best advantage that is the question the first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons we have got so that we may be free to march wherever the army needs and not practically make our baggage crane our general and next we should throw our tents into the bonfire also for these again are only a trouble to carry and do not contribute one grain of good either for fighting or getting provisions further let us get rid of all superfluous baggage save only what we require for the sake of war or meat and drink so that as many of us as possible may be under arms and as few as possible doing portraitage I need not to remind you that in case of defeat the owner's goods are not their own but if we master our foes we will make them our baggage bearers it only rests for me to name the one thing which I look upon as the greatest of all you see the enemy did not dare to bring war to bear upon us until they had first seized our generals they felt that whilst our rulers were there and we obeyed them they were no match for us in war but having got hold of them they fully expected that the consequent confusion and anarchy would prove fatal to us what follows this officers and leaders ought to be more vigilant ever than their predecessors subordinates still more orderly and obedient to those in command now than even they were to those who are gone and you should pass a resolution that in case of insubordination anyone who stands by is to aid the officer in chastising the offender so the enemy will be mightily deceived for on this day they will behold ten thousand cliarchesses instead of one who will not suffer one man to play that coward and now it is high time I brought my remarks to an end for maybe the enemy will be here and on let those who are in favour of these proposals confirm them with all speed that they may be realised in fact if any other cause seem better let not anyone even though he be a private soldier shrink from proposing it our common safety is our common need after this Carisapha spoke he said if there is anything else to be done beyond what Xenophon has mentioned we shall be able to carry it out presently but with regard to what he has already proposed it seems to me the best cause to vote upon the matters at once those who in favour of Xenophon's proposals hold up their hands they all help them up Xenophon rose again and said listen sirs while I tell you what I think we have need of besides it is clear that we must march where we can get provisions now I am told there are some splendid villages not more than two miles and a half distant I should not be surprised then if the enemy were to hang on our heels and dog us as we retire like cowardly cures which rush out at the Paza Bay and bite him if they can but when you turn upon them they run away such will be their tactics I take it it may be safer then to march in a hollow square so as to place the baggage animals and our mob of suitlers in greater security it will save time to make the appointments at once and to settle who leads the square and directs the vanguard who will take command of the two flanks and who of the rearguard so that when the enemy appears we shall not need to deliberate but can at once set in motion the machinery in existence if anyone has any better plan we need not adopt mine but if not suppose Carisaphas takes the lead as he is a lastemonian and the two eldest generals take in charge the two wings respectively while Timassian and I the two youngest will for the present guard the rear for the rest we can but make experiment of this arrangement and alter it with deliberation as from time to time any improvement suggests itself if anyone has a better plan to propose let him do so no dissentient voice was heard accordingly he said those in favour of this resolution hold up their hands the resolution was carried and now said he it would be well to separate and carry out what we have decreed if any of you has set his heart on seeing his friends again let him remember to prove himself a man there is no other way to achieve his heart's wish or is mere living an object with any of you strive to conquer if to slay is the privilege of victory to die is the doom of the defeated or perhaps to gain money and wealth is your ambition strive again for mastery have not conquerors the double gain of keeping what is their own whilst they seized the possessions of the vanquished number three the speaking was ended they got up and retired then they burnt the wagons and the tents and after sharing with one another what each needed out of their very superfluities they threw the remnant into the fire having done that they proceeded to make their breakfasts while they were breakfasting Mithridates came with about thirty horsemen and summoning the generals within earshot he thus addressed them men of Hellas I have been faithful to Cyrus as you know well and today I am your well-wisher indeed I am here spending my days in great fear if then I could see any salutary course in prospect I should be disposed to join you with all my retainers please inform me then as to what you propose regarding me as your friend and well-wisher anxious only to pursue his march in your company the generals held council and resolved to give the following answer Carisaphas acting as spokesman we have resolved to make our way through the country inflicting the least possible damage provided we are allowed a free passage homewards but if anyone tries to hinder us he will have to fight it out with us and we shall bring all the force in our power to bear there at Mithridates set himself to prove to them that their deliverance except with the king's good pleasure was hopeless then the meaning of his mission was plain he was an agent in disguise in fact a relation of Tissa Furnes was in attendance to keep a check on his loyalty after that the generals resolved that it would be better to proclaim open war without truce or herald as long as they were in the enemy's country for they used to come and corrupt the soldiers and they were even successful with one officer Nikartius an Arcadian who went off in the night with about twenty men after this they breadfisted and crossed the river Zapatos marching in regular order with a beast's and mob of the army in the middle they had not advanced far on their route when Mithridates made his appearance again with about a couple of hundred horsemen at his back and bowmen and slingers twice as many as nimble fellows as a man might hope to see he approached the Helens as if he were friendly but when they had got fairly to close quarters all of a sudden some of them with a mounted oren foot began shooting with their bows and arrows at another set with slings wounding the men the rearguard of the Helens suffered for a while severely without being able to retaliate for the Cretans had a shorter range than the Persians and at the same time being light armed troops they lay cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry while the javelin men again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy's slingers this being so Xenophon thought there was nothing for it but to charge and charge they did some of the heavy and light infantry who were guarding the rear with him but for all their charging they did not catch a single man the dearth of cavalry told against the Helens nor were their infantry able to overhaul the enemy's infantry with the long start they had and considering the shortness of the race for it was out of the question to pursue them far from the main body of the army on the other hand the Asiatic cavalry even while fleeing poured volleys of arrows behind their backs and wounded the pursuers while the Helens must fall back every step of the way they had measured in the pursuit so that by the end of that day they had not gone much more than three miles but in the late afternoon they reached the villages here there was a return of the old despondency Carisophus and the eldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to give chase and endangering himself thereby while he could not damage the enemy one witt the more Xenophon admitted that they were right in blaming him no better proof of that was wanted than the result the fact is he added I was driven to pursue it was too trying to look on and see our men suffer so badly and be unable to retaliate however when we did charge there is no denying the truth of what you say we were not a witt more able to injure the enemy while we had considerable difficulty in beating a retreat ourselves thank heaven they did not come upon us in any great force but were only a handful of men so that the injury they did us was not large as it might have been and at least it has served to show us what we need at present the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range so that our Cretan archers are no match for them our hand throwers cannot reach as far and when we pursue it is not possible to push the pursuit to any great distance from the main body and within the short distance no foot soldier however fleet of foot could overtake another foot soldier who has a bow shot the start of him if then we are to exclude them from all possibility of injuring us as we march let's get slingers as soon as possible and cavalry I am told there are in the army some rodians most of whom they say know how to sling and their missile will reach even twice as far as the Persian slings which on account of their being loaded with stones as big as one's fist have a comparatively short range but the rodians are skilled in the use of leadened bullets suppose then we investigate and find out first of all who among them possess slings and for these slings offer the owner the money value and to another who will plait some more hand over the money price and for a third who will volunteer to be enrolled as a slinger invent some other sort of privilege I think we shall soon find people to come forward capable of helping us there are horses in the army I know some few with myself others belonging to Clearchus's stud and a good many others captured from the enemy used for carrying baggage let us take the pick of these supplying their places by ordinary baggage animals and equipping the horses for cavalry I should not wonder if our troopers gave some annoyance to these fugitives these proposals were carried and that night two hundred slingers were enrolled and next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed muster as duly qualified buffed jackets and curesses were provided for them and a commandant of cavalry appointed to command Lycius the son of Polystratus by name an Athenian end of book three part two book three part three of Xenophon's Anabasis this is a Librivox recording so in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org recording by Andrew Coleman Anabasis by Xenophon translated by H.G.Dakins book three part three number four that day they remained inactive but the next they rose earlier than usual and set out by times for they had ravine to cross where they feared the enemy might attack them in the act of crossing when they were across Mithridates appeared again with one thousand horse and archers and slingers to the number of four thousand this whole body he had got by request from Tisophenes and in return he undertook to deliver up the Helens to Tisophenes he had grown contemptuous since his late attack when with so smaller detachment he had done as he thought a good deal of mischief without the slightest loss to himself when the Helens were not only right across but had got about a mile from the ravine Mithridates also crossed with his forces an order had been passed down the lines what light infantry and what heavy infantry were to take part in the pursuit and the cavalry were instructed to follow up the pursuit with confidence as a considerable support was in their rear so when Mithridates had come up with them and they were well within arrow and slingshot the bugle sounded the signal to the Helens and immediately the detachment under orders rushed to close quarters and the cavalry charged there the enemy preferred not to wait but fled towards the ravine in this pursuit the Asiatics lost several of their infantry killed and of their cavalry as many as 18 were taken prisoners in the ravine as to those who were slain the Helens acting upon impulse mutilated their bodies by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful an image as possible so fared the foe and so fell back but the Helens continuing their march in safety for the rest of that day reached the river Tigris here they came upon a large deserted city the name of which was Larissa a place inhabited by the Meads in days of old the breadth of its walls was 25 feet and the height of them a hundred and the circuit of the hold two parasanks it was built of clay bricks supported on a stone basis 20 feet high this city the king of the Persians besieged what time the Persians drove to snatch their empire from the Meads but he could in no wise take it then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light thereof until the inhabitants were gone out of the city and so it was taken by the side of this city there was a stone pyramid in breadth a hundred feet and in height two hundred feet in it were many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge from the neighbouring villages from this place they marched one stage of six parasanks to a great deserted fortress which lay over against the city and the name of that city was Mespilla the Meads once dwelt in it the basement was made of polished stone full of shelves fifty feet was the breadth of it and fifty feet the height and on this basement was reared a wall of brick the breadth whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof four hundred and the circuit of the wall was six parasanks hither as the story goes media the king's wife but took herself in flight what time the Meads lost their empire at their hands of the Persians to this city also the king of the Persians laid siege but could not take it either by length of days or strength of hand but Zeus sent amazement on the inhabitants thereof and so it was taken from this place they marched one stage for parasanks but while still on this stage Tysophenes made his appearance he had with him his own cavalry and a force belonging to Orontas who had the king's daughter to wife and there were moreover with them the Asiatics whom Cyrus had taken with him on his march up together with those whom the king's brother had brought as a reinforcement to the king besides those whom Tysophenes himself had received as a gift from the king so that the armament appeared to be very great when they were close he halted some of his regiments at the rear and wheeled others into position on either flank but hesitated to attack having no mind apparently to run any risks and contenting himself with an order to his slingers to slink and his archers to shoot but when the rodent slingers and the bowmen posted at intervals retaliated and every shot told for with the utmost pains to miss it would have been hard to do so under the circumstances then Tysophenes with all speed retired out of range the other regiments following suit and for the rest of the day the one party advanced and the other followed but now the Asiatics had ceased to be dangerous with their sharp shooting for the rodents could reach further than the Persian slingers or indeed than most of the bowmen the Persian bows are of great size so that the Cretans found the arrows which were picked up serviceable and persevered in using their enemies' arrows and practiced shooting with them letting them fly upwards to a great height there were also plenty of bow strings found in the villages and lead which they turned to account for their slinks as a result of this day then the Helens chancing upon some villages had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back having had distinctly the worst of it in the skirmishing the next day was a day of inaction they halted and took in supplies as there was much corn in the villages but on the day following the march was continued through the plain of the Tigris and Tisiferni still hung on their skirts with his skirmishers and now it was that the Helens discovered the defect of marching in a square with an enemy following as a matter of necessity whenever the wings of an army so disposed draw together either where a road narrows or hills close in or a bridge has to be crossed the heavy infantry cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks and march with difficulty partly from actual pressure and partly from the general confusion that ensues or supposing the wings are again extended the troops have hardly recovered from their former distress before they are pulled asunder and there is a wide space between the wings and the men concerned lose confidence in themselves especially with an enemy close behind what happened when a bridge had to be crossed or other passage affected was that each unit of the force pressed on in anxiety to get over first and at these moments it was easy for the enemy to make an attack the generals accordingly having recognised the defect set about curing it to do so they made six lotchi or divisions of a hundred men a piece each of which had its own set of captains and under officers in command of half and quarter companies it was the duty of these new companies during a march whenever the flanks needed to close in to fall back to the rear so as to disencomber the wings this they did by wheeling clear of them when the sides of the oblong again extended they filled up the interstices if the gap were narrow by columns of companies if broader by columns of half companies or if broader still by columns of quarter companies so that the space between was always filled up if again it were necessary to affect a passage by bridge or otherwise there was no confusion the several companies crossing in turns or if the occasion arose to form in line a battle these companies came up to the front and fell in in this way they advanced four stages but air of the fifth was completed they came in sight of a palace of some sort with villages clustered around it they could further see that the road leading to this place pursued its course over high undulating hillocks the spur of the mountain range under which lay the village these gnaws were well consiped to the helens naturally enough as the enemy were cavalry however when they had issued from the plain and ascended the first crest and were in the act of descending it so as to mount the next at this juncture the barbarians came upon them from the high ground down the sheer steep they poured a volley of darts, sling stones and arrows which they discharged under the lash wounding many until they got the better of the helenic like troops and drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry so that this day that arm was altogether useless huddling in the mob of subtlers both slingers and archers alike but when the helens being so pressed made an attempt to pursue they could barely scale to the summit being heavy armed troops while the enemy as lightly sprung away and they suffered similarly in retiring to join the rest of the army and then on the second hill the hole had begun through again so that when it came to the third hillock they determined not to move the main body of troops from their position until they had brought up a squadron of light infantry from the right flank of the square to a point on the mountain range when this detachment were once posted above their pursuers the latter desisted from attacking the main body in its descent for fear of being cut off and finding themselves between two assailants thus the rest of the day they moved on in two divisions one set keeping to the road by the hillocks the other marching parallel on the higher level along the mountains and thus they reached the villages and appointed eight surgeons to attend to the many wounded here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly while a further inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they found, wheat and wine and large stores of barley laid up for horses these supplies had been collected by the ruling satrap of the country on the fourth day they began their descent into the plain but when Tissa Furnies overtook them necessity taught them to camp in the first village they caught sight of and give over the attempt of marching and fighting simultaneously as so many were hard to combat being either on the list of wounded themselves or else engaged in carrying the wounded or laden with the heavy arms of those so occupied but when they were once encamped and the barbarians advancing upon the village made an attempt to harass them with their sharp shooters the superiority of the helens was pronounced to sustain a running fight with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing to keep him at arm's length from a fixed base of action another and the difference was much in their favour but when it was late afternoon the time had come for the enemy to withdraw since the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within seven or eight miles of the Hellenic camp this he did in apprehension of a night attack for a Persian army is good for nothing at night their horses are halted and as a rule hobbled as well to prevent their escaping as they might if loose so that if any alarm occurs the trooper has to saddle and bridle his horse and then he must put on his own cuirass and then mount or which performances are difficult at night and in the midst of confusion for this reason they always encamped at a distance from the helens when the helens perceived that they were preparing to retire and that the order was being given the heralds cry pack up for starting might be heard before the enemy was fairly out of earshot for a while the asiatics paused as if unwilling to be gone but as night closed in off they went for it did not suit their notions of expediency to set off on a march and arrive by night and now when the helens saw that they were really and clearly gone they too broke up their camp and pursued their march till they had traversed seven and a half miles thus the distance between the two armies grew to be so great that the next day the enemy did not appear at all nor yet on the third day but on the fourth the barbarians had pushed on by a forced night march and occupied a commanding position on the right where the helens had to pass it was a narrow mountain spur overhanging the descent into the plain but when Charisyphus saw that this ridge was occupied he summons Xenophon from the rear bitting him at the same time to bring up peltasts to the front that Xenophon hesitated to do for Tisophenes and his whole army were coming up and were well within sight galloping up to the front himself he asked why do you summon me the other answered him the reason is plain look yonder this crest which overhangs our descent has been occupied there is no passing until we have dislodged these fellows why have you not brought up the light infantry Xenophon explained he had not thought it desirable to leave the rear unprotected with an enemy appearing in the field of view however at his time he added to decide how we are to dislodge these fellows from the crest at this moment his eye fell on the peak of the mountain rising immediately above their army and he could see an approach leading from it to the crest in question where the enemy lay he exclaimed the best thing we can do Charisyphus is to make a dash at the height itself and with what speed we may if we take it the party in command of the road will never be able to stop if you like stay in command of the army and I will go or if you prefer do you go to the mountain and I will stay here I leave it to you choose which you like best Xenophon remarking I am the younger elected to go but he stipulated for a detachment from the front to accompany him since it was a long way to fetch up troops from the rear accordingly Charisyphus furnished him with the light infantry from the front reoccupying their place by those from the centre he also gave him to form part of the detachment the three hundred of the picked corps under his own command at the head of the square they set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable but the enemy in position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance upon the summit of the pass than they themselves set off full tilt in a rival race for the summit too horse were the shouts of the Hellenic troops as the men cheered their companions forwards and horse the answering shouts from the troops of Tissafernes urging on theirs Xenophon mounted on his charger and rose their ardour the while now for it brave sirs but think you that this race is for hellas now or never to find your boys, your wives one small effort and the rest of the march we shall pursue in peace without ever a blow to strike now for it but Soteredas the Scyonian said we are not on equal terms Xenophon you are mounted on a horse I can hardly get along with my shield to carry and he on hearing the reproach leapt from his horse in another instant he had pushed Soteredas from the ranks snatched from him his shield and begun marching as quickly as he might under the circumstances having his horsemen's churus to carry as well so that he was sore pressed but he continued to cheer on the troops exalting those in front to lead on and the men toiling behind to follow up Soteredas was not spared by the rest of the men they gave him blows they pelted him they showered him with abuse till they compelled him to take back his shield and march on and the other remounting led them on horseback as long as the footing held but when the ground became too steep he left his horse and pressed forward on foot and so they found themselves on the summit before the enemy number five there and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might Helens held the summit while the troops with Tissaphenes and Ariias turned aside and disappeared by another road the main body with Carisaphas made its way down into the plain and encamped in a village filled with good things of diverse sorts nor did this village stand alone there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris equally overflowing with plenty it was now afternoon and all of a sudden the enemy came in sight on the plain and some of the Helens belonging to parties who were scattered over the flat land in quest of spoil indeed many herds of cattle had been caught whilst being conveyed across to the other side of the river and now Tissaphenes and his troops made an attempt to burn the villages and some of the Helens were disposed to take the matter deeply to heart being apprehensive that they might not know where to get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages Carisaphas and his men were returning from their sally of defence when Xenophon and his party descended and the latter rode along the ranks as the rescuing party came up and greeted them thus do not see men of Helas they admit that the country is now ours what they stipulated against our doing when they made the treaty viz that we were not to fire the king's country they are now themselves doing setting fire to it as if it were not to fire the king's country but we will be even with them if they leave provisions for themselves anywhere there also shall they see us marching and turning to Carisaphas he added but it strikes me we should sally forth against these incendiaries and protect our country Carisaphas retorted that is not quite my view I say let us do a little burning ourselves and they will see us burning they will see us burning they will see us burning they will see us burning they will see us burning even any way they will light the flames let us seize all the quicker when they had got back to the villages while the rest were busy without provisions the generals and officers met and here there was deep despondency and here there was deep despondency for on the one side exceedingly high mountains on the other a river of such depth that they failed to reach the bottom with their spears in the midst of their perplexities to carry you across four thousand heavy infantry at a time, if you will furnish me with what I need, and give me a talent into the bargain for my pains. When asked, what shall you need? He replied, two thousand wineskins. I see there are plenty of sheep and goats and asses. They have only to be flayed and their skins inflated, and they will readily give us a passage. I shall want also the straps which you use for the baggage-animals. With these I shall couple the skins to one another, then I shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting them down like anchors into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and when I have fastened the links at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on them, at a coating of earth on the top of that. You will see in a minute that there is no danger of your drowning, for every skin will be able to sport a couple of men without sinking, and the wood and earth will prevent your slipping off. The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its realisation impracticable. From the other side were masses of cavalry posted and ready to bar the passage, who, to begin with, would not suffer the first detachment of crossers to carry out any item of the programme. Under these circumstances the next day they turned right about face and began retracing their steps in the direction of Babylon to the unburnt villages, having previously set fire to those they left so that the enemy did not ride up to them, but stood and stared all agape to see in what direction the Helens would but take themselves and what they were minded to do. Here again, while the rest of the soldiers were busy about provisions, the generals and officers met in council, and after collecting the prisoners together submitted them to a cross-examination touching the whole country round, the names and so forth of each district. The prisoners informed them that the regions south, through which they had come, belonged to the district towards Babylon and media. The road east led to Sousa and Egbetana, where the king is said to spend summer and spring. Crossing the river, the road west led to Lydia and Ionia, and the part through the mountains facing towards the Great Bear led, they said, to the Carduchians. They were a people, so said the prisoners, dwelling up on the hills, addicted to war, and not subject to the king, so much so that once when a royal army 120,000 strong had invaded them, not a man came back, owing to the intricacies of the country. Occasionally, however, they made truce or treaty with the satrap in the plain, and for the nonce there would be intercourse. They will come in and out amongst us, and we will go in and out amongst them, said the captives. After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart those who claim to have any special knowledge of the country in any direction. They put them to sit apart without making it clear which particular route they intended to take. Finally, the resolution to which they came was that they must force a passage through the hills into the territory of the Kurds, since, according to what their informants told them, when they had once passed these, they would find themselves in Armenia, the rich and large territory governed by Arantas, and from Armenia it would be easy to proceed in any direction whatever. Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as to be ready to start on the march as soon as the right moment appeared to have arrived. Their chief fear was that the high pass over the mountains must be occupied in advance, and a general order was issued, that after supper everyone should get his kit together for starting, and repose in readiness to follow as soon as the word of command was given. End of book three.