 Yes, it says we continue with long waits, actually, and from a little bit different perspectives since I'm not an expert in textile but in archaeologists that work with textiles. And this is also not a paper about big transformations, but about the macroscopes of transformation in craft production because it can be seen as I think it can be seen in the archaeological material. And I have to make some very quick introduction because there is no time to talk about the background. We might discuss it later, but let's say to follow my line of thoughts you should give for granted, believe me, that one of the big bronze age innovation, we have been working with it in Gothenburg for some time now, is supposed to be an introduction of wool around in the Latte in the already in the third millennium. In the area of the Near East and Anatolia you have clear evidence of intense wool production, the first traces of wool already from the fourth millennium. And they are documented in many different ways including archive documents, so we have numbers, we have names of people working with wool and so on and so forth. In the second millennium we started having fragments of wool in the continent including the big collection of woolen clothes from Denmark that has been recently analysed with Strontium isotopes by Karin Fry in Copenhagen and the surprising result was that the wool of these clothes doesn't look to be done with sheep that have been grazing in actual Danish territory, so they really strongly suggest that there was wool trade in Europe by the second millennium, at least mid second millennium BC. And we know that wool cannot be really easily produced with bronze age sheep because bronze age sheep don't look like modern sheep, they have very little wool so you need a lot of them in order to produce enough wool to have an economically sustainable production. So it's very possible that you had centres of production and then wool trade in the style that you could see already a thousand years before in the Eastern Mediterranean. And one very good candidate for this wool production I believe is located here in the population, not in Italy where I'm working with, where you have evidence of high numbers of sheep among the animal population and a lot of textile tools. As I said, the whole chain of wool is a complicated one, it's a year round activity as I said, bronze age sheep are different from modern sheep, they require different techniques, technology they're not, you can share them, you can put the wool from them and then as you can see there are several different steps, they keep different people busy and what we are going to focus today is the weaving part, which is the last one actually. In the population, which is the middle bronze age, Italian middle and recent bronze age culture so-called the Terra Maria culture, you have evidence from all these steps from the sheep herding to the weaving, and actually if you look at the archive documents you understand of course those who practice they also know, but the weaving part it is the final part and it takes, if you think about time, maybe the least time it's the quickest part of the whole process, but it has a very important, it's a key moment because if the weave, it's a poor quality, actually this wool, chain of wool doesn't really have any economic sustainability, the product it's not sellable, it's not usable so I think it's a pretty fundamental step, nevertheless this is the rock in Malcomonica where if you have good eyes, maybe you know you can see a lot of looms, like this one, with a long white there is some kind of them if you want to exercise and weaving is also, I would say, a sort of social craft because it's something that requires teaching, tutoring, you need to practice and you need a dialogue between the one that teaches you and the one that is learning, there is a lot of ethnographical evidence of large looms where you have one or two or three people working together, so weavers so I think there is a lot of professional interaction around weaving and this is why in this paper I wanted to talk about, introduce what I believe it fits very well the material, the concept of community of practice that I have been getting familiar with recently and in order for archaeologists to have a different approach to the material culture not only look at the tools but look at the tools as the results of this professional interaction between people, so they are the results of the practice that was going on and a community of practice, if you want a general definition so it's a group of people who share a concern or a passion it's very used in modern studies about a lot of different internet communities so for something they do and learn how to do better, they interact regularly so I think it fits very well with the weaving process and more in detail, in order to have a working community of practice you need to have, it's called domain, so it's a shared competence people do the same thing, they interact about this domain that they are concerned with so there is a community, some members that engage in activities and discussions and help each other share information as I believe for example between masters and tutors, between wevers and there is the practice, and the practice is the repertoire of resources experience, stories, tools that you use and this is distinguished the group, the community from other people doing other things and I think that in archaeology we have the possibility to find to discuss all three products because we could see the practice through the long waits that we have, the nature of the weaving this social interaction for the weaving process helps to construct the domain and the analysis of the tools which I'll try to demonstrate to show now briefly, I think it can help us to find key to interpret the domain so how this craft production develops and transforms this is the area where I have been working so the populate in north Italy and as you can see it's a densely populated area it starts around 1600, it is basically a force before 1600 and it's rapidly growing culture, the settlements increase in numbers and with time there are changes some settlements become much bigger in general in the beginning there are around one actor, two actors and at the end of the reason is that you have 20 actors two and some stop existing so we cannot go in any detail some of these places have been excavated and there are several textile tools and I've been looking at the published and well-published textiles and these are these three sites that I will mention I particularly am working with Montale which is our typical Trumare settlements look like with the beach and an embankment this is the Montale site the apartment and the large beach it was 40 meters wide so it's quite impressive the sediment itself is only one hectare as you can see here the modern excavation has been just working here all the rest has been shoveled away in the 18th, 19th century because it was used as compost it was very rich dark soil and it was spread all around to make a fertile agriculture but these excavations are very accurate and there is a lot of also long-waited that were collected by the local museum people during the compost query they were done and they were taking all the archaeological objects that were chewed away so we have nowadays there are 144 long-waited from this site and 17 from the modern excavation in this little area and this is the excavation area very small and in phase 2 they could see two houses here is the 3D reconstruction how they could look like it's a very densely-inhabited sediment and this phase 2 long-waited out of the 17 from the whole 11 phase the 10 of them come from this house and this is where I started thinking about a group community of practice and specific sets of tools because all of them are of cylindrical form there is many different kinds in the whole collection from Montal but all of those from this house are cylindrical and as you can see here they are the one in the red square if you see this one is the weight and this one is the diameter of the face with the hole these are all the long-waited from Montal they all have relatively similar diameter but the weight spread from 400 grams up to 1.5 kilo and the one from phase 2 they are all also similar in shape but different in weight and I was thinking if this is a physical way to work with and in the neighbor site of Santa Rosa you have a similar situation with two houses with the two lines of long-waited found on the floor which have been interpreted as one standing loom and the situation is rather similar they have many different weights which you can see here and somehow at least a group of them are relatively similar diameter and what's more interesting they all have very similar shapes and these two houses and the house from Montalé are contemporary so my idea is that actually there is some sort of groups, community that work with textile in a similar fashion in different villages at the same time using relatively similar long-wait with different weights so there are light and heavy ones used at the same time in Santa Rosa here you can see that the light ones are in the middle of the loom and the heavy ones at the two sides of the loom which is something that in some it is recorded it's no logical we have another in the next phase in the middle of the age three there is another site where the possible loom have been found and here you can see that in the next phase something has changed because looms are really similar they have I don't know the picture but they look the same they also have similar decoration but they are not very different in weight anymore there is a relatively limited range of weight so it feels like there is a different set, maybe a different way of weaving or maybe the technology has developed all over we don't have unfortunately many well-dated loom weights from Montalé to Saïda but we have from the 19th century excavation group of looms that look very much the same they have similar decoration and some of them like this one they have almost exactly the same weight so they really look very much like that something similar to what could be seen in the middle of the age three it's happening at Montalé too then Montalé stops existing in reason from age one and in reason from age two instead in another site that becomes much larger you have a house with many loom weights one that the group that will be interpreted as a loom and one that the area where they were just kept and all the loom weights from this late period are very heavy so maybe it's also changing they are all about one kilo so something has happened and you remember Montalé was very similar for Ville this one was very similar to Montalé in the middle of age two but now it has changed completely and this is again Montalé all the that stops before and during the reason from age one so you can see that until the reason from age one everyone is using loom weights below one kilo and in the next phase like in Pauville they become above one kilo so there is a lot of dynamic going on in the in the plane the weights of the loom the loom weights it changed very much during the different phases and I try to I will not go in any detail I try to compare with the Trentino Garda area which is very close to this area and other archaeological evidence show a lot of interaction between these two areas and here you have a completely different situation all the loom weights that have been found from the early Bronze Age until the final Bronze Age seem to have always a relatively limited range of weights below one kilo and so it really talk about a completely different way of weaving or of tools to win the results I don't know so the conclusion is that I think that there is reasons to see to look for transformation in the archaeological material even in this that could be considered like minor transformation because the possibility that community practice have to develop or to adapt to external for example market possibility it actually gives to the entire ability the possibility to have a sustainable economy and when the loom weights become the rest of the play Montaille actually stops existing so it might be also something very big has happened there from the economical economical point of view that made it possible to live there anymore and yeah