 Felly, ddweud i'r ffordd, ddweud i'r ffordd yma'r pryddechrau i ddod yn y gafodd. Yn y ffyrdd yma, 11 ysgwyr y Llyfrgell Crosby, William Blundle, i'r ddweud yng Nghymru, yn ychydig i'r ffordd, yn y Proses Gwyrdd Gwyrdd, yn y ffyrdd yma, yn y Llyfrgell Cresiogol, yn y gwrthodol, land called the Harkirk. In the process, a servant named Thomas found some ancient coins which had been disturbed by the digging. A total of about 80 turned up, none bigger than a groat and none less than a two pence. And William Blunder went on to write a sort of essay on his findings. This is a picture of the Harkirk as it now is, a sort of memorial chapel. And these are some of the few remnants of the Harkirk as it was in the time of William Blunder and shortly after, headstones set into the outside wall of the more recent chapel. This map and these blow-up of it indicates to you the physical relationship between Crosby Hall, where William Blunder lived, and the Harkirk, which is the site I've marked with a white cross on the right-hand map. Looking at a modern map turned on its side for, you know, so that it matches with the 72.1, you can similarly see that it's a very short walk from the Harkirk site to Crosby Hall. Now, William investigated the origins of the coins that he had found in the light of the education which he'd received on the continent. He carefully drew 35 of them and had a copper plate engraving made from his drawing. Most of the coins themselves were subsequently lost during the Civil War, while those that remained were melted down and turned into a chalice and a picks, which is what Dora will be talking about. Now, as you can sort of see just from the engraving, these are Anglo-Saxon coins, which typically give the name for king for whom they were struck, and so he was able to relate them to the known succession of Anglo-Saxon kings, which he could have accessed through a variety of sources such as William Camden. His actual source of information on Old English for reading these coins is from a recusant writer, Richard Verstegan's Restitution of Decade Intelligence, which was published in Antwerp. You can tell this, I think, most specifically from the passage quoted here, where he's looking at coins of Alfred, Wilfred, or possibly Old Frith, and say Wilfred of York. Puzzling over these coins, but he's saying that actually these are all the same name. Wilfred, because Frith and Frith are one signifying peace. He's actually quite wrong, but this is the best he could do with this, and this is what Verstegan says here. Frith and Frith are all one, the V consonant does oftentimes hold the place of F, and this is our ancient word for peace. Actually, Wilfred is something quite different, it's will peace, but never mind. Now, it's clear that the immediate intellectual context for this, at least in part, is the contemporary interest in coins. I put the equitation on here that it is agreed upon among all learning men. There arises very much light, the illustration of ancient histories out of ancient coins. Now, that is not in the original Latin edition of Camden's Britannia, but it is in the English translation, which came out in 1610, just the year before the Harkirk discoveries. Blundle is, in his interesting coins, very much out the forefront of the developing antiquarian tradition within English, but he did not derive his knowledge from the same sources as Camden. He was a member of the first post-reformation generation of English Catholics to study in an English college abroad at Dowie. So, his cultural formation was simultaneously English and oppositional. In fact, the immediate intellectual context of his work is recusant to controversial literature. He tells a story about King Alfred and St Cuthbert at considerable length. This is copied absolutely verbatim for about five pages from Robert Parsons' extremely tendentious treatise of three conversions of England, which itself is based on William Paul for Monsbury. Bede is another important source for him. His account of King Alfred and Wilfrid, Archbishop of York, comes from Bede, whose painstaking demonstration of Anglo-Saxon obedience to Rome is, of course, valued by records. But his understanding of the Anglo-Saxon world is informed by the Elizabethan battle for the Anglo-Saxon past, trained for Protestantism by writers such as Stowe and for Catholics by Verstege. Much more important to him than pre-conquest sources. For instance, he doesn't cite Asser, the biographer of King Alfred, though Asser was in print. His most important sources are post-conquest writers, most particularly William of Monsbury. The copy that he owned was in a volume edited by Henry Savill, which was published in Frankfurt. He also regards Polydor Virgil as an authority, and Virgil's Historia was not published in England. His Catholicism and his scepticism towards the legends of Brutus and King Arthur made his work quite unacceptable in a post-Reformation English environment. Bluntel cites Virgil on the issue of Peter's Pence and on King Alfred's monastic foundations. The list here is the list which I have extracted from Bluntel's essay on the coins of the authorities that he names and cites. He's familiar with Fox's acts and monuments, but like Parsons is highly wary of Fox's interpretations of the past. What you really notice is that all the writers he regards as authoritative are Catholic. The massive seven-volume history of the saints by Lorenzius Saurius, Robert Bellarmine, and Petrus Dana Talibus, a pre-Reformation hagiographer. I think another thing that's worth observing is how much of his library was printed abroad. The only books he cites issued in England are those of John Fox, John Stowe and William Camden. He directly challenges the interpretations of both Camden and Fox. The quotation at the top of this slide is from a highly-learning article on William Bluntel and his discoveries. This is one of the things that prompted us to think about Bluntel again because it says he is struggling minor gentlemen both regionally because he lived in rural Lancashire and religiously as a firm records and he was outside the mainstream and we started to ask ourselves what mainstream. Remember that many English Catholic books such as Verstegan are printed in centres such as Antwerp or Dowie or St Hermers. A determined rec isn't like Bluntel was in the habit of importing the bulk of his books and although Little Crossby may be a long way from London, thus regionally outside the mainstream, he is less than three miles from the Irish Sea. That's the red area there is pointing to Little Crossby down at the mouth of the Mersey Johnston from Johnstreet's Mountain Lancashire of 1610. In fact a captured priest who is persuaded to recant Thomas Bell specifically says that visiting priests have many times brought books from beyond the seas to Little Crossby. Now Bluntel read Latin with ease. The works that he chooses to cite show his looking beyond the requisite apologetics of Parsons. He is perceiving English history as an aspect of Catholic and providential history more generally in a way which is not quite the like that of his Protestant contemporaries. In fact his outlook is not provincial. It's supranational. And his narrative has resonances with cultural production of the Wrecker's and Catholic community more widely as we find in Jesuit college drama and in material objects like the imaginary portraits of Saxon monarchs of which there are two different sets. One for the English college in Valladolid and one for the English Bridgetines in Lisbon. These are an explicit claims to authentic historically continuous Englishness defined in terms of saintly royal Catholicism and of course rebuke to their degenerate successes. The Saxons similarly plays prominent role in allegorical history plays written by masters and performed by pupils in the exiled Catholic colleges. William Drewery's play Alaredus i Alfred I think alerts us to the reading of history which Blundle developed as a Wrecker's and Catholic educated at the English college which when he attended it was in Reims where a distinctive historiography was emerging and a variety of plays on English historical themes were written and performed. William Drewery was professor rhetoric at Dowie where his play Alaredus was staged. It's about the dark hour of 878 when Alfred and a handful of survivors are forced into the Somerset marches by the pagan Danes who seem to have secured near total victory over England. A theme to resonate with recusants who were similarly pushed towards extinction by the state's determined effort to eradicate them. Now the narrative is based on the 12th century story from a text called the translation of Saint Cuthbert which Blundle knew in the version redacted by Parsons and the involvement of Neothus i Saint Neot in his narrative and the information given about him suggests that Drewery was also familiar with the 11th century life of Saint Neot. Now what I find interesting is that both Blundle and Drewery evidently attach considerable significance to writers from the 11th and 12th century. In Blundle's case William Monsbury but also Roger Hofton Florence Wooster and Ingle of Croyland and I'm not sure this is adventitious because there's a variety of post-conquest writers who are concerned to emphasise the importance of Anglo-Saxon parts to their new or Norman overlords. So these works parade a series of highly virtuous monarchs obedient to the church their virtues rewarded by a variety of miracles. Now these serve a contemporary agenda they offer warning and examples to the heirs of William the Conqueror but in the 17th century they also serve the ends of recusant writers because they present an image of a harmonious and well-ordered Catholic Saxon world. One of course to which the Blundle has felt connected in the family tree which is preserved in the British Library. Family memory stretches back as far as the William Blundle of Inces who flourished in the 12th century. So Drewery's alluredus is highly consonant with Blundle's reading of coins where he is insistent on presenting the kings he names as Christian monarchs his virtues confirmed by miracles. Drewery's Alfred is a perfect Christian prince an obedient son of the church. The Saxons are the true English harried by the invading persecuting Danes just as they are for Blundle. Now William Blundle's narrative about his Saxon coins is not the only memorial recorded by the Blundles in the 17th century. There's a bound manuscript charmingly called the Great Hodgepodge which shows that as a family they were in the habit of recording texts and events. It contains memorials of various kinds events in Blundle lives their community in the house of Crosby songs and ballads against the Reformation literary texts which was statement of belief. The Hodgepodge in fact moves into a specific mode of records and Catholic historiography the record of the sufferings for the faith in England considered over a very long period of time starting with Alburn and moving through Thomas Beckett to Campion Sherwin and Bryant. A kind of history which is fixed by the publication of engraved versions of the wall paintings in the English College in Rome, the Trophia, Ecclesiain and Ricana. So Blundle makes three responses to the Harkirk horde. One is the manuscript notes belonging to his posterity and his essay. The second the engraving out which I showed you which flew abroad in the country as he said thus linking it to the wider community of people interested in the British past though his decision to arrange the coins in the chafel across suggests its particular Catholic interest. And thirdly he melts it down, he melts down the silver and makes it into a pix. Us and indeed a chalice now lost. These consecrated objects are a thank offering object offered by time by the history that he understands into timelessness the internal presence of a gift concentrated consecrated to God. So having appreciated and expounded the history of the silver of the coins it's transformed, refashioned and sent forth less to posterity and out of time altogether. So Blundle's in Blundle's sense of history he sees himself as part of a sequence of parallels with historical times and events enacted in the eye of eternity just as the Jesuit College plays ransack the past for the parallels and analogies with the present condition of the English Catholic community. President, fellows and guests, thank you Jane. I am talking about just one object and trying to find a context and a series of comparisons for it as a way of saying something about William Blundle and his culture at Little Crosby following on from Jane's talk. The Blundle pics as you've heard from Jane was made from coins in the Harkirk Horde which were discovered in April 1611 on the Little Crosby estate. Documents and objects recording the Horde have now been generously placed on loan to the British Museum by William Blundle's direct descendants, the Blundle family of Little Crosby. I'm showing you here the opening of Blundle's book which records the find and in the next slide I'm showing you the binding of that notebook made from a medieval manuscript of the Benedict Cytid. A second notebook records burials of the Harkirk while another manuscript details the coins. There's also the engraved copper plate which Jane mentioned for producing private prints and this is part of the group, allowing Blundle to publicise the discovery to antiquarians and fellow Catholics. These pieces tell a remarkable story yet the pics which is made as you've heard from Meltedown silver coins from the Horde is almost unknown as an object and its intellectual context, status and significance have never been clearly understood. Blundle melted down some of the coins to make a chalice and a picks for use at Little Crosby and at the Harkirk. The chalice is lost though some evidence of what it might have looked like is provided by a group of locally surviving though not necessarily locally produced chalices of the same period. Writing on recusant silver Charles Oman pointed out that the plate of an English manor house chapel was as much the property of the square as was the loving cup and the great salt on his dinner table, a statement which is borne out by surviving examples in their provenances. A silver gilt chalice of around 1600 from Sefton Hall the seat of Normollinu near to the Blundle's is currently displayed in the Metropolitan Cathedral of Treasury in Liverpool and it's known as the St Bennett Chalice after the parish of that name I'm showing it to you here on the left. It's inscribed and dated under the foot for Father Ambrer Shirley the chaplain at Sefton who received it at his ordination in 1603. On the right is the Lidiot Chalice dating from the late 16th century which came from the parish of Our Lady and Lidiot next to Little Crosby. Travelling chalices in Putyr also survive locally one at Lidiot and another at Liverpool Metropolitan Cathedral. Although the Blundle Chalice made from part of the Harkirk Horde is now unrecorded the accompanying picks has come down to us. It's about this big. It was used to carry Holy Communion to the sick and the dying and has an attachment loop at the top so that it can be worn around the neck. Its function clearly links with the making of the graveyard at the Harkirk as an act of charity on the part of William Blundle. It's gilded inside where the inner surface would touch the consecrated host. The front is engraved with a simple image of the crucifixion probably from a banned devotional print imported from the continent with a skull at the foot of the cross and an emphasis on Christ's blood streaming from his wounds. This could be held up in front of the sick to be venerated or kissed. Most known post-reformation pixies therefore have a crucifixion seen engraved on the front and typically they have an annual stay or land of God on the back but on the back of the Blundle picks there is a decorative cartouche like that on an estate or country map which is inscribed this was made of silver found in the burial place William Blundle. Pixies were among the items which were banned in the 1559 injunctions which demanded the destruction of the outward forms of Catholic worship so that there remain no memory of the same. A liturgical object that appears to have been made in response to the injunctions is the peacock cup shown here which is from St Martin Ludgate in the city of London and is now in the Museum of London. Its foot is made from a standing pick smart for London 1507-8 which has had its container replaced with a communion cup of the former proof of parish worship in 1559. It was given to St Martin's Ludgate by Stephen and Margaret Peacock for the worship of the sacrament a phrase which perhaps hints at some sense of continuity of sacramental function from prescribed picks to a proofed cup. Other pixies did not fare so well a brought in a Lincolnshire in 1566 for example two pixies are described as being defaced and given away by Richard Hyde and Robert Lightfoot church wardens this year unto a child to play with all. The practice of Catholicism was dependent on a considerable variety of material objects. The more so in that priests were only sporadically available to English Catholics. A useful folding sheet in the Protestant book A New Year's Gift dedicated to the Pope's Holiness printed in London in 1579 illustrates certain of the Pope's merchandise lately sent over into England a practice forbidden by Bill of 1571 against imports of papal bulls and other Catholic instruments. But prints such as these which were intended to serve as a Protestant warning actually had the opposite effect in identifying objects of veneration for the faithful. A representation of what seems to be a pix very like the Harkirk one with a crucifixion on one side but the annual day more conventionally on the other shares a place in the print with annual day medallions and is perhaps misdescribed as annuals day in the caption. It showed alongside rosaries and holy medals arranged around a devotional woodcut with a cross on the left perhaps made from cut out paper recalling London's arrangement of his Anglo-Saxon coin finds. Pixies took on a special significance within a hidden community that was often scattered frequently deprived of priests and the sacraments. They were also used by priests who were on the rung in hiding or in prison. Their message was one of unity and secret resistance. Gregory Gunnys confessed to the authorities in 1585 that he had kept two consecrated hosts in a silver pix since Queen Mary's day as the Catholic Church Duff. George Napper who was educated for the priesthood of reams and sent on the English mission in 1603 was arrested near Woodstock in Oxfordshire and found to possess a small reliquary and a pix with two hosts in it. On this basis he was arrested and charged with being a priest and then executed. The Jesuit John Gerard managed to sustain a clandestine existence as a priest in England for several years but was eventually arrested finally sent to the Tower of London. He managed to have a pix with hosts smuggled in so that he could celebrate secret masses while in prison there. He'd already demonstrated his gift for creating a sacred space around himself when he recognised the first cell into which he was taken in the Tower knowing he was to be tortured there as the former cell of the martyr Father Henry Walpole. I imagine he did that because of the graffiti carved in the wall which survived to this day. I'm afraid you have to put up with my rather amateurish photograph. Gerard dedicated himself to cutting rosaries out of orange peel which he sent as gifts wrapped in paper on which he'd written news of himself in orange juice the idea being that you could read this when held up against the light of a fire. But his efforts to require a pix with hosts within it were similarly subtle and painstaking. He records that he asked a fellow prisoner quote to let his wife call it a certain place in London having previously sent word to John Livy where he should give her what he should give her to bring. I told him to send a pix and a number of small hosts that I might be able to reserve the blessed sacrament. He provided all I told him and the good lady got them safely to her husband's cell. So on the appointed day I went over with my jailer and stayed with my fellow prisoner that night in the next day. But the jailer exacted a promise that not a word of this was to be said to the gentleman's wife. The next morning then said I massed to my great consolation and that confessor of Christ communicated after having been so many years deprived of that favour. In this mass I consecrated also two and twenty particles which I reserved in the pix with a corporal and these I took back with me to my cell and for many days renewed the divine banquet with ever fresh delight and consolation. The sense that a pix was property linked with a parish or a family as inscribed on the Harcote Picks was traditional in England before the Reformation and for example the Swinburne Picks in the Victorian Albert Museum dating from 1310 to 25 as shown here was held by one family for 17 generations. Charles Oman noted that it was likely to continue to use after the Reformation when little new ecclesiastical silver was made within the recusant community. Oman says it's attractive to suppose that the defacement of the side of the pix was the unhappy inspiration of a 16th century recusant chaplain who sought to disguise that sacred character the little box. He may also have pasted roundels, paper roundels over the top and bottom preserving the engraving but doing irretrievable damage to the enamel. Certainly the defacement cannot have been the work of a Protestant who would hardly have failed to obliterate the figure of the virgin. There's a standing virgin with a child in her arms on the top. The recusant associations which are played out on the pre-Reformation Swinburne Picks by the family who owned it point to the context within which the Blundle Picks was commissioned by William Blundle and used at the Harkirk and at the Crosby. A pix, as Gerard makes clear in the account I quoted, was of particular importance to a persecuted community for whom regular celebration of the mass was impossible. Whenever pixes were discovered they were swiftly destroyed by the Protestant authorities which means that British pixes of this period are very rare indeed. The grandest survivor which may be almost contemporary with the Blundle Picks is now Westminster Cathedral. It is a shallow round container with a hinged lid which is engraved on both sides and very thickly gilded inside and out probably 17th century in date. On the top is the crucifix seen against the background of the city of Jerusalem finally engraved within sun's rays and an egg and dart border. On the inside of the lid is a sacred monogram and a border of rays and the underside has the annuals day with the lambs, fleeces and tail against skillfully rendered with hatching and stippling. An ornate suspension loop is attached to the hinge of the lid. Apart from its quality this pix is also the only English one to bear a maker's mark. This is stamped inside the container in a very visible position and takes the form of a unicorn's head, a mark which is also found on a secular cup all marked for London 1612. Charles Oman suggested that this date would also suit the pix which if so would make it only a year later than the Blundle Picks. The Westminster Cathedral pix is very unusual also for having a contemporary berth which was custom made for it possibly French tapestry woven in silver gilt thread and silk and lined with cream coloured silk although the drawstring itself is a more recent replacement that has been attached to the wonderful splendid tassels which are original. The bag is woven on one side with a Jesuit emblem of a heart with IHS upon it and three nails above with a lance and the sponge of Christ's passion and on the other side is a crucifix on top of a heart within a crown of thorns flanked by stems of vines. The berth is probably Parisian and cannot be closely dated due particularly to the lack of obvious parallels for it. Charles Truman dated both berths and picks to about 1620 no great distance from Oman's dating of 1612 this slightly later date might allow us to link both pieces as Jesuit commissions to the Queen's Chapel of Henrietta Maria or to the Chapel of a Catholic Ambassador at the Court of Charles I. But out in the shires particularly in Lancashire the old faith was harder to suppress than in London and there have been recent few recent finds of pixies in Lancashire which resemble the Blundle example from the Harkirk. This one which was found by a metal detectorist at Houghton in Lancashire was reported through the treasure act in March 2015 and was recently I'm very pleased to say acquired by the Preston Museum. It's a simple piece the front which is damaged and crushed depicts Christ on the cross with the Virgin Mary of St John. An inscription around the scene is inscribed in Latin from the revelations to him who overcomes I will give hidden manner. The lamb on the reverse is inscribed behold the lamb of God behold he who takes away the sins of the world. A pix which is now in Chicago in the Loyola University has a crucifixion scene on the front with words translated by the holy blood of Christ we are cleansed of sin inscribed around it and the face with the anus has learn of me because I am meek and humble of heart from Matthew 11 verse 29. Higher in qualities and these rather humble objects is a silver gilt pix currently at Stonyhurst College in Lancashire. This shows Christ crucified with the emblems of the passion the armor Christy arranged around him circling the image is the Latin inscription you who have suffered for us have mercy on us. On the underside of this pix is engraved the lamb of the apocalypse with the unusual iconography of a stream of blood pouring from the lamb into the chalice inscribed lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world have mercy on us. The silver band that joins the two sides of the object is engraved God will not abandon anyone who hopes in him in Latin. The Houghton pix which is now in Preston might offer a clue as to where the Harkirk pix was made as it can be compared directly with an Irish pix which was given in 2013 by the Congregation of the Sisters of Mercy at Nina County Tipperary to the National Museum of Ireland. It belonged to James Feland the Bishop of Osary from 1669 to 1695 sorry those dates are wrong 1596-95 and according to local translated tradition was presented to him in 1647. The Sisters of Mercy have kept with it a chalice and a pattern commissioned by Feland and dated 1689 which was presented to them on their first arrival in Nina in 1854 by the Bishop of Killaloe. The sacred vessels were once thought to have belonged to the suppressed Franciscan Abbey in Nina but they are now thought to be associated with patrons of Holy Cross Abbey. The Sisters of Mercy pix has crucified Christ with the Armour Christy on one side and the annual stay and the Latin inscription Behold the Lamb of God roughly engraved around its border in a way which recalls the Houghton pix but it's also inscribed Behold God who neither than netherworld nor earth nor the heavens can contain is entirely here in a little pix Don Joseph Feland had me made with a date 1647. That raises the question of whether the Blundle pix could have been made in southern Ireland. Little Crosby is only three miles from the coast of the Irish Sea and therefore reasonably close to the goldsmiths who could make sacred silver freely in the coastal cities of Dublin, Wexford and Waterford. Links with Ireland were not unknown to William Blundle himself. In his notebook recording burials of the Harkirk there's a reference in his own hand to the burial of John Sinett who he describes as an Irishman born in Wexford master of a bark who was excommunicated by the Bishop of Chester for being Catholic recusant and so dying at his house in Liverpool was denied to be buried at Liverpool Churchill Chapel and therefore was brought and buried in this said burial place of the Harkirk in the afternoon of the last day of August 1613. If nothing else this indicates the closeness of Ireland and the presence of an Irish master mariner in William's Blundle's immediate circle just two years after the pix was made. A fair number of Irish chalices of this period are preserved in cathedral treasuries in Limerick and Liverpool and in museums such as the Victorian Albert and the Hunt Museum in Limerick. They're quite different from English ones in that they're solid and not designed to be taken apart quickly and hidden like the English ones. They're not all marked but they're outstanding for their inscriptions recording patronage ownership and provenance which are often dated. Irish pixies however are much less well known. There's a small but really important group of them circular and oval probably 17th and 18th century in the Hunt Museum in Limerick. The most important is engraved with the IHS with a cross over the head and a heart below. There's an inscription around the sides which reads Edmundus Tadeus Sacadus me fferi ffericiut and the date 6036 Edmund McTig priest had me made in 1636. It's a very different object to the Blundle pix but fascinating as a priest's personal possession in a country where Catholic worship was to a degree tolerated by the authorities. It would be tempting to attribute the Harcoc pix to Ireland but in a Catholic world which was united by Verix's devotional engraving such as this one after Dura any certain attribution without the evidence of a hallmark is impossible to make and it remains a mystery. The Blundle pix's inscription in place of the annual day must represent a deliberate choice on the part of William Blundle as patron. It records him as the finder who is returning the silver found in the burial place to the church as Jane explained. It's unique in what it has to tell us about his sense of family and of parish feelings more commonly expressed on Irish church silver of this period which is often inscribed with references to individuals marriages deaths the names of priests or patrons and of places allowing networks of patronage to be identified and mapped onto patterns of local land holding. The Blundle pix exudes a sense of place topographical spiritual and historical it's part of his sense of lineage in the same way as this genealogy of the Blundle family from the visitation of Lancashire compiled in his lifetime which is in the British library Harleam manuscripts. Blundle seems to have regarded his extraordinary horde of silver anglosaxon coins many of them stamped with a cross as he's recorded in his notebook almost as relics of a happier Catholic past in England. Perhaps he also saw the Harkirk horde as a reward for his act of charity as Jane explained in founding a graveyard for his local community an unexpected gift from heaven as his grandson put it in 1686. The fact that he simultaneously started one notebook recording the coins and a second notebook of the same format regarding the burials at the Harkirk shows I think how these two elements were entwined in his thinking. While in prison for recusancy in the 1590s he'd written a ditty lamenting the fracturing of the Catholic past in England. The time has been we had one faith and strode a right one ancient path. The time is now that each man may see new religions coined each day. Given his remarkable coin fine 20 years later the coining simile and the fact that he identified Catholicism with custom tradition and stability is particularly fascinating. It gives us a good idea of his formation and thinking before he stumbled on this extraordinary horde which would take such an exceptional significance in his understanding of Catholic history in England. The inscription of ownership and origin on the bundle picks takes us to the heart of his sensibility as a persecuted Catholic man donor in Lancashire in 1611. Thank you for listening.