 Let me just go ahead and very briefly, to save time, introduce Steve Warnke. As probably most of you know, he's an associate professor at Vanderbilt University. He got his degree at Wisconsin. I'm there. Did some postgraduate work in North Carolina. And what really distinguishes Steve, I think, is there are two big things. Both of them are kind of complexes by now. The first and most obvious one is he's in the leadership and of a huge movement in historical archeology, both in the Andes and elsewhere. But if you haven't been affected by seeing your loyal graduate, your loyal undergraduates who worked with you in the formative, go off and say, well, I'm looking for a graduate program that does historical. And that's just fine. In fact, I was talking about historical here, and I'm totally enchanted with it. But it's a groundswell movement. And so you're getting to hear one of the top voices in that movement within the Andes. Then the second one, which is much more complex, and I really will go into it, is technology, GIS, ways of approaching landscape, settlement distribution, more localized space. And Steve has certainly been right on the forefront of that. He's in the leading charge. So we're all expecting these two things to blossom tonight. And yet, plenty of historical and plenty of flashing lights. So without further ado, Steve, are you ready to take it away to talk to us about... How are you going to balance the other form of art? Thanks for coming all this way. It's a privilege to have you here on Saturday night. Great. Well, after all that, I've got flops before you started. No, thank you so much, John. And this is a real honor. Thank you so much to the Institute of Indian Studies, to UC Berkeley. And it's a real privilege to be able to share my research with you all. A bit daunting, perhaps, more than anything to be the last thing standing between a bunch of archaeologists and fruit beer. I mean, I really appreciate the opportunity to be able to share my research with you all. And what I'm going to present tonight is kind of a couple of chapters out of the book that I'm working on now, which is kind of summing up about the last five years of research I've been doing. It's on the topic of the mass resettlement of Indigenous communities in the Andes during the colonial era. What's known as the Reducción Canal de Ingos, which is really important because this was really one of the largest forestry settlement programs by any colonial power in world history. Now, the Reducción Canal in Peru draws on, you know, precedents in Mexico and Central America where this process of resettlement under Spanish colonialism took place more gradually, largely as a mendicant kind of order process. In Peru, what happens is it essentially happens almost overnight, at least in terms of this major pulse of resettlement under the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo, which you heard about in the very last talk by Mark. And it's really an astounding thing that happens. Over a thousand gridded towns are built in one decade of the 1770s. It affects something on the order of a million and a half native Andeans. And we're really just beginning to understand how this happened at the microscale, which is what I'm going to talk about tonight, and at the microscale, which is another dimension of research that we're just starting to crack now. We're building a gazetteer called LOGAR, the length-open gazetteer of the Andean region, which is an attempt to pull together all the regional experts and build a base map of where all the Reducción A's are. Right now we're up to 488 that we've been able to map out. And so LOGAR is actually live online. This is like when the professor says you can actually use your phones and go online and check it out. So LOGARandes.org, it's live. It's up and working. It's going to be greatly enriched over the next couple of years. But it gives you a sense of the massive extent from all the way from the border of Montenegro, down through into Chile, Argentina, and Bolivia. Historians and archaeologists and ethno-historians have looked at this through a number of lenses through time. In the early 20th century it was sort of through the lens of looking at Toledo, sort of a celebratory narrative of Toledo bringing civilization to the Andes, the great womanizer of the Viceroyalty, through the mid-century 60s, 70s, 80s, through narratives of how Toledo was an immensely oppressive figure, this was an immensely oppressive regime, and then narratives of resistance to it. Two more recent frameworks that look at the Reducción Canadálogos as deeply compromised and kind of negotiated outcome, especially looking at from a local perspective. Through all these, a persistent question has been, did the Reducción succeed or did it fail in achieving its goals as a colonial program? And essentially I'm just sort of saying, that's kind of a bad question in a way, and that's totally simplistic in that if you just all you have to do is ask, did it succeed or fail for who, right? Succeed or fail in what sense? I mean, analytically it's a pretty impoverished way to approach this. And what I'm going to talk about tonight is essentially what would seem to be a clear case about Reducción that did fail when that was abandoned, but that in other ways the broader project of Reducción lives on, because Reducción is not just reduction in terms of congregation of people into these compact towns, as William Hanks talks about in his work at the Yucatec Maya, and the grammars of the men who can several written there, they talk about these grammars, this one that Bruce Mannheim talks about in the Andes with Quechua, through these grammars they call these grammars reductions of language, right? So Reducción is related to this semantic range that includes ordering, rationalizing, reorienting, and convincing, right? Sort of converting would be the better translation here, I think. So over there you see the Arte de Lilioma Maya Reducido, Sucintas Reglas, right? So what Reducción can allow in Peru is a kind of culmination of what I'll approach this as a kind of semiotic ideology in what keen sense of what constitutes a sign of how do they work in the world. Here it's sort of the assumption here is that urban form equals civic community. It's not just a precondition to civic community, it actually produces civic community. That urban form is a kind of divine order and place in nature. So understanding how that universalizing kind of vision was actually implemented and in that process transformed into particular places of course requires sustained analysis of particular Reducciones. So that's what we're going to be doing today, tonight. And so to place us here we're in the south-central Andes where we're working the Colca Valley, which is west of Lake Titicaca. The Colca Valley is this major drainage running down here. So semi-urban western slopes of the Andes about 3,000 to 4,000 meters in the valley itself and an elevation home to the Coyabas and Cabanas ethnic groups. These are major ethnic polities in the order of 50 to 70,000 people on the eve of the evasion. And the Coyabas were on Maras beaches, living in the central and upper part of the valley. The Cabanas were Quechua speakers living in the lower part of the valley. So then within that, the Coyabas were divided between Latin Coyabas, lower-ranking sub-group, and Yankee Coyabas, a higher-ranking group within the Coyabas. So just to briefly give you an idea of what most of us, obviously works probably in the communities, they work and probably Reducciones, which is to give you a sense of what they look like. I'll briefly take a set of the valley and sample what these Reducciones look like. This is kind of commonly in the lower part of the valley where I'm hearing the trove, it's actual dissertation work. And we get a sense of the scale here. It's on the alluvial plane above the deep and the size canyon in this part of the valley. This is in the lower Quechua zone, prime-naze agricultural zone. Now we're moving up valley a little bit to the town of Madrigal, a small low Reducción in the Latin Coyabas. Also excellent maize production zone. All these towns are these gridded towns. Most of them are divided between on-site and on-site and divided. So the grids themselves are divided spatially and socially, usually right now in the dead center of the village. Here's the major town of Vladi, the capital of Latin Coyabas, which is situated right on top of a major, as Larry Dutro documented, on top of a major Inca administrative center in the central part of the valley, right in the red basket of the Colca. Moving up valley to Yankee, is the capital of Yankee Coyabas. Again, on top of the primary administrative center for Yankee Coyabas, and therefore probably of the valley itself, I surveyed Yankee and the neighboring town of Poborake across the river way back when in the late 90s, a little longer ago that I carried out in a minute, which is what they're just doing. Oh, no! So Poborake, and you're moving out into the upper part of the valley on it to the town of Tutti, which is where we're going to be tonight. We're going in tonight. We're going really to a micro-scale view of life and of Reducción. So the modern town of Tutti is down on that first Aluvia plain above the river, the Colca River, which runs down through here. The old town, the original town of Santa Cruz de Tutti is just up slopes, about four kilometers up slope. So this is what Santa Cruz de Tutti looks like today. And what I want to do is just first rewind a little bit, just very briefly, to talk about the predecessors to the Reducción as it's just a couple slides here. So the four that delay Reducción is not just this event where people are resettled. It's a process that's punctuated. In the 1540s, the Franciscans come to the Colca Valley. This is one of the earliest points of intervention of the Franciscans in the Southern Andes, South Central Andes. And the Franciscans build a series of chapels at existing Inca settlements. And they slowly transform these settlements by congregating people in them. And we see this at the site of Malanto where I worked in 2006 and 2008. So this little UIV video we shot this past summer kind of revisiting the site. Here we're moving up through the lower part of the site, which we believe are these linearly arranged houses. We excavated several of these, which we think are the houses that were added at the eastern extreme of the site. Now moving into the central core of the site, which is the older part of the site, the old Inca part of the site, with probably the house of the Punaca right here and an administrative building, a plaza. And here's your chapel and its little atrium here and Inca Cainanta structure and its plaza here. We see this repeating pattern of Inca plazas and these great hall structures. And they're close association with these early chapels and their plazas. And with this idea of the sort of transferability of the use of plazas and the centrality of processionals in both Inca and Spanish ideas of a properly ordered sort of civic community, if you will. So then what happens is people from probably the favorite Inca era site of Alquimarco, which my student at the recent PhD, Lauren Kovac excavated, is laterized only. No evidence for colonial occupation. They probably were resettled to Malata and probably some of those families at the extreme of the site were resettled there. Then these people from Malata are resettled. That occupation is truncated by the reduction of Canadao. Santa Cruz de Tutti is founded, but I think that the people from Malata, this local scale, are actually resettled to a different reduction that's the nearest one on the side of the river called, it's listed as La Villanueva de Alcalde de Coimarco. And it appears in the original listings of the reductionist, but it does not appear in the 1591 Vesita, which is the first Vesita after the Toledo Vesita. And so sometime between 1573-ish, when the reduction actually happens in 1591, it disappears. And I think what happens is then Coimel, for whatever reason I don't really understand why, but it is, those people are resettled up to the already extant Santa Cruz de Tutti. So then I will go up to Santa Cruz de Tutti. So there's Coimel again, modern Tutti and Mautriyacca, what's today known as Mautriyacca, Mautriyacca, Mautriyacca, and it looks like this, it's very, very, it's a spectacular setting in this sort of basin, high altitude basin, it's up to 4,100 meters, really well preserved, very extensive. It's about 40 hectares in total extent. It's kind of a tent, it's the typical gridded town, I actually saw this particular image way back when I was just starting my dissertation work and I thought, where is that site? And I went to the American Museum of Natural History and looked at the sequence of photos and I could more or less reconstruct the flight path of the Shippee Johnson expedition, this part of the valley. And then I carried it up with some old, some maybe some weird, I think I mentioned the importance of these old ministry agriculture maps I looked at these old hand-run ministry agriculture maps and was able to pretty much isolate where this was and I walked up there in 2004 and of course the people of Mautriyacca see this as their ancestral town so there's no news to them, but it sure wasn't news to me. So it still looks like this today as you'll see. Very clearly laid out on the Cordela as which is mentioned often in descriptions of the Pettucionis, a very standardized size of these blocks. Several of the blocks are outline but then are vacant. We'll see here in the middle there's a big, but this is a big full-fledged out, this is basically a marsh, so they gridded it out but they didn't really build on it in most cases. Some of this has been taken down by recent people doing pedicab and stuff like that but for the most part this is blank and we think that that was used essentially as a corral this is high altitude Puna pastoralism country not nearly enough pasture for all their animals but probably was used as a corral in the center of the site. So it's big, 507 buildings, it's on top of a major Inca center like several of the other Pettucionis that we saw and it was abandoned in 1843 which we know from local aristocrats. And so relatively recently, I mean it runs all, we essentially have the entire colonial sequence into the early Republican era. So at this one site we have a really good case study almost like a laboratory for understanding the effects of the built environment in our Pettucionis. So what we're going to do is sort of bring as much as we can out so this is another video of a U.N.V. flying through the arched entry into the site the very security of the power and coming up over the ridge and you're presented with the site through the arched entry and the gridded neighborhoods, blocks this is probably the Muracas house that we actually excavated this past summer. Here's the major church, the main church there are 14 chapels at the site. This is the parish alongside the church you're getting a sense of scale with some of our ongoing excavations in the parish we excavated all of these rooms here which is the sacristy, the rectory and a storeroom probably after that and I can talk about it with our excavations when I get ready on that. But a sense of the scale of the site here in terms of a sense of the architectural preservation of the site there's the church there are some of our operations there and then we also excavated in domestic context this is that probable house of one of the Muracas we know that there were nine Muracas in the colonial era as reported in Vicitas as I'll talk about and a variation in the way that domestic households were laid out this Muracas house has the entire block to himself in other cases we have irregular layouts of the blocks in other cases they're divided into four and so there's a lot of variability it appears that the construction of the site was more or less a process by which the administrator said okay you know we're going to to get out of the corner though we're going to lay out the grid and sort of you guys build your houses the way you build your houses just by the variance that we see in the domestic organization so on top of the really good architectural preservation we have really excellent documentary record for the site and so using those documents we can think about the heuristics of how to reconstruct the sociology of the people that will resettle to the town to reconstruct the resettlement process in more detail so we think about this is located in the Puna poorly located for agriculture so we would expect the original inhabitants would have been pastoralists in their economic focus we would expect them that in the Bicitas in the censuses that do include land holding and livestock declarations that the originary peoples the descendants of the originary inhabitants would be primarily pastoralists in their agriculture or in their economic focus so we should see that in their declarations so this is a folio of one of the Bicitas the 1604 Bicita so the Bicitas here were as in many places recorded by Moidi so you had separate Bicita runs for Uriinsaia, Belinsaia so in this case we have complete census data from 1617 and 1604 1617 from outside the upper ranking Moidi 1604 from the lower ranking Uriinsaia and Moidi so they're really close together we can almost read as sort of synchronic data and so what we have is really detailed information of the Bicitas that run into the over a thousand folios so the households in them are group by IU first so here's like a town, here's Kokorake and then it says Ainkoyana there and then here's Tributario I he happens to be the Kuraka and his wife, his children and his agricultural holdings that are located by Topanem and then they also listed livestock so it goes through house by house it goes through IU by IU and then within each IU house by house now in the case of Tutti, what do we see? we see a total population in the 1604, 1617 window of around a thousand people a thousand fifteen people total but two-thirds of them are from Ainsaia it's not split down the middle demographically two-thirds of them are from Ainsaia and so looking within these Moidis these are the named IU's these are sort of lineage scale IU's within the Moidis so what we see is two IU's that are marked as the the top ranking IU's the ranking IU's of each Moidi in other words, the Kuraka of this IU Hanakaoka as Kuraka Vanansai as the ranking Kuraka Vanansai as the ranking Kuraka of the entire village and the Kuraka of Taiki Pataka is the ranking Kuraka Vanansai so if you look at those two what's interesting here in the demographics is Hanakaoka, the top ranking IU is almost half the population so that's saying something right there obviously it's about 41% I think of the population is from a single item right now Taiki Pataka is not notable demographically but as we see it pairs with Hanakaoka and the economic convention so I think that these two are the most likely candidates for the originary for being descendants of the originary IU's of the town so now if we look at livestock declarations we're looking at this scale Hanakaoka the ranking IU has the most livestock per capita the most pastoralistic focus so this matches our heuristic or this being the descendants of the original inhabitants and Taiki Pataka has the second most whoops, has the second most livestock per capita per capita basis so now if we look at agricultural holdings the other IU's which are much smaller agriculturalist IU's that are small in a demographic scale but focused more on agriculture and more land per capita generally speaking so we're looking at a scenario in which the reduced IU is situated where the ranking pastoralist IU's lived at this formerly administrative center and then these fragments or segments of agriculturalist IU's mostly from the lower ranking winning side and waiting are relocated from down below up to this reduced IU so that's a bit on this sort of social composition of the reduced IU and we can look inside of the settlement so what we did is to map the complexity of this architecture we flew it with UAV's and balloons we tried all kinds of stuff and we iterated on this and we eventually got really nice coverage with UAV's and we have like a 5 centimeter resolution map of the whole site and orthomosaics and DEM's and so forth and then trace and digitize in a field on screen while we filled out attribute forms on taking all kinds of notes on every element of every building and that's sort of our base map so this is sort of now our base map that we're going to use for subsequent analysis we did surface collections we did at least a 10% area collection within each of the compounds within each of the blocks using dog leashes and as we had 913 dog leash collections where we stake people out and collect every single triangle fragment on the ground and then we also collected from all the building interiors so that's 507 buildings so then we get density measures out of the dog leash and building interiors and we can interpolate those into surfaces and then we have the area ceramics so hot spot analysis shows us that we have clear concentrations on the south side of the site here major area of concentration of late-horizontal and then an anomalous big concentration up there on the north side of the site as well so those two spots and then moving into the early colonial era our diagnostics are showing a more generalized distribution and if I showed you the late colonial stuff it would become more generalized so I won't belabor that to length so looking at this now so we've got these two concentrations on the other side of the center of the site if we look at the center of the reduced young you know this is a curious thing because the site seems to follow a gridiron pattern a checkerboard pattern you would assume that the center of the site where it would be most regular that's the monumental part of the site but actually this is where at least conforms to an ideal grid and this is where it gets especially interesting because as you'll see it's actually composed of two plazas this plaza here and this one here and this plaza is trapezoidal so this is our we're almost positive that this is our Inca plaza we'll come on and get a great piece of all the distribution in Inca, so a masonry which we only find in Inca centers in the valley and they're only found in the church and in the parish and across the way over here in this strange area that we're we're calling a kind of maybe a Waka or maybe a platform Ushnu kind of feature and so it may very well be that we have a kind of Ushnu or platform let's just call it a plaza itself from the old Inca site and then probably a complex just following norms of Inca site layouts of ideas so in other words even though it seems to be this london position on the landscape it's actually oriented and built around the former center of the Inca site itself so now we have the parish inventory that actually describes the layout and names of streets it's pretty stunning so this is from the parish inventory of 1790 and it says that it's sort of oriented around the Casa de los Puras so there's our parish and it says which or la frente con la plaza vallada so there's the plaza vallada Inca plaza is the and and it is intersected by the Calligreal, the royal street which runs from west to I'm sorry, from east to west from Oriente to Oriente and from behind the Casa de los Puras another Calligreal which runs north south and then it says the parish has nine PSS nine rooms and it does have nine rooms, trust me and then at one point it says there are two fountains there are two like consulate vallada wells, it's pretty amazing and then another part it says oh and there's this plaza vallada off to the side of the church which is actually really amazing in that it has and it says that there are six capillas around that plaza that are already in ruins in 1790 six capillas around the plaza vallada with its central atrial cross here okay so if we put this thing together we have the primary axis of division of the Calligreal which bisects the plaza vallada a secondary axis of another Calligreal we have the ceramic distributions which shows us that there's a major link horizon occupation on this side of the site and I could go into the architectural stuff but there's a lot of evidence for this where the early houses are at the site as well and thinking about what I was talking about earlier it's very likely that this is an ansaya with that IU of descendants of the originary population that was almost half of the population of the site primarily a pastoralist and that this is the insaya that's primarily descendants of the displaced eyes of agriculturalists so we have an agro-pastoralist town that is really composed of on one hand pastoralists and on the other hand agriculturalists that are living cheap by jowl right and so setting that aside for a moment now let's think about dwelling in this space living in this space the idea of course that would be shown was that by building it they will become as I put it proper Christian civilized subjects as Toledo is sort of like the Trump of the colonial world they will become proper citizens the idea that a built environment will produce civic community but of course pulling on work like Thomas parents work what buildings do buildings don't just sit there imposing themselves they are forever objects of reinterpretation narration, representation we deconstruct buildings and interiorly and semi-autically all the time so yes they stabilize their relations they channel movement they make certain behaviors repeat and persist they afford and include certain visual experiences they are built and rebuilt but they are built and they are rebuilt and repurposed and reinterpreted and launched so it's all that if we know anything from sort of practice theory you know the relationship between structure and agency as it relates to architecture is not so simple as Toledo would have so but that said buildings as Aaron says don't only impose themselves but they certainly do impose themselves as we know we can't just make up how we relate this for many a way we want right so starting question and looking at that relationship is how do the built environment structure movement and visual experience serve in its group factorality in its materiality itself so how do you get at that so one way that I thought of doing this is through a network analysis in which you said walkers out from every building to every other building and then you combine that with a view set analysis analysis which is weighted by the density of the traffic from the everywhere that we're routing and you get a sense of movement and visual experience in the town combined right so you know what we're trying to do is we're not trying to just be if we take the phenomenological approach to this extreme you either privilege the archeologists and trust me I'll tell you what the experience was or you can attempt to be a kind of ventriloquist dummy forecast agents that's not what we're trying to do here but we are trying to get at the kind of aggregate sense of and a probabilistic sense of movement and visual experience so to do that we took the DEM from the digital elevation model that we produced from the UAV over flights and we stripped out the architecture as best we could because we want the buildings to be at their original heights. A lot of them we have the full height, some of them we don't so for the ones that we don't have full heights we estimate it based on the averages of the flights that we do have the full height for so to build the network we have the streets we have the wall dividers within the blocks so we digitized a network through the sites so we have 473 house door ways that are big mortgages in the network and 507 destinations and then the model runs a least cost path analysis through the networks which is taking into account not just the shortest distance but the shortest time and walking time taking into account the slope factor and also preferentially routing along the main roads. In other words you're not going to have hundreds of people cutting through people's blocks so we have current rules built into the model as well so it's quite a complex model that I have a lot of help from in the digitization process and the model scripting itself so who knows those guys for their work so essentially what we're doing is this is from one house to the other houses so let's call that house one so the model then repeats that for house two repeats it for house three and everywhere it's everywhere matrix so you have a 473 house origin by 507 destination matrix which is 239,338 rounds and then so we're not just sending one person from each house we're sending a number of walkers out that is proportional to the roofed area of each house if that makes sense so we don't want to just send one person out from a big house and one person out from a small house we want to send out a proportional number of people from each from the different sizes of the houses and so what we did is we used Neryl's house in a six meters square per person and we did it that way so you end up with all these routes that are stacked on top of each other and then you just sum them and you have then a heat map movement through the site so that's what this is so this is all those 239,000 rounds this is the everywhere traffic density through the site now remember they're not going anywhere they're not going to the plaza but it looks like they are and that's what's really interesting here it's not like a counterintuitive result but it's showing us that the plaza here is really hot, the Inca plaza also but that guy's realities are points of convergence here and there's a hot area down here which we think is probably the original entrance into the Inca area site down there so that's our network density through the site, our traffic density through the site so now we can combine that with visual experience so the question here is what features do we present in aggregate while walking through the town and conversely what features are the last counter difficult to see so here's what we did we took the architecture footprints, we extruded them to their heights to what we think are their in most cases we have the full height in the cases that we do we take the average heights in the cases that we do looks kind of like that a little bit closer and then we rasterize that and turn it all into a DEM that if you were to zoom in there you'd see the buildings are directly extruded on the terrain so then we send out observers through the network so we want to generate a cumulative view shed weighted by the traffic density from the ember to ember routing so we evenly distribute 1,000 observer points more or less the population of the town through the network and then we extract the traffic values from the network so the routing traffic you're going to get a lot of people observing here and not very many people observing here and then we run a view shed analysis from each of those 1,000 points and then a traditional view shed you get zeros and ones not visible to visible so white here is visible, black is not visible and what we're doing here is we're weighting each view shed by the corresponding traffic that passed through that point in the network in the other word traffic simulation if that makes sense so we ran this twice once without any observer radius restrictions and once with a 50 meter observer radius so people can't see more than 50 meters just to give us a better sense of what's more visible in terms of visual range if it's unlimited you're getting a very general sense of what's visible and they're all equally weighted so I'm not going to focus on this here I did run it that way I'm going to focus more on this here on the 50 meter radius version because that's more interesting in thinking about architectural components at the nearest scale of this so this is the result of that so this is the cumulative view shed that's weighted by the traffic density so again I mean our main trapezoid plaza is the hottest spot in the site the plazuela is pretty warm too the big corrala the bofedala here is also quite warm big area of promise because of all the traffic running through here and then our original entrance into the site is very very hot too so that's kind of a jumble of data it's kind of hard to interpret so we can actually extract values using a point grid and so we have 2,000 odd points that we interpolated those values to and run a hotspot analysis on those points and here we see a statistical treatment of this where we see statistically significant hotspots of visibility in the corral in the plaza trapezoidal into the entrance and the plazuela also right okay so now how about looking just at buildings we can mask the buildings and so we end up with a visibility raster that looks like that those are the visibility values of just the buildings leaving out the landscape okay and then we can take the highest values of the rasters within the polygons and run an analysis of that we see churches seem to be very high visibility to perish the chapels out in the plazuela basically the center of the site we can run a hotspot analysis on that and find that yes there's a significant hotspot in the center of the site again this is not necessarily counterintuitive results but it's showing us that the brute sort of factuality of the way that this review standard was constructed is encouraging certain kinds of movement another way we could run this is by running a random view shed in which you distribute a thousand observers randomly in the network and then give them all the same values of one unweighted and you end up with a totally different kind of distributions just random observers on the network each observer equals one and then comparing that to our model and then you can put them you can normalize the data so they're on the same scale zero that's on scale from negative one to one and subtract one from the other and it would be a difference raster that's what this is where redspots are walking model with the track density is significantly higher and the blue areas is where you have the unweighted random observers have significantly higher values because we're seeing how in this core area of the site the church, the chapels and the plazas are visually ubiquitous right so we're seeing in a sense the imposition of the built environment how it was constructed to channel certain kinds of movement certain kinds of visual experience and interaction in the site in this region in other words the plazas and the churches are kind of unavoidable without going out of your way you literally have to go out of your way in at least cost sense to avoid the visual sort of promiscuity of these buildings and these spaces but it wasn't just a new position either because of course they're recycling the ink of plaza what we think of is the plaza inside the platform and the concha and turning them into the central spaces of ritual for Catholic evangelization so this is a kind of doubly colonizing, colonizing space in that sense where new patterns of practice are masked onto overriding these NK presidents okay so the built environment is doing work here Toledo's project is doing work here but we brought people with different economic activities and interests together in this town and I think that that's the story of decline and abandonment so we have half of the population roughly composed of the ranking pastoralist IUs in other words the reduction was good where the ranking IUs were that was a political decision they were the pastoralists living up here in the high altitude the other half is composed of these small IUs displaced from the agricultural zone below now the problem here is pastoralists need to move around especially alpaca pastoralists which is what predominates here alpacas preferentially eat the succulents and the grasses of the bullfidelis very quickly can be overgrazed so they need to rotate their pastures and they need to move around with their flocks agriculture is of course going to be a little bit more sedentary but they were more medically displaced by the resettlement so we have a kind of long-term political ecological incompatibility here so if we jump forward all the way to 1785 when we have the next series of demographic data we see that the population this is from the Perish census the Padron of the Egesis the population is defined to 437 people and we see a different distribution now on Insaya is only 40% before they were 2 thirds of the population remember pastoralists we in Insaya is now 60% of the population so in other words we have a 57% overall demographic decline from 1604 slash 1617 to 1785 and the on Insaya has gone from 2 thirds to 40% and Udi's eye has increased in this share so what's going on here if we look at our three demographic fundamental demographic variables we have a decrease in fertility we have a high mortality rate through time obviously that's likely as well we have a migration now we have a decrease in fertility the mean household size in 1785 with the Padron there's only 4 members so 2 adults 2 children roughly it's not really a replacement level but a recovery level so low fertility seems to be an issue we have high mortality this is the demographic curve from nobody to cook who did a very detailed study of Koko Valley and in the mid 18th century when the population is at maybe here basically it should be rebounding around this time we were not seeing that and they replaced the bubble of fertility in Tutti but certainly demographic defined in terms of mortality seems to be a factor here but it's not just that because of this difference between Anansai and Udi's eye Anansai decreases by 62% and Udi's eye only decreases by 21% so there are major differences of fertility and mortality between the two are highly unlikely which suggests that out migration among Anansai is likely to become a possibility and so what we see is in that same padron 30% of the population is listed as not living in the village anymore and of those 30% most of them are Anansai so you have essentially almost half a way of 40% of Anansai households living off-site out of the records who they've left they're coming back to be registered but they don't live there anymore and they say they live in such a state and it's named and then in Udi's eye I guess it's about 25% so we have a higher rate of absenteeism among Anansai in the past or less essentially which I think is an indirect indicator of abandonment among Anansai households more generally so we were able to locate these through the help of one of our dear friends in Tutti who worked with us for many years and he said it was like almost embarrassing and easy we showed him the names of these Estancias and he said oh yeah it's not over then and then about and he went out and we digitized on the screen where they are so luckily we were able to locate 79% of where these Estancias are so these are the purple house figures here are the Anansai Estancias and the orange ones are Udi's so we were able to locate 79% of them which is only 98 people and 400 people that were left in the town 12 from Anansai 7 from Udi's 5 we couldn't locate so what we see in terms of distances these are not minor distances on Anansai Estancias are further away as a group and these are specifically significant results where we have as far as 50 kilometers away 51 kilometers away with a mid spread of we're talking 8 to roughly 20 kilometers in a straight line from the original region of Tutti where Udi and Sia tend to be much closer and they tend to be lower down there are both the allies and the cultural zone down below where the Anansai Estancias tend to be up really high so we're seeing I think a kind of return to the Estancias from which they came among Anansai and Udi and Sia past to work with now we can model this in terms of walking time using Tobler's walking model that Niko the table that everybody knows and loves to model movement over three dimensional train and we see that we have walking times in one way travel upwards of 10-12 hours out to the Estancias these are not trivial distances and we see differences again between Anansai being higher walking times versus we inside so they're out there ranging with their hamlets with their alpacas having abandoned the Rituxion which now for them is essentially a ceremonial center I think they're going there for Catholic rituals they're probably bringing their boss to be blessed and so forth having certain prescribed times of ritual calendar and so forth so this is just a view of some of the closer Estancias I'm highlighting four of these and we'll sort of do a fly through to show you the kind of distances involved from the Rituxion here out to for the actually closer one we're traversing several drainages so this is the Estancia Margarani which is actually kind of more over here this is the Bofedad there are ruins they're currently out in my buildings at these Estancias I would not surprise me at all of the people living in these Estancias in some cases are direct descendants of the people that are registered they're only going to be really interested in a college study here's another Bofedad here you can see the gorales and the buildings out there at that Estancia I'm zooming back down to the Rituxion and now zooming out to the third one and so forth these are really difficult treks so they were not coming back here often to the Rituxion they were living out there in Estancias coming back periodically to the Rituxion so by the late 18th century the Rituxion has turned into as far as the pastoralists are concerned a ceremonial center we know from the parish correspondence that the parish itself was merged and placed under the authority of the neighboring town of Sibayo in the 1790's so we're seeing evidence of decline and a loss of parish members put under the jurisdiction of Sibayo which is a little further up valley so all the documents are actually under Sibayo and then in the our house today we see descriptions of the church and the chapel's falling into disrepair the church is said to be Apuntales, it's like propped up in places we see that in our excavations evidence of that in the parish itself complaints of spreading disease from corpses Malos Ayes in the Bo Fidal and the bishop eventually orders the abandonment of the town in the 1840's we actually have the contract to build a new church and they built that new church in like six months, it's pretty incredible they founded it in 1843 okay so this part of mine the title of the top was inspired by this great ethnography by Sara Luzcar an ethnography that doesn't need as much attention I think it should be a distribution in the US it's an ethnography of displacement of the modern time of Apuntayo in which members of the community are spending time in coffee plantations in the eastern side and some are going to Lima she talks about a year out the people that go to Lima and take on the ethos of civilization in Lima reflect back on their community and say, and she says at almost every meeting of the community organization in Lima during this time some of the discussion would revolve around a vision of Apuntayo as a centralized town the Central which is a community organization their members envisioned a new ground plan or appropriate to not have elevated status of comunidad campesina this layout was patterned on Toledo's colonial editorial in which through their enthusiastic discussion seemed to represent a shared sense of what was deemed appropriate to community status so in other words they abandoned Santa Cruz de Tuti and they built another Reducción which is the modern time of Tuti so talking about this in so many terms of domination or success or failure of a Reducción I think doesn't take as far as yes in the physical sense the Reducción, of course, was on us it didn't tell us how radical this location that dislocation was not evenly shared obviously but it wasn't an arbitrary dislocation this was a political process by which the primary political agents of the area won out not to benefit of the agriculturalists so it was a kind of forced marriage of distinct community segments of pastoralists and agriculturalist families by the late 18th century it became a significant center for pastoralist families while agriculturalists were sort of stranded on there so then they moved down to the agricultural zone so you have a failure of the physical Reducción but the Reducción has an idea as an organizing principle as a semiotic ideology endured as they abandoned one Reducción to build another such that this foreign form of Reducción becomes a kind of means by which to make a claim to autonomy so I will leave it there food for thought and the eye as well fantastic exposition I believe unless I fear from our organizers that we have time for a few questions if you're willing to take can I ask a probably a stupid question what is your analysis your visual analysis of the main site there to what extent are your results influenced by the kind of visual obstructions of domestic space that we saw in your various graphs in contrast to the visual prominence of church and plaza those open spaces and on one glance you might say well isn't that just the inverse saying the same thing opposite but I'm thinking of course in other architectural and settlement settings where plazas could be of highly restricted access but in your analysis it would show up as being visually prominent simply because it could be seen from the space could be seen in an unobstructed way from residential areas in that latter case though in this model because there would be low traffic because it's restricted access those values would actually be low okay so the way I used to run this sort of thing was because I used to just put people in doorways and run a view shed and of course the view shed runs 360 I could run it as a kind of cone of vision too but it runs 360 and of course you're blocking everything behind you because the building's right there you're in the doorway so I wanted to get people out into the settlement so I thought how can I combine how can I then get an idea of proportionality where is the traffic so again everywhere I'm not routing people I will route people in future iterations like we know that of course they were calling they would ring the bell and they'd come to the plaza and most of the action was out in that nature in that plaza and I had to cut stuff but there were actually four plazas in that plaza trapezoidal and plazas are these they're platforms that are not in the corners of the trapezoid but they form a rectangle among them and so what they did is they did processionals to the four plazas we see this throughout the Americas from California all the way in all the Dominican, not all the Dominican but it's a common feature in the Dominican context is where by processionals would proceed they would pause at the plaza which is from the Latin plaza and they would pause and encant the four crystallological contents from glorification to kind of incarnation crucifixion resurrection and then a final prayer in the center so we actually know in detail what they were doing in these bases okay when the old A was in the valley he wrote pretty much the standard catechism that was used in third council agreement later but anyways a bit of a tangent there but the idea was to get people out into the space in the most likely ways that they would use the space I used to run them all where we didn't have any restrictions in the network and we had all this traffic running through people's corridors and things like that so we thought okay we need to turn the restrictions in so that people only use the main streets until they get to the block that they're going to enter the compound to go to the house and so the network traffic is going to go away so that I think is the most likely way that this space was actually used and you end up with these traffic densities and the visibility analysis then is built on top of that traffic density model so it's our moment to do that yeah Don I think you barely meet the church okay so this is a very similar question but all your views shed analysis and network analysis is based on people walking through the site but I'm really curious about and I don't know if you want some information could people see the church from their house compounds so if you're standing in your house compound doing your daily activities if they rang the bell or did whatever look up and see the church or would it be obstructed? That would be a really cool followup that's the sort of thing that's the way I used to run it I would just run one per house now what I would do is take proportional value to the size of the house set the person out there on the patio of each patio but yeah if you just go out there and look at the site if you're just standing out there that church is kind of now why do you go through all the trouble even doing it? well again we go back to reductive phenomenology trust me we need what this does allows us to run different scenarios it's reproducible it allows us to to see how the built environment in aggregate beyond any particular experience but in aggregate how it probably comes into the structure of people's visual perception and movement I was thinking do you see any sense that as the grid was developed that the position of the next block the house was determined by a position on the floor so that the houses had to be over here at one point the next block had to be over there I think that the grid was all the way now because we have it's so regular they only vary by a couple meters there are 40 to 43 meters and there are lots of empty blocks that are in the middle of the site and it's the variability within the blocks that I think is showing us that on the one hand you have a grid layout that's very regular despite all the topography there there's one major band of rocky kind of that they literally couldn't build over so the grid gets interrupted in a sort of diagonal and they keep to the grid jumping over it essentially it's sort of like that's incredible the insistence on that grid but then there's this trapezoid that breaks the streets and so forth so yeah I do think that the grid was one which also was part of the capital you know the capital was going through my mind um when we look at the outdoors or the scholars who have worked there they're constantly saying well this wasn't finished and so Wari must not have been successful must not have really been created successfully and yet your resolution isn't finished and yet it was immensely successful are there lessons to be learned from the communities to understand why compulsory settlements or whether we want to call them I think so in the sense that you know colonialist scholars tend to we like to think that we're such a special case because we have such and as cultural differences coming together but of course you know the people the Andes before the Spanish were quite accustomed to progressive forms kind of we're trying to remake their built environment morals and I think a lot of the same issues of how resident and built environment are the same in other words you have in the case of Wari but they're similar a program that is attempting to be imposed on a landscape maybe in cases in which to hell with it all we're imposing there is a great risk of failure from an imperialist perspective that kind of is the case here we're building where where the power is you little segments of I use down here you guys have to move sorry that didn't work out in the long term in the case of places like I'm not not enough of a Wari specialist to to really speak to details but again it's a similar scenario in which you have a sort of imperial program that is attempted to be imposed on a landscape to what degree does it articulate those local systems if some kind of negotiated arrangement is arranged perhaps those are more internal from other stations than others Beerton I think so I have a few further questions we do have another venue where those can come forth and true real I'd just like to conclude the normal part of this meeting with one general thanks to everyone those who organized and did the work to put together this meeting which is largely not me but the officers and certainly the program chair maybe those who are behind the scenes are running projection systems reserving the rooms arranging the food the coffee, the cookies kind of wonderful work going in there two great effects certainly all the presenters and all the posters two great artists and sometimes great distances come here and all of you take the time out to attend these meetings and let's give ourselves all a big hand and head for the study