 Good afternoon. My name is Michael Collins, and I'm the Director General of the IIEA, and I'm very pleased to welcome you to this Institute webinar as part of the Global Europe project, which is supported by the Department of Foreign Affairs. This project aims to address, analyze and communicate to a wider audience the debate on the EU's role in the world and Ireland's role in the multilateral order, with a particular focus of course on Ireland's term as an elected member of the UN Security Council, which began on the 1st of January 2021, and comes to an end in December 2022. We're delighted to be joined this afternoon by the Minister for Foreign Affairs and indeed Minister for Defence, Simon Coveney, who has taken time out of his busy schedule to share with us. And the work that Ireland has been doing in the Security Council and the Security Council activity generally in the course of the last 12 months. Minister Coveney will speak to us for 20 minutes or so, and then we'll go to Q&A with your audience in the usual way. I think everybody is very familiar with this at this stage and you'll be able to join the discussion using the Q&A function on Zoom, which of course you will see on your screen. So please feel free to send your questions in throughout the session, no need to wait until the Minister has finished his remarks. If you've got questions to ask and in preparation, please let them, please send them in as they occur to you. And we will come to them once Minister Coveney has finished his presentation. A reminder that today's presentation and the Q&A are both on the record and please feel free to join the discussion on Twitter, using the handle at IIEA. And we're also live streaming this afternoon's discussion. So a very warm welcome to all of you joining via YouTube. Minister Coveney, my notes say here to introduce the Minister, but the Minister really does need no further introduction. So with that, I'm going to hand straight over to you for your remarks and I look forward to those and the Q&A session that will follow. Thank you. Thanks very much, Michael. And in January I spoke at the IIEA event shortly after we took up our seat as an elected member of the Security Council. I set out the principles and priorities for our term. And so it's a pleasure to return today, albeit virtually, to update you on our work on the Council since then, and to look to our plans for the year ahead. The timing of your event is fitting. Yesterday was the 66th anniversary of Ireland joining the United Nations in 1955. The UN has been very much at the heart of Irish foreign policy since then. We've been an active and committed member, not least through the remarkable service of members of our Defence Forces in peacekeeping operations for more than 60 years uninterrupted. And this commitment to the UN is a matter of both values and of interests. As a small country, Ireland depends on international law and a values-based strong multilateral system to uphold our own sovereignty. We ran for election to the Security Council because the Council, despite its shortcomings, and it does have shortcomings, continues to perform a crucial function at the centre of that multilateral system. In our seat, we've played, I hope, a constructive role, bringing pragmatism and principle to the Council table. This hasn't been easy, and it's not without its frustrations in terms of getting things done. There have been times when we would have liked the Council to do a lot more and to speak out more bluntly and more clearly. Progress on the Council is slow and it's incremental at times. Sometimes it is much too slow and much too incremental. But we have seen success also through patient and painstaking diplomacy at times. We have delivered results that are making a crucial difference to ordinary civilians, often very vulnerable people, caught up in conflict. That is the fundamental reason why we competed for the Security Council in the first place. Nowhere has this been more true than relating to Syria. Earlier this year, Ireland and Norway successfully led negotiations on the renewal of the critical Syrian humanitarian cross-border resolution. It ensured that lifesaving humanitarian aid was able to continue to reach 3.4 million Syrian men, women and children in the northwest of the country. The month renewal in July was supported by all Council members, and I think it is worth noting that this was the first time in five years that the Council unanimously renewed the resolution. We'll continue to prioritize this in the months ahead, working to ensure that humanitarian aid can reach all those in need across Syria. We're more than aware that humanitarian aid alone will not solve the deep divisions or address accountability and the need for political transition in Syria. But it is essential to limit suffering among the Syrian people, and we'll also keep pressure on for a just and sustainable solution to the horrors perpetrated on people there. When we were elected to the Council last year, we certainly didn't expect Ethiopia to be at the center of our work. But the deteriorating conflict and the immense human suffering that it has wrought has compelled Ireland to act, and we certainly have been clear and vocal and at times in the spotlight on this issue. We've worked hard since the start of the year to ensure that the Security Council's attention has remained on Ethiopia and on the catastrophic humanitarian and human rights situation there. There are currently more than 6 million people in under threat of famine right now. We have convened public and private meetings on the issue, lobbied for engagement by the UN Secretary General and the African Union and secured the Council's agreement on two separate statements. I've personally spoken to the Secretary General on a number of occasions on the issue, as well as to President Kenyatta in Kenya, Secretary of State Blinken and other regional and international leaders. Working in close cooperation with African partners and others, we have ensured that the Council has united in calling for a cessation of hostilities and of course fully humanitarian access for those who need it also. However, the conflict in Ethiopia continues, and our work on the Council will also continue. Ireland's partnership with Ethiopia is long standing. In 1936, it was Ireland as chair of the League of Nations, which defended the independence sovereignty and territorial integrity of what was then Abyssinian in the face of an invasion by Mussolini's forces. We have worked in friendship and partnership with the people of Ethiopia for many years, supporting their social and economic development. We opened an embassy in Addis Ababa in 1994. Ethiopia has been our largest bilateral development partner in recent years. So I very much regret the decision recently by the Ethiopian government to reduce the number of diplomats in our embassy by two thirds. We had six diplomats there. They effectively have asked four of those to leave. And Ireland's commitment to and friendship with the people of Ethiopia remains steadfast. It is rooted in the principles which informed us 85 years ago, and which continue to inform us today. Our relationship with Ethiopia is one of a network of deep and long standing partnerships with countries in Africa that have informed our work on the Council. We've prioritized engagement with African partners of the Council and consistently supported strengthened cooperation with the African Union. The AU and regional organizations in Africa have an instrumental role in responding to crises and of course building lasting peace. We've worked in close partnership with Niger to support the UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel's work on conflict prevention, democracy and human rights, and on issues of hunger and conflict and climate and security. Much of our work with African partners has had women, peace and security at its core. We know from our own experience on this island that peace must be inclusive, if it is to be sustainable, and women must have a place at the table and participate fully and equally in decision making. During our presidency of the Security Council in September, we brought 16 women civil society briefers to the Council table. That was a record by the way, in terms of women's participation. This reflected our belief that if the Security Council is not hearing directly from those most affected by conflict and those most likely to drive lasting change, it's not doing its job properly. As co-chairs with Mexico of the Council's informal expert group on women, peace and security. We have turned principles into practice every day quietly without fanfare, but on file after file we integrate women, peace and security as an agenda into the Council's work. We established the first WPS presidency trio with Kenya and Mexico acting together in a cross regional alliance to help close the gap between rhetoric and reality. This made WPS a concrete and tangible priority during three consecutive Security Council Presidencies in September, October and again in November. Our commitment to women, peace and security agenda was central to our response to events in Afghanistan. As the crisis there escalated so quickly and so tragically in the summer, Ireland ensured that the crucial issue of the fundamental rights of women and girls was central to the Council's actions. We convened meetings on the crisis facing Afghan women, speaking out to focus the world's attention on the specific risks facing them. We ensured that the situation facing them was addressed in the Security Council resolution, renewing the mandate of the UN mission in Afghanistan. I chaired a debate on Afghanistan during Ireland's presidency of the Security Council in September and invited civil society briefers, Wasmath Brog and Malala Yusafi to participate and they gave powerful testimony of the devastating impacts of the current crisis on the Afghan people. When Ireland held the presidency of the Security Council in September, our primary responsibility was to manage the agenda for that month as you would expect. We steered the Council through complex discussions on a range of important and urgent issues, including Afghanistan, Libya, Sudan, South Sudan, Syria, Yemen, and of course the Middle East peace process. Presidency also presented an important opportunity to advance our own priorities. We convened three high level signature meetings over the course of that month. The first of these took place on the 8th of September, when Ireland chaired an open debate of Security Council on peacekeeping operations. Within three years of Ireland joining the UN in 1955, our peacekeepers had commenced at what is today the longest continuous UN service of any member state when it comes to peacekeeping. The support for peacekeeping extends beyond deployments, strengthening UN peacekeeping operations has been at the heart of our efforts on the Security Council. And it was an honor for me to chair the Council meeting on the 9th of September, when the UN Security Council resolution 2594 on peacekeeping transitions was unanimously adopted. In Ireland, this resolution recognizes that peace is not a moment in time, but a process. It highlights that the transition from peacekeeping operations to peace building programs must be responsive to conditions on the ground, and inclusive of the views of local Resolution 2594 was just the second Security Council resolution on which Ireland has led the negotiations in our history on the council. More importantly, it provides a framework and a set of principles that will endure long beyond our council term. It will guide you admissions current and in the future for the years to come, as they make the challenging but essential transition transition from peacekeeping to peace building. Our second signature presidency event took place on the 23rd of September, when the Taoiseach chaired a high level meeting on climate and security. This meeting brought together heads of state and governments from across the council, as well as the UN Secretary General to discuss the linkages between climate change and security and conflict. At that meeting, the Taoiseach announced Ireland's intention, along with Niger to convene discussions with all council members on a thematic resolution on climate and security. Our teams in New York and Dublin have worked tirelessly in the last two months since that meeting to craft a resolution that could garner maximum support from council members and from the wider UN membership. As some of you will know, 113 UN member states ultimately formally co-sponsored that draft resolution. On Monday, 12 council members voted in favour of the resolution India voted against and China abstained. Russia decided to use its veto to prevent the resolution being adopted. Let me be clear, the veto is an anachronism, no member state, no matter how powerful, how large should be able to override the will of the vast majority of council members and the large majority of EU members. And so Ireland regrets the use of the veto. In all circumstances of the council, we deeply regret the decision of Russia to use its veto to block the adoption of this important resolution. We believed over the last year that the weight of evidence and clarity of argument would bring the council to consensus. However, despite months of consultation, resulting in a draft resolution that was relatively modest in its scope would clear in its ambition to put climate and security firmly on the council's agenda was sadly not the case. Despite this result earlier this week, climate and security will inevitably continue in Security Council discussions. The adverse effects of climate change are only going to get worse, contributing to insecurity and exacerbating conflict. Anybody who suggests that climate change is not an accelerator of tension and conflict, in my view, is not realistic in terms of their understanding of the impacts of climate change. As our ambassador in New York put it, we remain undaunted. Ireland will continue to press for a robust approach on climate and security for the remainder of our time on the Security Council. Ireland is another long standing priority for Ireland. Since the early days of our membership of the UN, we have been constantly vocal on this file. Our third signature event during our council presidency marked the 25th anniversary of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. We have also taken on one of the most difficult roles on the council as facilitator for the Iran Nuclear Non-Proliferation Deal, the JCPOA as it's called. This is an agreement that is of the utmost importance to regional and international peace and security. I visited Tehran in March this year. I first Irish Foreign Minister, by the way, to do so in over 20 years. And I hosted the former Iranian Foreign Minister in Dublin last May. I believe it is incumbent on Ireland to do everything possible to persuade all parties to return to full compliance with the JCPOA. But make no mistake, this is an enormously difficult task. And while I'm encouraged that the talks in Vienna started again in late November. There is no real progress on this. And we need to see it fast. It's been a very busy year more generally. I've addressed the Security Council virtually in person on 16 different occasions. President Higgins, the Taoiseach, Minister Ryan, Minister of State Brophy and Minister of State Bern have all participated in different council meetings at different times. Higgins in New York, Dublin and across our mission network have worked tirelessly and other government departments have supported us throughout. We've benefited in particular from the insight and the day to day experience of the defence forces as we have worked to shape the mandates given to UN peacekeeping operations by the council. And if ever there was a reminder of the connection between the Department of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Defence, I think our time in the Security Council has confirmed that. And that work will continue. As we enter the second half of our tenure on the council, we will be guided by the principles of the government agreed at the start of our term, building peace, strengthening conflict prevention and ensuring accountability. The promotion and protection of international human rights law and international human and international human rights law has been integral to our approach across the Security Council agenda and this will remain of course the case for the next 12 months. We'll continue to play an active role on issues across the council's agenda. The Middle East peace process is foremost in my mind, as you are aware, there are divergent views on this issue among Security Council members. And it's vital that we continue to use our seat on the council, productively engaging with like minded partners, as well as those holding different views, so that we can try to build consensus on a way forward. To the council in May, I made it clear that the council had a collective responsibility to speak out in response to the escalation of violence. We will continue to insist on the need for a negotiated to state solution adherence to international law and respect for people's human rights. Like a dim prospect for now, but they are simple, but we have simply no other option, but to continue to advocate in this space. We cannot allow expediency or international fatigue to replace the fundamental need to end the occupation that began in 1967. To meet Israeli and Palestinian security needs, and to deliver the aspirations of the Palestinian people for statehood and sovereignty, while of course respecting the right of Israel to defend itself and protect its own state. The deteriorating situation in Myanmar is also deeply concerning. It is almost a year since the coup began. We will continue to use our seat on the council to call for unhindered humanitarian access and full respect of human rights and international humanitarian law. Ireland has a history of engagement on peace in Colombia. We have focused on work on the council to promote a lasting and just peace as you would expect, ensuring that victims and vulnerable groups continue to be placed at the center of the peace process and of course to support the work of the UN verification mission also these efforts will continue throughout the rest of our term. Libya is due to hold elections on the 24th of December, despite the fact that many predicted they wouldn't happen. And it's a pivotal moment in the Libyan peace process. The UN is playing a central role in supporting the political process and ceasefire implementation, and we will continue to support on the council, the Libyan people in their challenging path towards achieving a sustainable and lasting peace. And on Afghanistan, we are working with partners on the council and elsewhere to avert a humanitarian catastrophe. We are closely involved in ongoing council negotiations with the view to securing humanitarian exemptions to the Taliban sanctions regime, which should help to ensure the direct provision of aid to the Afghan people via UN agencies and NGOs. And let's be in no doubt as to the task here as credible reports are now predicting that up to 23 million people could face challenging famine like conditions in the winter months ahead. We are matching our words with action. We have substantially increased our own humanitarian aid to UN agencies and NGOs working in Afghanistan. More than 500 vulnerable and at risk Afghans have been offered refuge and resettlement status in Ireland, and almost 400 have already arrived. They include journalists, human rights defenders, particularly women, judges members of minority ethnic communities and members of the LGBTI community. The composition of the council will change next year. And we have been meeting and speaking with the five incoming elected members Albania, Brazil, Gabon, Ghana, and United Arab Emirates. As with other elected and permanent members, we will engage openly and constructively with all of them. The council has a responsibility to fulfill its mandate and to reach agreement on even the most difficult of issues on its agenda. That's not easy. And it sometimes requires painful compromise, but it is worth it. In the words of Dag Hammersgold, who as Secretary General admitted Ireland to the UN and first called on our peacekeepers to serve. He said the UN was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but to save us from hell. And I'm proud of what we have achieved in our first year on the Security Council. And I'm determined that we will build on our achievements and do I hope even more next year. So I look forward to hearing your views and comments and to answer your questions. I know we have a very well informed audience here. Hopefully, I can give you straight answers to straight questions and obviously respond to your comments as well. Thank you for taking the time to listen and I look forward to hearing what you have to say. Thank you very much minister for that. I have a hugely comprehensive overview of the work of the of Ireland's work in Security Council of course last year and also as you say looking forward into 2022 I'm going to go straight to questions if I may. There's so many of them that I think we just need to get going at it. And surprisingly, a number of questions here on the Russia, the Russian Russian veto, so two questions on that maybe to start with minister if I may. And one is from Paul Hossford from the Irish examiner. And it is, is the minister concerned that the intransigence from China and Russia puts Ireland's priority of linking climate change global security at the UN Security Council at risk of failure. And the second question from burnt. Mr diamond from the development policy coordinator of hell betas. He asks, in view of Russia's recent veto against making climate change and security a standing issue of the UN Security Council how optimistic. Are you that this topic can nonetheless gain momentum at the UN Security Council, and what options are there to keep pushing this topic in 2022. So maybe just start with those two questions. Yeah, no I mean to two I think very fair questions so you know I think people also who are who are listening may ask the question why do we choose to push this to a vote now. And why do we not keep working to try to get consensus with the with with Russia and China I mean. The first thing I would say is that China didn't vote against here. They abstained. And I think that was it that was an achievement in itself. And they chose not to to support the Russian approach, which was to, which was to veto this, this resolution. I mean look, we felt that that it was, it was, it was right to basically bring this issue to a head. The makeup of the council next year and the the timing of the debate in a post cop environment. We felt that it was probably the most opportune time to actually put the question to the council in a resolution. We knew that there was a risk that that it could be vetoed, but I think it was still worth doing you know we we managed to galvanize 113 member states of the UN to be co sponsors for this resolution. I think that's a big statement in itself it's very rare that that happens in terms of that kind of number. So we managed to get 12 of the 15 permanent, sorry, 12 of the 15 members of the Security Council to vote in favor, and we only had one permanent member states that was willing to to vote against so I think this sends out a very clear signal that the UN more generally recognizes that there is absolutely a risk between or sorry absolutely a connection between between climate change and the risks that it poses and the pressures that it puts on communities and conflict. And if you look at the the areas where the EU has a peace keep where the UN I should say has a peacekeeping presence around the world. You will see that in many of those countries. They are also really at the cold face in terms of trying to manage the fallout from, from climate change so if you take the Sahel for example, around the lake Chad region and so on. The pressures on a changing of a changing climate, the, the competition for scarce resources land water and so on, which is driving tensions driving conflict. You see a very practical, you know, manifestation of climate change contributing to tension and conflict. And really that's all we were trying to get established. The Council has a different perspective. They believe that the climate issues should be discussed elsewhere, and that the Security Council should be focusing on on other drivers of conflict. We don't agree with them on that. The vast majority of UN member states don't agree with them on that and the vast majority of Security Council member states don't agree with them either. I think I think this was worth doing, despite the fact that it had a frustrating end. I don't think there's likely to be a resolution put to a vote anytime soon in terms of the weeks and potentially months ahead. But certainly there are many other like minded countries that will want to work with Ireland to try and find a way of bringing forward a resolution at some point in the future. Without a resolution, I think you're going to see climate and climate related issues be part of Security Council debates and press statements and discussion in the months ahead and certainly Ireland will be part of that discussion so you know all is not lost here. It would be great to have a formal recognition of climate being part of the security discussion on the Security Council and a resolution that could reinforce that. But even without that resolution, I don't think anybody doubts that that climate is now very much part of the security discussion on the Council and will continue to be. But I know many others as well I mean you know we're going to have a Norwegian presidency in the first month of next year. I know they're also very very strong in this space. So, you know, you haven't heard the last of this just because it's been vetoed by by one country. Thank you, Minister. In fact, there are more questions on this than any other than any other area and I see one just came in since I asked the initial to from Sean current of trooper up. And, you know, just asking for what do you envisage as the next steps towards the US Security Council resolution on time at insecurity. And the other one is that you think Ireland can secure in 2022 I think you've addressed that, but actually just as you just in the interest of sharing this question with you from the Russian Embassy indeed Igor Alexev asks, Excellency what arguments presented by the Russian side on climate and security draft resolution do you consider irrelevant incorrect or false, and which of them do you understand and share. I addressed that to some extent but maybe you'd like to more and maybe also Minister, obviously, you know, India and China obviously had views that were clearly contrary to ours but it's not just obviously Russia vetoed, but India and China obviously didn't support either. Yeah, and look, I mean, what I would say about Russia is that they have been remarkably consistent on this issue. You know they, they, they said that if we bring this resolution forward they won't support it. You know, so in our relationship with the, the Russian team in New York is a good one we speak to them all the time. They were very clear that they wouldn't be supporting this and would vote against us if it came forward. We hoped we could change their mind on that. It didn't happen, but that doesn't mean that we don't continue to talk to Russia about this issue. They believe that that my understanding of the of the Russian position is that they believe climate issues should be dealt with elsewhere in the UN system and that the Security Council should remain focused on, if you like more traditional drivers of conflict, as they may see it. They were willing to, to look at, at a statement that involved a geographical statement around climate change and pressures in, in, in the Sahel region, and around the Lake Chad region. And that wasn't something that, that, that gained a lot of support because what people wanted was a more general resolution, which, which accepted the principle of climate change as a driver, and as an accelerator of conflict, and, and, you know, undermining security. And, you know, to be fair to Russia, their, their view on this hasn't changed. It is, it has been consistent, and they voted on that basis. That being said, it is disappointing that any country would choose to use a veto, any one of the P five would choose to use a veto on a thematic resolution like this which is doesn't happen that often, the focus on climate this autumn with COP 26 with the level of ambition that people are setting now. The idea that we effectively continue to formally ignore the relationship between climate change and security is regrettable from my perspective, but I, I don't want to pretend that Russia surprised us to be fair to them they didn't they signaled that they would vote against them they did. I still think it was worth pursuing though, and we'll continue to talk to Russia in that regard. You know, India's, India's perspective on this is somewhat different in terms of their own views on on climate and you know economic development and so on in India. We also had a view that impacted on the final wording that was agreed in in COP 26. If you can remember, there was a very strong, you know, Indian push in relation to to coal at the very end. So, again, that wasn't a big surprise, but you know, we, we also have a good relationship with India on the Security Council and we'll continue to talk to them. The reason this wasn't as strategically important as Russia's of course because they're not a P5 member. Therefore, they can vote against something without vetoing. So, so you know our, our focus with both China and Russia was was intense in the build up to this vote. And I think it's, it's a testament actually to our team in New York that China decided to abstain rather than vote against. But unfortunately that result wasn't, wasn't achievable with Russia this time. Thank you Minister, just to say to the audience we have at least 25 questions in at the moment, we're not going to get them all so some of them will be grouped obviously to the best of our ability but I do want to come to the other, another dominant theme in those questions and that's the issue of Syria, which of course you alluded to in your speech you addressed in your speech, and a question from Guffran Kulani and please accept my apologies if I didn't pronounce that correctly but who's a Syrian refugee and following my presentation to the eruptus joint foreign affairs committee at the end of April committee members including deputy Charlie Flanagan chair of the committee highlighted the need for prioritization of the issue of forcible for some and of course they disappeared as Syrians, but there has not been any progress on this issue at all, while daily Syrians are disappeared with impunity might minister coveny please comment on this issue, and a second question on this issue here from Leonie O'Dowd, who asks the immense effort by the Irish team to ensure the continuation of the aid crossing into northwest Syria is appreciated, including within Syria. However, the threat by Russia to veto the continuation of this crossing continues, as well as their insistence on closing all other crossings. What is minister coven is you on the need for cancer reform, and a potential mechanism to bypass the veto in the future. And I think there's one other question as well minister while I'm at it on Syria. And indeed it's from Ronan Tynan, who's a member of the Institute here who asked as Russia and China have vetoed the referral of Syria in the UN Security Council to the ICC. Would you consider proposing a resolution in the General Assembly to refer the country to the ICC. Yeah, so a number of a number of questions there. First of all, some of the ICC I mean Ireland are big supporters of the ICC and continue to speak up to to protect that structure. It's important to do so because, you know, even countries that we're close to are some of whom are not supportive of the ICC are not doing that. And I think, certainly we would be very supportive of an ICC role in terms of accountability for for many of the atrocities and war crimes across Syria. That's for sure. And certainly I'm open to to looking at any ways in which we could progress that comments in relation to the use of the veto. I mean I think it's important for us to be both honest and realistic here. The veto didn't exist. And I wish that the Security Council could make decisions without the frustration of the veto being used at times and at times inappropriately. But the veto does exist. And I don't see that any changing anytime soon. I know France led efforts a number of years ago to try to get agreement on limiting the use of the veto. Particularly in cases when there are breaches of international humanitarian law or atrocities being committed. And I, you know, I would really like to see that discussion reemerging again next year but I think the idea that that P5 countries are going to voluntarily give up the use of the veto I just don't think that's realistic. And instead, I think we should be trying to look at more modest reform of the Security Council that may actually be achievable, rather than sort of the perfect solution, which certainly for now isn't achievable. And I also think by the way that the Security Council doesn't reflect the, or doesn't reflect accurately at least global politics right now, you know, there are there are enormous countries that aren't that don't have a permanent seat on Security Council that aren't represented in the way that they should be. And you know, I think Ireland has been very upfront about that reform agenda and where we stand out. But again, I think we are both pragmatic and realistic in terms of both the pace of change and the level of ambition of that change in the short term. In relation to the Babahawa crossing. Yeah, so, you know, I visited that crossing at the start of the year, which was hugely helpful actually to get our, certainly to get my head around why this crossing is so important. It effectively is a vehicle to support about three and a half million people who rely on aid and support that comes through the only international crossing into Syria, which is into the Idlib province of Syria. So different countries have different perspectives in relation to to this crossing. And I know that the Russian and the Iranian and the Syrian view is that there are dangers with facilitating this crossing, because in some ways it's it's supporting a continuing opposition to the Assad regime. We see it as a humanitarian necessity. And that's why I'm glad to say we managed to win the argument with the help of Norway and many others to keep it open for at least another 12 months. That agreement was essentially six months and six months. So in the next few weeks, we will need to get agreement in the Security Council to extend for the full 12 months after a an assessment of the first six months. I'm hopeful and confident that we'll be able to do that. But you know, we have had very direct discussions with with Russia in relation to their, their concerns here and those discussions will will will continue. But I certainly hope that that we'll be able to continue to to facilitate a hugely significant border crossing for for many, many families. And by the way, I think it's also important to say that we are insisting on as much transparency as is possible in terms of what is actually shipped across that border. And I do believe that having the UN at the center of responsibility in terms of the Babel Howe crossing gives as much transparency as as is possible on a crossing like this where you have hundreds of trucks a day crossing the border. And so even from a from a Russian perspective, you know, I think there is a lot of sense in this being a UN managed operation where UN transparency and credibility is, is part of what's happening there. But as I say, Ireland's approach on this, and I think most countries would agree with this, is that this is a humanitarian necessity that needs to be kept in place. By the way, in, in June, we got unanimous agreement for an extension for six months and six months, including the support of Russia, which I think is important to recognize, given the fact that they had grave reservations in relation to it in advance of that. In terms of forced disappearance in Syria. Yeah, I mean this is just a horror, you know, I mean the number of people who have disappeared without any form of trial or, or legal process in Syria is, is a source of enormous concern. You know, Ireland, of course, will want to play its part in highlighting that. The real question is though how do we change it, you know, and, and how does the, the UN system actually deal with a an ongoing conflict in Syria, a regime that most countries want to recognize, understandably so, and how do we, how do we progress in a way that that reduces the extraordinary misery that continues to be inflicted on on Syrian people. And that is something that Ireland will, I hope be in the center of, you know, over the next 12 months, in terms of debates at the Security Council on Syria, and I know different countries have very different perspectives on this and how we got to where we are today. But I hope Ireland can be somewhat of a bridge, while remaining very much consistent with an EU position in relation to how we should approach the ongoing Syrian conflict. But, but if your, if your caller wants to send me any details of individuals who have disappeared or or have been imprisoned, we can certainly try to follow up for him on on those cases. I'm sure that's very much appreciated. And just to change maybe to to Ethiopia, and I think you said in your speech that when we were elected to the council last year. We didn't expect Ethiopia to be the center of our work. There's a question in here from Sulanya Mitra and again, give me if I got the pronunciation wrong but she's a lecturer in UCD. And the question is, in the context of the Ethiopian conflict, has Ireland's role on behalf of the UN Security Council eroded some of the diplomatic capital Ireland had with the Ethiopian government, which might have helped in gaining humanitarian access to people in need. Maybe. But I think, you know, I think our role on Security Council has probably been to be arguably the most proactive country in relation to shining a spotlight on what has been happening for a year now in Ethiopia. We know and it's been backed up by by independent reports since you know we know that there have been very significant atrocities, including the use of sexual violence as a tool of intimidation and conflict in in Tigray but not only in the Tigray region in other parts of Ethiopia as well. You know, our, you know, our fear here is that Ethiopia that has, and it's a country of 150 and 120 million people it's Africa's second largest country in population terms. And it has been a source of stability on the Horn of Africa for the last number of decades and of course has been a fantastic partner for Ireland with me we've spent more in Africa and invested more in the part, sorry, in Ethiopia and invested more in a partnership with in any other African country in recent, in recent years. But having said that, we felt we had to simply call out the truth of what was happening, particularly in the context of, you know, blockades that have been imposed to prevent humanitarian aid and assistance getting to people who desperately need us. And the, the, and atrocities that have been committed by by soldiers and by paramilitary groups. And of course, with a view to not taking sides, but simply calling out the truth of what was happening and, and we continue to do that today. As a result of that approach, the, the Ethiopian government has taken accession to that. In terms of some of the things that we've been saying, and of our six Irish diplomats in the embassy in Addis Ababa, four of them have been asked to leave. So I think that is absolutely regrettable. But there, there have been UN diplomats that have been asked to leave as well. You know that Ireland isn't isn't alone in being targeted. But look, we continue to reach out to all sides in the Ethiopian conflict. We've invested a lot of time in that. In that outreach, I met the Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister in New York. A few months ago, we actually had a very long, and I think a very useful meeting. We did agree on everything but we certainly I think had an understanding of each other's perspectives, and we continue now to to within the UN Security Council system to try to do everything we can to bring about a ceasefire to bring about a removal of the blockade that prevents international humanitarian assistance getting to literally millions of people now that need it. And of course to promote an inclusive political dialogue between the warring parties, so that we can focus on protecting Ethiopia's sovereign integrity as a country. And we can look ahead to to a political process that can resolve outstanding issues as opposed to military interventions we don't believe that there is a military solution to the to the deep animosity and differences between the warring parties at the moment in Ethiopia. And so we want to work with all sides, including the Ethiopian government to to try and bring about a peaceful resolution. But at the moment, the prospects of that look look quite remote and this conflict may get unfortunately worse before it gets better. So I'm just going to take one question maybe two questions here on me and our one from now no key from trochera and wonders by not the pen holder on me and our back in Ireland in the UN Security Council is due to avert the rapidly deteriorating human humanitarian crisis in me and our following the coup. And I think the second question here if I can find it. Just one moment now on me and our yes it's from quiva de bara is the CEO of trochera. It's, she says will Ireland press for a resolution on me and our next year, including condemning both attacks on civil society, and the very high levels of gender based violence perpetrated by the me and our security forces so just those two questions on me and our ministry. But first of all, we're, we're very concerned at what's happening in in Myanmar. Given a note here. Let me just give you the official position and then I'll give you a, I'll give you a sort of a personal view on it. The voice remains on the agenda of Security Council and will continue and we'll continue to continue to follow developments closely as you'd expect. Council has spoken as one in condemning the violence against peaceful protesters, including against women, young people and children. I would express deep concern at restrictions on medical personnel, civil society, labor union members, journalists and media workers and called for the immediate release of all those detained arbitrarily. This unity sends a clear message I think to the military. However, I would like to see the Security Council move beyond a simple expression of concern and hoping for change. The Security Council agree more tangible actions to ensure peace and democracy in in Myanmar. Ireland has used our position on Security Council to highlight the targeting of women by the Myanmar military and to promote the inclusion and meaningful participation of women in dialogue and negotiations for peace. I was pleased to be a member of the core group of nations who proposed the June 2021 UN General Assembly resolution that called for a stop to the flow of arms to Myanmar. We've also been working with the EU at the third committee of the UN General Assembly session. That's the 76th session to address the persistence of human rights violations and abuses and consider the progress towards restoring civilian government. We look forward to working with the new UN Special Envoy as she commences her role this week. I've had some very interesting discussions with the Chinese Foreign Minister on this issue. I think it would be accepted that China probably has more influence on Myanmar than any other country. We've also spoken to many other partners on the Security Council in terms of what could actually trigger a real change in approach from the military leaders in Myanmar as opposed to simply making statements that are useful in themselves but don't actually bring about real change on the ground. So really this is about trying to be persuasive and building pressure on a military leadership that need at some point in the future to facilitate a return to civilian led government in their country. And of course a release of political prisoners who should be very much part of that process. But we will very much be part of those discussions. And if Nile or or Quiva want to make contact with me in relation to that, if they have thinking that that they think we'd be helped be more than happy to have that conversation with them. I've taken quite an interest in, in Burma, Myanmar. In the past when I was in the, the European Parliament, and since, and this is a, this is an issue that I think Irish people would like us to be involved in, in advocating for solutions on in the Security Council so that's very much the space we're in but not easy. And actually the more advice you take from people who know the military leadership, the more complex actually this challenge becomes because I think standard pressure won't work. We need to look at other ways of, of facilitating that change and I think, I think China are really important part of that pressure. Thank you minister we're just coming towards the end now and I'm just going to maybe reference a number of questions here, not necessarily in any way related, but just with a few to maybe giving you the opportunity to touch on them because I think that's all maybe we'll have time for a question here from Anya Kenny of the Irish Times. I think you've addressed the first part of our question which is do you think the veto system needs to be changed needs to change the light of recent events. Do you think it will can be changed with second question from ours. How has having a seat on the UN Security Council benefited Ireland. My question was how has Ireland seat benefited other countries. A separate question here from from Paul Gillespie in again member of the Institute of course formerly the Irish Times wants to know how effectively does the minister think Irish media, the Irish media have covered the first year of Ireland's ownership of the Security Council. And then a question here just to wrap up maybe and I appreciate you can really touch on these are very diverse question here from Michael Becker School of Law and Trinity College. And he asked a question I suppose about the in around the efficacy of sanctions to what extent, you know, the UN Security Council sanctions. So how they might be made a more effective and meaningful tool, and is Ireland engaged in any initiative on this issue. And one further question from Michael Becker, again, is, and I just don't want to leave it on spoken I suppose because it is of concern to many people, and that's in relation to Yemen, and what, if anything can be done to alleviate the situation there. So I suppose, which replies these questions minister with wrap it up okay. You're on mute. Sorry you'd, you think I'd. You think I'd know that at this stage. Yeah, I mean, first of all just on on Yemen because, you know, and I, I would have spoken to Mark Griffith, many times on on Yemen when when he was the UN special representative on that file and I've spoken to his successor. We met, we met in in a man in Jordan, a few weeks ago. But we do have to make sure that Yemen stays on the agenda, because there's so many other conflicts ongoing that sometimes Yemen can be sort of the forgotten conflict and the scale of the misery in Yemen is enormous. The, the ongoing consequences of of conflict there from humanitarian point of view are just off the scale. So, in truth, I wouldn't be predicting any major breakthrough in terms of peace breaking out and a ceasefire anytime soon as in in the coming weeks. But I, I certainly think that that in the medium term, there can be a basis for agreement, but, but again, like so many conflicts, the conflict in Yemen will be determined by by actors, not in Yemen at all. And that's in Saudi Arabia, or whether it's in Iran, or indeed other sponsors of conflict and their influence on on who these and, and others in the Yemeni conflict. And the Security Council has to apply pressure there. And I think it will. The use of the veto system. Yeah, look, I mean, for, for a non permit member state on the Security Council. You know, the use of the veto is is extraordinarily frustrating. But I think as I said at the start, you know, it's important to be realistic here rather than idealist. The use of the veto is not going to change anytime soon. And I think our focus should be on trying to talk to permanent members of the Security Council about how we could limit the use of the veto in certain circumstances, which I think would be a huge step forward if we could even do that. I think it's a power that that the P five member states hold on to very closely, which is why it was interesting that France was actually leading the efforts to try to limit the use of the veto in certain circumstances. And I think that thinking should be very much supported by non permanent member states of the security. How has the Security Council benefit on Ireland. I mean, to be honest with you, I've never really looked at it through that prism. I mean, I think it probably has benefited Ireland in terms of our profile internationally. Every 20 years or so we've had the privilege of being on the Security Council. I think it's, it reinforces the point that small countries matter in a multilateral system. And one of the reasons why Ireland was successful in terms of getting enough votes to be on the Security Council and we got what was it 128 votes to get on the Security Council. It's because a lot of other small countries trust Ireland to be a country that they can talk to, and a country that will listen to them and reflect their concerns in a way that is not necessarily influenced by by larger countries which is why, you know, and we've seen it with Ethiopia, you know, Ireland will will call out breaches of international law when we when we believe it's the right thing to do and sometimes that means that that countries we have close relationships with are unhappy with what we're saying. But I think that is the kind of approach that that means that Ireland is on the Security Council because of the support of lots of other small countries that want that kind of voice representing them on the Security Council. So I think I think it is a benefit for Ireland in terms of of our voice internationally and I don't forget for the last number of years, you know, our foreign policy has very much been about increasing Ireland's impact internationally. We've opened lots of new embassies, lots of new consulates. We've invested heavily in expertise, more staff. I mean, the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs has been in expansion mode and continues to be and the Security Council is very much part of that in terms of magnifying our voice. And is it beneficial for other countries? I certainly hope so. And I certainly hope we can be a voice for for many countries that feel that that they don't have one internationally, particularly in the context of conflict situations. The media coverage of our role on the Security Council. I mean, I think it's been reasonably positive. You know, given the magnitude of the other issues that are impacting on Irish people and their families and their businesses and their livelihoods, particularly linked to COVID and to a lesser extent maybe Brexit and other issues. You know, I think that when something of significant happens of significance happens on the Security Council and Ireland is involved in that it does get a bit of coverage. And I'd like to see a bit more of that if we could, but but to be fair, when we got the resolution agreed on the Babel Howe crossing, there was good coverage across the Irish media. And I think when we fell short this week, because Russia decided to veto the Irish and Niger led resolution on climate and security. I think there was there was public commentary and some media coverage around that. So, hopefully, we can generate interesting interventions that matter to people, and that that will get coverage as we move into next year. And then just on the efficacy of of of sanctions. I mean our focus is very much on ensuring that both UN and EU sanctions are targeted on specific individuals and entities, and not on societies or a general populations or economies as a whole. The appropriate approach to have proper workable humanitarian exemptions. And that's been a big focus of this year at the Council and I think we'll continue to be next year so I mean a good example of that is obviously on Afghanistan. We, while nobody wants to recognize the Taliban as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, while there will continue to be sanctions against individuals, individual leaders of the Taliban. We very much need to get and wants to get supports to people who need it in Afghanistan, we need a banking system to work to do that. And of course we need to make exemptions to to sanctions regimes that that allow us to get support and aid to people who desperately needed whether that's paying the salaries of teachers and doctors and nurses, or, or indeed just access for physical humanitarian assistance into parts of Afghanistan and that goes for many other countries as well including Syria by the way, where there is a desperate need for humanitarian assistance I think about 13 million Syrians rely on the international community for for humanitarian support and assistance So, sanctions are a very difficult thing to get right. But I think they aren't, there is a role for sanctions, you know, the international community has got to be able to respond in a real way to create a consequence for breaches of international law. But, you know, we need to make sure that that we are not taking decisions that mean that ordinary people suffer, because their leaders are are irresponsible. And there's so many examples of trying to get that balance right, whether it's Belarus, whether it's Yemen, whether it's Syria, whether it's Ethiopia, Somalia, so many. Certainly our perspective is as I, as I outlined earlier, let's hold individuals responsible for the decisions they make, but not necessarily the populations that they, that they rule. So look, I think that's answer. Thanks to everybody, by the way, and wish you all a happy Christmas. We've been through an extraordinary year in Ireland, and I suspect next year will be, hopefully not as extraordinary but certainly will be challenging as well. But we're halfway through our term on Security Council. And actually, we had a meeting this morning on setting targets and ambitions for action for next year in terms of how we use this extraordinary privileged position on the Security Council to be as impactful as we can be. So hopefully we'll have an opportunity to meet again in a few months time to assess how we're getting on. I look forward to that very much Minister and thank you very much for your generous responses that we've trespassed on your time in ways that we normally don't do. Yeah, but we've gone beyond they are really, really appreciated. Lots of questions that we haven't been able to get to. But I think you've covered more than more than sufficient amount in the time available, and there's always next year, and we look forward to be able to welcome you back to the IAA next year maybe in person but if not in person then on zoom. We can pick up some of the issues that are current then, but maybe also some of the issues which obviously we haven't been able to address fully today, given the kind of constraints on time but wish you and your team, and particularly your team in New York, led by Ambassador Burn-Nason, obviously the very best and just salute the work of Ireland in the multilateral field and obviously we very much appreciate the comprehensive briefing that you've given today.