 Book 2 of the History of Britain by John Milton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain, recording by Thomas Copeland. The History of Britain. I am now to write of what befell the Britons from fifty and three years before the birth of our Saviour, when first the Romans came in, till the decay and ceasing of that empire, a story of much truth and, for the first hundred years and somewhat more, collected without much labour, so many and so prudent were the writers, which those two, the civilest and the wisest of European nations, both Italy and Greece, afforded to the actions of that quiescent city. For worthy deeds are not often destitute of worthy relators, as by a certain fate great acts and great eloquence have most commonly gone hand in hand, equalling and honouring each other in the same ages. It is true that in obscurest times, by shallow and unskillful writers, the indistinct noise of many battles and devastations of many kingdoms, overrun and loss, hath come to our ears. For what wonder if in all ages ambition and the love of rappin hath stirred up greedy and violent men to bold attempts in wasting and ruinous wars, which to posterity have left the work of wild beasts and destroyers rather than the deeds and monuments of men and conquerors? But he who's just and true valor uses the necessity of war and dominion not to destroy but to prevent destruction, to bring in liberty against tyrants, law and civility among barbarous nations, knowing that when he conquers all things else, he cannot conquer time or detraction. Wisely conscious of this his want, as well as of his worth not to be forgotten or concealed, honours and hath recourse to the aid of eloquence, this friendliest and best supply, whose immortal record his noble deeds, which else were transitory, become fixed and durable against the force of years and generations. Note, in this description of the durability of a high reputation acquired by great and virtuous actions, in this in the following line, which is almost poetical, there is a considerable resemblance to the following passage of Virgil in the beginning of the third book of the Georgics. To it, tentanda via estpoa pe coquem posim tolera humo vittorque virum voletare per ora. I too must strive to raise my name, sublime upon the wings of fame, and victor over time and death live in my applauding country's breath. Return to text. He fails not to continue through all posterity over envy, death and time also victorious. Therefore, when the esteem of science and liberal study waxes low in the commonwealth, we may presume that also their all-civil virtue and worthy action is grown as low to a decline. And then eloquence, as it were consorted in the same destiny, with the decrease in fall and virtue, corrupts also and fades. At least, resigns her office of relating public actions to illiterate and frivolous historians, such as the persons themselves both deserve and are best pleased with. Whilst they want either the understanding to choose better, or the innocence to dare invite the examining and searching style of an intelligent and faithful writer to the survey of their unsound exploits, which are better befriended by obscurity than by fame. As for these, the only authors we have of British matters, while the power of Rome reached hither, or Gildus affirms that of the Roman times no British writer was in his day's extent, or if any were, either burnt by enemies or transported with such as fled the Pictish and Saxon invasions, these therefore only Roman authors there be, who in the English tongue have laid together as much and perhaps more than was requisite to a history of Britain. So that were it not for leaving an unsightly gap so near the beginning, I should have judged this labour wherein so little seems to be required about transcription, almost superfluous. Notwithstanding, since I must go through with it, if art by diligence may be added or omitted, or by other disposing may be more explained and more expressed, I shall say. Julius Caesar, of whom and of the Roman Free State, more than whatever change to the history of Britain, is not here to be discourse. Having subdued most part of Gaulia or Gaul, which by a potent faction at Rome he had obtained of the senate as his province for many years, stirred up with a desire of adding still more glory to his name and the whole Roman empire to his ambition, or as some say with a far meaner and ignobler motive to it the desire of acquiring a quantity of British pearls, whose bigness he delighted to balance in his hand, determines, and that upon no unjust pretended occasion, to try his force in the conquest also of Britain. For he understood that the Britons, in most of his Gallican wars, had sent supplies against him, had received fugitives of the beloved he his enemies, and were called over to aid the cities of Amorica, which had the year before conspired all in a new rebellion. Therefore Caesar, though the summer was well-nigh ending and the season unagreeable to transport a war, yet judged that it would be of great advantage only to get an entrance into the isle and a knowledge of the men, the places, the ports, and the access to it, which then it seems were even to the Gauls our neighbors almost unknown. For except merchants and traders, it is not oft, saith he, that any persons used to travel dither, and to those that do, besides the sea coast and the ports next to Gaulia, no thing else is known. But here I must complain, as Polio did, that I do not meet with the accuracy and fullness of description, or the fidelity of memory that usually appears in Caesar's writings. For, if it was true, as the people of Reims told him, that De Vichicas, who had not long before been a powerful king of the people of Swesson, in Gaul, had also had Britain under his command, and that many colonies of the northern part of Gaul called Belgium had gone over to Britain and made settlements there to which they had given their own names and which had contributed to the peopling of many provinces in that island, and, if also, the Britons had so frequently given the Gauls aid in all their wars, and lastly, if the learning of the Druids, which was honored so much amongst the Gauls, was first taught them out of Britain, and those persons in Gaul who were most desirous of attaining that learning were usually sent to Britain to learn it, it does not appear how Britain at that time should be so utterly unknown in Gaul, or only known to merchants, and even to them be so little known that when they were called together from all parts, none could be found to inform Caesar of what bigness the island was, what nations its inhabitants consisted of, how great or numerous, what use of war they had, what laws, or even so much as what commodious harbors for vessels, somewhat greater than the common size, as Caesar in this passage informs us. Of all which things, as it were then first to make discovery, he sends Gaius the Lucinus in a long galley with command to return as soon as this could be effected. He, in the meantime, with his whole power, draws nigh to the Maureen coast, whence the shortest passage was into Britain. Either his navy, which he had used against the Armoricans, and what else of shipping can be provided, he draws together. This being known in Britain, ambassadors are sent from many of the states there who promise hostages and obedience to the Roman Empire. Them, after audience given, Caesar, as largely promising and exhorting them to continue in that mind, sends home, and with them, Comeus of Arras, whom he had made king of that country, and now secretly employed to gain a Roman party among the Britons in as many cities as he found inclinable, and to tell them that he himself was speeding thither. Pro Lucinus, with what discovery of the island he could make from aboard his ship, not daring to venture on the shore, within five days returns to Caesar, who soon after, with two legions ordinarily amounting of Romans and their allies to about 25,000 foot and 4,500 horse, the foot in eighty ships of burden, the horse in eighteen, besides what galleys were appointed for his chief commanders, sets off about the third watch of night with a good gale to see, leaving behind him suspicious rufus to make good the port with a sufficient strength. But the horse, whose appointed shipping lay windbound eight miles upward in another haven, had much trouble to embark. Caesar, now within sight of Britain, beholds on every hill multitudes of armed men ready to forbid his landing, and Caesar rewrites to his friend Atticus that the accesses of the island were wonderfully fortified with strong works or moles. Here, from the fourth to the ninth hour of day, he awaits at anchor the coming up of his whole fleet. Meanwhile, with his legates and tribunes consulting and giving order to fit all things for what might happen in such a various and floating water fight as was to be expected. This place, which was a narrow bay, close and vironed with hills, appearing no way comodious, he removes to a plain and open shore eight miles distant, commonly supposed to be about deal in Kent. Which, when the Britons perceived, their horse and chariots, as then they used to do in fights scouring before, their main power speeding after, some thick upon the shore, others not tearing to be assailed, ride in among the waves to encounter and assault the Romans even under their ships, with such a bold and free hearty-hood that Caesar himself, between confessing and excusing that his soldiers were to come down from their ships to stand in water heavy-ond and to fight at once, denies not, but that the terror of such new and resolute opposition made them forget their wanted valor. To suckerwitch, he commands his galleys, a sight unusual to the Britons, and more apt for motion, drawn from the bigger vessels to row against the open side of the enemy and thence with slings, engines and darts to beat them back. But neither yet, though amazed at the strangeness of those new sea castles, bearing up so near and so swiftly as almost to overwhelm them, and the hurtling of oars and the battering of fierce engines against the bodies barely exposed, did the Britons give much ground or the Romans gain. Till he who bore the eagle of the Tenth Legion, yet in the galleys, first beseeching his gods, said thus aloud, Leap down, soldiers, unless you mean to betray your ensign, I for my part will perform what I owe to the commonwealth and my general. This uttered, overboard he leaps, and, with his eagle fiercely advanced, runs upon the enemy. The rest, heartening one another, not to admit the dishonor of Sonai losing their chief standard, follow him resolutely. Now was fought eagerly on both sides, ours, who well knew their own advantages and expertly used them. Now in the shallows, now on the sand, still as the Romans went trooping to their ensigns, received them, dispatched them, and with the help of their horse, put them everywhere to great disorder. But Caesar, causing all his boats and shallops to be filled with soldiers, commanded them to ply up and down continually with relief where they saw need. Whereby at length, all the foot now entice embarked, and got together in some order on firm ground, with a more steady charge put the Britons to flight. But wanting all their horse, whom the winds yet withheld from sailing, they were not able to make pursuit. In this confused fight, Saiva, a Roman soldier, having pressed too far among the Britons, and being beset ground, after incredible valor shown, single against a multitude, swam back safe to his general, and in the place that rung with his praises, earnestly besought pardon for his rash adventure against discipline, which modest confessing, after no bad event, for such a deed were in valor and ingenuity, so much outweighed transgression, easily made amends, and preferred him to be a centurion. Caesar is also brought in by Julian as attributing to himself the honor, if it were at all an honor to that person, which he sustained, of being the first that left his ship and took land. But this were to make Caesar less understand what became him than Saiva. The Britons, finding themselves mastered in fight, forthwith send ambassadors to treat apiece, promising to give hostages and to be at command. With them, Comeus of Arras also returned, whom hitherto, since his first coming from Caesar, they had detained in prison as a spy. The blame were of they lay on the common people, for whose violence and their own imprudence they crave pardon. Caesar, complaining that they had first sought peace and then without cause had begun war, yet is content to pardon them and command hostages, for a part they bring in straight, others far up in the country to be sent for they promise in a few days. Meanwhile, the people being disbanded and sent home, many princes and chief men from all parts of the isles submit themselves and their cities to the disposal of Caesar, who they then encamped as his thought on barred down. Thus had the Britons made their peace, when suddenly an accident unlooked for put new councils into their minds. Four days after the coming of Caesar, those 18 ships of burden, which from the upper haven had taken in all the Roman horse, born with a soft wind to the very coast inside of the Roman camp, were by a sudden tempest scattered and driven back, some to the port from whence they loosed, others down into the west country, who finding their no safety either to land or to cast anchor, chose rather to commit themselves again to the troubled sea, and, as erosious reports, were most of them cast away. The same night, it being full moon, the galleys left upon dry land were unaware to the Romans covered with a spring tide, and the greater ships that lay off at anchor, torn and beaten with waves, to the great perplexity of Caesar and his whole army, who now had neither shipping left to convey them back, nor any provision made to stay here, intending to a winter to call you. All this the Britons, well-perceiving, and by the compass of his camp, which, without baggage, appeared the smaller, guessing at his numbers, been sought together, and one by one, slightly withdrawing from the camp, where they were waiting the conclusion of a peace, resolved to stop all provisions, and to draw out the business till winter. Caesar, though ignorant of what they intended, yet from the condition wherein he was, and their other hostages not being sent, suspecting what was likely, begins to provide a pace all that might be against what might happen, lays in corn, and, with materials fetched from the continent, and what was left of those ships which were past help, he repairs the rest, so that now, by the incessant labour of his soldiers, all but twelve were again made serviceable. While these things were doing, one of the legions being sent out to forage as was accustomed, and no suspicion of war, while some of the Britons were remaining in the country about, others also going and coming freely to the Roman quarters, they who were in station at the camp gates, sent speedily word to Caesar, that from that part of the country to which the legion went, a greater dust than usual was seen to rise. Caesar, guessing the matter, commands the cohorts of guard to follow him thither, to others to succeed in their stead, the rest all to arm and fall. They had not marched long when Caesar discerns his legions sore overcharged, for the Britons, not doubting but that their enemies on the morrow would be in that place, which only they had left unreaped of all their harvest, had placed an ambush. And while they were dispersed and busiest at their labour, set upon them, killed some and routed the rest. The manner of their fight was from a kind of chariots, wherein, riding about and throwing darts with the clutter of their horse and of their wheels, they oftentimes broke the rank of their enemies. Then, retreating among the horse and quitting their chariots, they fought on foot. The charioteers in the meanwhile, somewhat aside from the battle, set themselves in such order that their masters, at any time oppressed with odds, might retire safely thither, having performed with one person both the nimble service of a horseman and the steadfast duty of a foot soldier. So much they could with their chariots by use and exercise, as riding on the speed down a steep hill to stop suddenly, and with a short rain turned swiftly, now running on the beam, now on the yoke, then in the seat. With this sort of new skirmishing, the Romans, being now overmatched and terrified, Caesar, with opportune aid, appears. For then the Britons make a stand. But he, considering that now was not a fit time to offer battle, while his men were scarce recovered, of so late a fear, only keeps his ground and soon after leads back his legions to the camp. Further action for many days following was hindered on both sides by foul weather, in which time the Britons, dispatching messengers round about, learned to how small a number the Romans were reduced, and from that, deride hope that they might gain both glory and booty, and free themselves from the fear of the like invasions hereafter by making an example of this Roman army, if they could but now un-camp their enemies. At this intimation, multitudes of horse and foot coming down from all parts make towards the Romans. Caesar, foreseeing that the Britons though beaten and put to flight would easily evade his foot, yet with no more than thirty horse, which Comeus had brought over, draws out his men to battle. Hoots again the Britons to flight, pursues them with slaughter, and returning, burns and lays waste the country all about. Whereupon, ambassadors, on the same day being sent from the Britons to desire peace, Caesar, as his affairs at present stood, for so great a breach of faith only imposes on them double the former number of hostages to be sent after him into Galia. And because September was now half spent, a season not fit to tempt the sea with his weather-beacon fleet, the same night, with a fair wind, he departs towards Belgium, with or to only of the British cities sent hostages, as they promised, the rest neglected. But at Rome, when the news came of Caesar's acts here, whether it were esteemed to conquest or a fair escape, a supplication of twenty days is decreed by the Senate, as either for an exploit done or a discovery made, wherein both Caesar and the Romans gloried not a little, though it brought no benefit either to him or to the Commonwealth. The winter following, Caesar, as his custom was, going into Italy, when, as he saw that most of the Britons neglected to send their hostages, appoints his legates, who he left in Belgium, to provide what possible shipping they could either build or repair. Low-built they were to be, as thereby easier both to freight and to hail ashore, nor needed they to be higher, because the tide, so often changing, was observed to make the billows less in our sea than those in the Mediterranean. Broader likewise they were made for the better transporting of horses and all other freightage, being intended chiefly for that end. These, in all about six hundred being in readiness, with twenty-eight ships of Burton and what with adventurers and other hawks about two hundred, the Cotta, one of the legates, wrote them as Atheneus affirms in all one thousand. Caesar, from Port Ixius, a passage of some thirty miles over, leaving behind him Lebianus to guard the haven and for other supply at need, with five legions, though but two thousand horse, about sunset hoisting sail with a slack southwest wind, at midnight was becalmed. And finding when it was light that the whole navy, lying on the current, had fallen off from the isle, which now they could describe on their left hand, by the unwearyed labor of his soldiers who refused not to tug the oar, and kept course with ships under sail, he bore up, as near as might be, to the same place where he had landed the year before, where about noon arriving, note, before the birth of Christ, fifty-two years, returned to text, no enemy could be seen. For the Britons, who in great numbers, as was afterwards known, had been there, at sight of so huge a fleet, durst not abide. Caesar forthwith landing his army and encamping to his best advantage, as unnoticed being given him by those he took, where he fined his enemy, with the whole power save only ten cohorts and three hundred horse, left with Quintus Atreus for the guardianships, about the third watch of the same night, marches up twelve miles into the country. And at length, by a river, commonly thought to be the stower in Kent, the spies embattled the British forces. They, with their horses and chariots advancing to the higher banks, opposed the Romans in their march, and began the fight. But being repulsed by the Roman cavalry, gave back into the woods to a place notably made strong both by art and nature, which it seems had been a fort, or hold of strength, raised here to fore by the Britons in time of wars among themselves. For entrance and access on all sides by the felling of huge trees overthorpe one another was quite barred up, and within these the Britons did their utmost to keep out the enemy. But the soldiers of the Seventh Legion locking all their shields together like a roof close overhead, and others raising a mount without much loss of blood took the place, and drove them all to forsake the woods. Pursuit they made not long, as being through ways unknown, and now evening came on, which they more wisely spent in choosing out where to pitch and fortify their camp that night. The next morning Caesar had but newly sent out his men in three bodies to pursue, and the last no further gone than yet in sight, when horsemen all in post from Quintus Atreus bring word to Caesar that almost all his ships in a tempest that night had suffered wreck, and lay broken upon the shore. Caesar at this news recalls his legions, himself in all haste writing back to the seaside beheld with his eyes the ruinous prospect. About forty vessels were sunk and lost, and the residue so torn and shaken as not to be new rigged without much labor. Straight he assembles what number of shipwrights either in his own legions or from beyond the sea could be summoned, sends orders to Levienus on the Belgian side to build more, and with a dreadful industry of ten days, not respiting the soldier's day or night, drew up all his ships and entrenched them round within the circuit of his camp. This done, and leaving to their defense the same strength as before, he returns with his whole forces to the same wood where he had defeated the Britons, who preventing him with greater powers than before had now repossessed themselves at that place under Cassibal and their chief leader, whose territory from the states bordering on the sea was divided by the River Thames about eighty miles inward. With him formerly other cities had continual war, but now in the common danger they had all made choice of him to be their general. Here the British horse and charioteers meeting with the Roman cavalry fought stoutly, and at first being something overmatched they retreated to the near advantage of their woods and hills, but being still followed by the Romans make head again, cut off the forwardest among them, and after some pause, while Caesar who thought the day's work had been done was busied about the entrenching of his camp, march out again, give fierce assault to the very stations of his guards and sentries, and while the main cohorts of two legions that were sent to the alarm stood within a small distance of each other, terrified at the newness and boldness of their fight, charged back again through the midst, without loss of a man. Of the Romans that day was slain Quintus, Liberius, Durus, a tribute, and the Britons having fought their fill at the very entrance of Caesar's camp and sustained the resistance of his whole army entrenched, gave over the assault. Caesar here acknowledges that the Roman way both of arming and of fighting was not so well fitted against this kind of enemy, for that the foot in heavy armor could not follow their cunning flight and durst not by ancient disciplines stir from their ensign, and the horse alone disjoined from the legions against a foe that turned suddenly upon them with a mixed encounter of the force and foot, were in equal danger both in following and in retiring. Besides, their fashion was not in great bodies in close order, but in small divisions and open distances to make their onset, appointing others at certain spaces now to relieve and bring off the weary, now to succeed and renew the conflict, which argued no small experience in use of arms. Next day the Britons afar off upon the hills begin to show themselves here and there, and, though less boldly than before, to skirmish with the Roman horse. But at noon, Caesar having sent out three legions at all his horse with Trebonius the Legate to seek fodder, suddenly on all sides they set upon the foragers and charge up after them to the very legions and their standards. The Romans, with great courage, beat them back, and in the chase being well seconded by the legions, not giving them time either to rally or stand or to descend from their chariots as they were wont, slew many. From this overthrow the Britons that dwelt farther off, it took them home, and came no more after that time with so great a power against Caesar. Whereof advertised he marches onward to the frontiers of Cassibola, note, canton, return to text, which on this side were bounded by the Thames, not passable except in one place, and that difficult, about co-estakes near Oatlands as it conjectured. Either coming, he describes on the other side great forces of the enemy placed in good array. The bank set all with sharp stakes, others in the bottom covered with water, whereof the marks in Bida's time were to be seen as it relates. This, having learned by such as were taken or had run to him, he first commands his horse to pass over, then his foot, who, waiting up to the neck, went on so resolutely and so fast that they on the other side, not enduring the violence, retreated and fled. Cassibola, no more now in hope to contend for victory, dismissing all but four thousand of those charioteers, through woods and intricate ways attends their motion, where the Romans are to pass drives all before him, and with continual sallies upon the horse, where they least expected, cutting off some and terrifying others compels them so close together as gave them no lead to fetch in prey or booty without ill success, whereupon Caesar, strictly commanding all not depart from the legions, had nothing left him in his way but empty fields and houses, which he spoiled and burnt. Meanwhile the Trinobontes, a state or kingdom, and perhaps the greatest then among the Britons, less favoring Cassibola, sent ambassadors and yielded to Caesar upon this reason. Emanuentius had been their king. Him, Cassibola, had slain and purposed the like to Mandubratius his son, whom Orocious calls Androgorius, Bida, Androges, but the youth, escaping by flight into Galia, put himself under the protection of Caesar. These entreat, that Mandubratius may still be defended and sent home to succeed in his father's right. Caesar sends him, demands forty hostages and provision for his army, which they immediately bring in and have their confines protected from the soldiers. By their example, the Sene Monkni, Segunciacchi, and Colitis, Ribocchi, Cassi, and so I write them for the modern names of it guessed, on like terms make their peace. By them he learns that the town of Cassibilan, supposed to be Verlom, was not far distant, fenced about with woods and marshes, well stuffed with men and much cattle. For towns then in Britain were only woody places, ditched round and with a mud wall encompassed against the inroads of enemies. Thither goes Caesar with his legions, and though a place of great strength, both by art and nature, assaults it into places. The Britons, after some defense, fled out all at another end of the town. In the flight many were taken, many slain, and great store of cattle found there. Cassibilan, not withstanding all these losses, yet does not desert himself, nor was yet his authority so much impaired, but that in Kent, though it was in a manner possessed by the enemy, his messengers and commands find obedience enough to raise all the people. By his direction, Syngetorix, Carvelius, Taximagulus, and Saganax, four kings reigning in those countries which lie upon the sea, lead them on to assault that camp where in the Romans had entrenched their shipping. But they whom Caesar left there, issuing out, slew many, and took prisoners Syngetorix, a noted leader, without loss of their own. Cassibilan, after so many defeats, moved especially by the revolt of the cities from him, there in constancy and falsehood one to another, uses the mediation of Comeus of Arras to send ambassadors to him about treaty of yielding. Caesar, who had determined to winter in the continent, by reason that Galia was unsettled and not much of the summer now behind, commands him only hostages and what yearly tribute the island should pay to Rome, forbids him to molest the Trinovantes or Mandugratius, and with his hostages and a great number of captives he puts to sea, having at twice embarked his whole army. At his return to Rome as from a glorious enterprise, he offers to Venus the patroness of his family, a coarselet of British pearls. Howbeit other ancient writers have spoken more doubtfully of Caesar's victories here and have said that in plain terms he fled from hence, for which the common verse in Lucan with diverse passages here and there in Tacitus is alleged. Paulus Osorius, who took what he wrote from a history of Suetonius now lost, writes that Caesar in his first journey, entertained with a sharp fight, lost no small number of his foot, and by a tempest nigh all his horse. Dion affirms that once in the second expedition all his foot were routed, Osorius, that another time all his horse. The British author, whom I use only then when others are all silent, hath many trivial discourses of Caesar's actions here which are best omitted. Nor have we more Cassibilan than what the same story tells, how he wards soon after with Androgius about his nephew's slain by Evelinus, nephew to the other, which business being at length composed, Cassibilan dies, and was buried in York, if the Monmouth look fable not. But at Caesar's coming hither, such likeliest were the Britons as the writers of those times, and their own actions represent them. In courage and warlike readiness to take advantage by ambush or sudden onset, they were not inferior to the Romans, nor Cassibilan to Caesar. In weapons, arms, and the skill of encamping and battling fortifying, overmatched. Their weapons were a short spear and light target, assoured also by their side. Their fight, sometimes in chariots, fanged at the axle with iron sides. Their bodies were most part naked, only painted with woe in sundry figures to seem terrible as they thought. But when pursued by enemies, they were not nice of their painting, but were used to run into bogs, worse than wild Irish, up to the neck, and there to stay many days, holding a certain morsel in their mouths no bigger than a beam to suffice hunger. But that receipt, and the temperance it taught, is long since unknown among us. Their towns and strongholds were spaces of ground fenced about with a ditch, and great trees felled over toward each other. Their buildings within were thatched houses for themselves and their cattle. In peace, the upland inhabitants, besides hunting, tended their flocks and herds, but with a little skill of country affairs. The making of cheese they come in the new knot, wool or flax they spun not, gardening and planting many of them new knot, clothing they had none, but what the skins of beasts afforded them, and that not always. Yet gallantry they had, painting their own skins with several portraitures of beast, bird, or flower, a vanity which has not yet left us, removed only from the skin to the skirt, they hung now with as many colored ribbons and uaas. Towards the seaside they tilled the ground, and lived much after the manner of the galls, their neighbors, or first planters. Their money was brazen pieces or iron rings, their best merchandise tin, the rest, trifles of glass, ivory, and such like. Yet gems and pearls they had, Sethmela, in some rivers. Their ships were made of light timber, wicked with osier between, and covered over with leather, and served not therefore to transport them far, and their commodities were fetched away by foreign merchants. Their dealing, Seth Deodoros, was plain and simple without fraud. Their civil government is, as under many princes and states, not confederate or consulting in common, but mistrustful and oftentimes warring one with the other, which gave them up one by one an easy conquest to the Romans. Their religion was governed by a sort of priests or magicians called Druids, from the Greek name of an oak, which tree they had in great reverence, and the mistletoe especially growing thereon. Pliny writes them, skilled in magic, no less than those of Persia. By their abstaining from a hen, a hare, and a goose from fish, also Seth Dion, and their opinion of the souls passing after death into other bodies, they may be thought to have studied Pythagoras. Yet philosophers I cannot call them, as they were reported to be men factious and ambitious, contending sometimes about the arch priesthood, not without civil war and slaughter. Nor did they restrain the people under them from a lewd, adulterous, and incestuous life, ten or twelve men, absurdly against nature, possessing one woman as their common wife, though of nearest kin, mother, daughter, or sister, for genitors not to be gloried in. But the gospel, not long after preached here, abolished such impurities, and of the Romans we have caused not to say much worse than that they beat us into some civility, who were likely else to have continued longer in a barbarous and savage manner of life. After Julius, before Julius, before his death tyrannously had made himself emperor of the Roman Commonwealth, and was slain in the senate for so doing, he who next obtained the empire Octavianus Caesar Augustus, either contemning the island, as Strabo would have us think, whose friendship was not worth the having, for enmity worth the fearing, or, as some say, out of a wholesome state maxim to moderate and bound the empire from growing to extensive and unwieldy, made no attempt against the Britons. But the truer cause was partly a civil war among the Romans, and partly other affairs more urging. For about twenty years after, all which time the Britons had lived at their own disposal, Augustus, in imitation of his uncle Julius, either intending, or seeming to intend an expedition hither, was coming to Galia when the news of a revolt in Pannonia diverted him from undertaking it. Note, year before the birth of Christ, twenty-five, returned to text. And about seven years after, in the same resolution, what with the unsettledness of Galia, and what with ambassadors from Britain, which met him there, he proceeded not. The next year, some difference arising between him and the Britons about covenants, he was again prevented by other new commotions in Spain. Nevertheless, some of the British potentates omitted not to seek his friendship by gifts offered in the capital, and other obsequious addresses, in so much that the whole island became even in those days well known to the Romans. Too well, perhaps, for them who, from the knowledge of us, were so like to prove enemies. But, as for tribute, the Britons paid none to Augustus except what easy customs were levied on the slight commodities, wherewith they traded into Galia. After Cassibilan, Tenantius, the younger son of Lud, according to the Monloth story, was made king. For Androgius, the elder, conceiving himself generally hated for siding with the Romans, forsook his claim here and followed Caesar's fortune. This king is recorded just and warlike. His son Kimberline, or Canobaline, succeeding, was brought up, as is said, in the court of Augustus, and with him held friendly correspondences to the end, was a warlike prince. His chief seat, Camelodenum, or Maldon, as by certain of his coins, yet to be seen, appears. Tiberius, the next emperor, adhering always to the advice of Augustus and of himself caring less to extend the bounds of his empire, sought not the Britons, and they, as little to incite him, sent home courteously the soldiers of Germanicus that by shipwreck had been cast on the British shore. But Caligula, his successor, a wild and dissolute tyrant, having passed the Alps with intent to rob and spoil those provinces, and stirred up by Adminius, the son of Canobaline, who by his father banished, with a small number, fled there to him, made semblance of marching toward Britain. But being come to the ocean, and there behaving himself madly and ridiculously, went back the same way, yet sent before him boasting letters to the senate, as if all Britain had been yielded to him. Canobaline, being now dead, and Adminius, the eldest of his sons, having by his father been banished from his country, and by his own practice against it from the crown, though by an old coin seeming to have also reigned, to Godomness and Caracticus, the two younger, uncertain whether unequal or subordinate in power, were advanced into his place. But through civil discord, Baracus, what he was further is not known, with others of his party flying to Rome, persuaded Claudius, the emperor, to an invasion. Claudius, now consul for the third time, and desires to do something whence he might gain the honour of a triumph, at the persuasion of these fugitives, whom the Britons demanding he had denied to render, and they for that cause had denied further amity with Rome, makes choice of this island for his province, and sends before him Aulus Ploutius, the preter, with this command, if the business grew difficult to give him notice. Ploutius, with much adieu, persuaded the legions to move out of Gaulia, who murmured that now they must be put to make war beyond the world's end, for so they counted Britain, and what welcome Julius the dictator had found there, doubtless they had heard. At last being prevailed with to obey the commands of their general, and hoisting sail from three several ports, lest their landing should in any one place be resisted, meeting crosswinds they were cast back and disheartened. Till in the night, a meteor shooting flames from the east, and as they fancied directing their course, they took heart again to try the sea, and without opposition landed. For the Britons, having heard of their unwillingness to come, had been negligent to provide against them, and retiring to the woods and boors, intended to frustrate and wear them out with delays, as they had served Caesar before. Ploutius, after much trouble to find them out, encountering first with Caracticus, then with Tugodumus, overthrew them, and receiving into conditions part of the Boduni, who then were subject to the Catewellony, and leaving there Garrison, went on toward a river, where the Britons, not imagining that Ploutius without a bridge could pass, lay on the further side careless and secure. But he, sending first the Germans, whose custom was armed as they were to swim with ease the strongest current, commands them to strike especially at the horses, whereby the chariots wherein consisted their chief artifact became unserviceable. To second them, he sent Vespasian, who in his latter days obtained the empire, and Subinus his brother, who unexpectedly assailing those who were least aware did much execution. Yet not for this were the Britons dismayed, but reuniting the next day, fought with such a courage, as made it hard to decide which way hung the victory. Till Cius Sidius Gaeta, at point to have been taken, recovered himself so valiantly as brought the day on his side, for which at Rome he received high honors. After this the Britons drew back toward the mouth of the river Thames, and being acquainted with those places crossed over, where the Romans, following them through bogs and dangerous flats, hazarded the loss of all. Yet the Germans, getting over and others by a bridge at some place above, fell on them again with sundry alarms and great slaughter. But in the heat of pursuit, running themselves again into bogs and mires, lost as many of their own. Upon which ill success, and seeing the Britons more enraged at the death of Togodanus, who in one of these battles had been slain, Claudius, fearing the worst, and glad that he could hold what he held, as was enjoined him sends to Claudius. He, who waited ready with a huge preparation, as if not safe enough amidst the flower of all his Romans, like a great eastern king with armed elephants, marches through Galia. So full of hero was this enterprise esteemed, as not without all this equippage and stranger terrors the Roman armies to meet the native and the naked British valor defending their country. Joined with Claudius, who in camping on the bank of the Thames attended him, he passes the river. The Britons, who had the courage, but not the wise conduct of old Carcivalen, laying all stratagem aside in downright manhood, scruple not to a front in open field, almost the whole power of the Roman Empire. But overcome and vanquished, part by force, others by treaty, come in and yield. Claudius therefore, who took Camelodonum, the royal seat of Canovalan, was often by the army saluted Imperator, a military title which usually they gave their general after any notable exploit, but to others not above once in the same war, as if Claudius by these acts had deserved more than the laws of Rome had provided honor to reward. Having therefore disarmed the Britons, but remitted the confiscation of their goods, for which they worshiped him with sacrifice and temple as a god, leaving Claudius to subdue what remained, he returns to Rome, from whence he had been absent only six months, and in Britain but sixteen days, sending the news before him of his victories, though in a small part of the island, by which is manifestly refuted that which Utropius and Erosius, right of his conquering at that time also, the Orcades Islands, lying to the north of Scotland, and not conquered by the Romans, for art found in any good author, till about forty years after, as shall appear. To Claudius the senate, as for achievements of highest merit, decreed excessive honors, arches, triumphs, annual solemnities, and the surname of Britannicus, both to him and his son. Svetonius writes that Claudius found here no resistance, and that all was done without a stroke, but this seems not probable. The Monmouth writer names these two sons of Canovalan, Guiderius, and Arviricus, that Guiderius being slain in fight, Arviricus to conceal it, put on his brother's habiliments, and in his person upheld the battle to a victory. The rest, as of Hanno, the Roman captain, Genuisa, the emperor's daughter, and such like stuff, is too palpably untrue to be worth rehearsing in the midst of truth. Claudius after this, employing his fresh forces to conquer on, and quiet the rebelling countries, found work enough to deserve, at his return, a kind of triumphant riding into the capital side by side with the emperor. Vespasian also, under Ploutius, had thirty conflicts with the enemy, in one of which encompassed, and in great danger, he was valiantly and piously rescued by his son Titus, two powerful nations he subdued here, about twenty towns, and the Isle of Wight, for which he received at Rome triumphal ornaments and other great dignities. For that city, in reward of virtue, was ever magnificent, and long after, when true merit was ceased among them, lest anything resembling virtue should want honour, the same rewards were yet allowed to the very shadow and ostentation of merit. Vistorius, in the room of Ploutius, vice-preter, met with turbulent affairs, the Britons not ceasing to vex with inroads all those countries that were yielded to the Romans, and now the more eagerly from their supposing that the new general being unacquainted with his army and on the edge of winter would not hastily oppose them. But he, weighing that first events were most available to breed fear or contempt, resolved to begin by acting with vigor against them, and with such cohorts as were next at hand sets out against them, whom having routed, so closely follows, as one who meant not to be every day molested with the cavals of a slight peace or an emboldened enemy. Lest they should make head again, he disarms those whom he suspects, and to surround them places many garrisons upon the rivers of Antona and Sabrina. But the Isenians, a stout people untouched yet by these wars, as having before sought alliance with the Romans, were the first that brooked not this. By their example others rise, and in a chosen place, fenced with high banks of earth and narrow lanes to prevent the horse from acting, warily and camp. Osterious, though yet not strengthened with his legions, causes the auxiliary of bands, his troops also alighting, to assault the rempart. They within, though pestered with their own number, stood to it like men resolved, and in a narrow compass did remarkable deeds. But overpowered, at last, and others by their success quieted, who till then wavered, Osterious next bends his force upon the cangians, wasting all the country even to the sea of Ireland, without foe in his way, or them who durst ill-handled. When the Brigantes, attempting new matters, drew him back to settle first what was unsecure behind him. They, of whom the chief were punished, the rest forgiven, soon gave over. But the Salures, no way tractable, were not to be repressed without a set war. To further this, Camelodonam was planted with a colony of veteran soldiers, to be a firm and ready aid against revolts, and a means to teach the natives Roman law and civility. Coginanus also, a British king, their fast friend, had to the same intent certain cities given him, a haughty craft which the Romans used to make kings also the servile agents of enslaving others. But the Salures, hardy of themselves, relied more on the valor of Characticus, whom many doubtful, many prosperous successes had made eminent above all that ruled in Britain. He, adding to his courage, policy, and knowing himself to be of strength inferior, in other advantages the better, makes the seat of his war among the Ordovices, a country wherein all the odds were to his own party, all the difficulties to his enemy. The hills and every access he fortified with heaps of stones and guards of men, to come at whom a river of unsafe passage must first be waded. The place, as Camelodon conjectures, had thence the name of Caradoc, on the west edge of Shropshire. He himself continually went up and down animating his officers and leaders, that this was the day, this the field, either to defend their liberty or to die free, calling to mind the names of his glorious ancestors, who drove Caesar the dictator out of Britain, and whose valor hitherto had preserved them from bondage and their wives and children from dishonor. Inflamed with these words they all vowed their utmost, with such undaunted resolution as amazed the Roman general. But the soldiers, lest weighing because lest knowing, clamored to be led on against any danger. Ostorius, after wary circumspection, bids them pass the river. The Britons no sooner had them within reach of their arrows, darts and stones, but slew and wounded largely of the Romans. They on the other side closing their ranks, and overhead closing their targets, threw down the loose vampires of the Britons, and pursued them up the hills, both light and armed legions, till what with galling darts and heavy strokes the Britons, who wore neither helmet nor cuirass to defend them, were at last overcome. This the Romans thought a famous victory, wherein the wife and daughters of correcticus were taken, his brothers also reduced to obedience, himself escaping to Cartus Mondio, a queen of the Begantes, against faith given was to the victors delivered bound, having held out against the Romans nine years, Seth Tacitus, but by tour computation seven, whereby his name was up through all the adjoining provinces, even to Italy and Rome, many desiring to see who he was that could withstand so many years the Roman poisons, and Caesar to extol his own victory, extoled the man who he had banquished. Being brought to Rome, the people as to a solemn spectacle were called together, the emperor's guard stood in arms. In order came first the king's servants, bearing his trophies one and other wars, next his brothers, wife and daughter, last himself. The behavior of others through fear was low and degenerate. He only, neither in countenance, word or action, submissive, standing at the tribunal of Claudius, briefly spake to this purpose. If my mind, Caesar, had been as moderate in the height of fortune as my birth and dignity was eminent, I might have come a friend rather than a captive into this city. Nor couldst thou have disliked him for a confederate, so noble of descent and ruling so many nations. My present estate, to me disgraceful, to thee is glorious. I had riches, horses, arms, and men, no wonder then if I contended not to lose them. But if by fate yours only must be empire, then of necessity ours among the rest must be subjection. If I sooner had been brought to yield, my misfortune had been less notorious, your conquest had been less renowned, and in your severest determining of me both will be soon forgotten. But if you grant that I shall live, by me will live to you forever that praise which is so near divine, the clemency of a conqueror. Caesar, moved at such a spectacle of fortune, but especially at the nobleness of his bearing it, gave him pardon and to all the rest. They all unbound, submissively thank him, and did like reverence to Agrippina, the emperor's wife, who sat by in state, a new and disdain sight to the manly eyes of Romans, a woman sitting publicly in her female pride among ensigns and armed cohorts. To Astorius a triumph is decreed, and his military services are extolled as being equal to those of former great Roman commanders who had brought the most famous kings to Rome in chains as their prisoners of war. But the same prosperity attended not his later actions here, for the Siluars, whether to revenge the loss of Caractippus, or that they saw Astorius, as if now all were done, to have become less earnest to restrain them, beset the prefect of his camp who was left there with legionary bands to appoint garrisons, and had not speedy aid come in from the neighbouring holds and castles would have cut them all off, not withstanding which the prefect with eight centurions and many of their stoutest men were slain. And upon the neck of this, meeting first with Roman foragers, then with other troops hasting to their relief, utterly foiled and broke them also. Astorius sending more troops after could hardly stay their flight, till the weighty legions coming on at first poised the battle, and at length turned the scale to the Britons, without much loss, for by that time it grew night. Then was the war shivered, as it were, into small frays and bickering, not unlike sometimes, to so many robberies in woods at waters as chants or valor, advice or rashness led them on, commanded or without command. That which most exasperated the Siluars was the report of certain words cast out by the Emperor, that he would root them out to the very name. Therefore, two cohorts more of auxiliaries, who by the avarice of their leaders were too securely pillaging, they quite intercepted, and bestowing liberally on the neighbouring Britons the spoils and captives whereof they took plenty, drew other countries to join with them. These losses falling so thick upon the Romans, Astorius, with the thought and anguish thereof, ended his days. The Britons rejoicing, although no battle that yet adverse war had worn out so great a soldier. Caesar in his place ordains Aulus Didius, but ere his coming, though much hastened that the province might not want a governor, the Siluars had given an overthrow to manliest valens with his legion, which was rumoured on both sides to be greater than was true, by the Siluars to animate the new general, by him in a double respect of the more praise if he quelled them or the more excuse if he failed. Meantime the Siluars forgot not to infest the Roman pale with wide excursions, till Didius, marching out, kept them somewhat more within bounds. Nor were they long to seek who after Caractica should lead them, for next to him in worth and skill of war the Nuteus, a prince of the Brigantes, merited to be their chief. He at first faithful to the Romans and by them protected was the husband of Cartus Mandua, queen of the Brigantes, himself perhaps reigning elsewhere. She who had betrayed Caracticus and her country to adorn the triumph of Claudius, thereby grown powerful and gracious with the Romans, resuming on the higher of her treason, deserted her husband, and marrying Volocitus, one of his squires, confers on him the kingdom also. This deed, so odious and full of infamy, disturbed the whole state. The Nuteus, with other forces and the help of her own subjects, who detested the example of Sofraula fact, and with all the uncombliness of their subjection to the monarchy of a woman, a piece of manhood not every day to be found among Britons, though she had got by subtle train his brother, with many of his kindred into her hands, brought her soon below the confidence of being able to resist longer. When imploring the Roman aid, with much ado and after many a hard encounter, she escaped the punishment which was ready to have seized her. The Nuteus, thus debarred the authority of ruling his own household, justly turns his anger against the Romans themselves, whose magnanimity, not one to undertake dishonorable causes, had arrogantly intermeddled in his domestic affairs to uphold the rebellion of an adulteress against her husband. And the kingdom he retained against their utmost opposition, and of war gave them their fill. First, in a sharp conflict of uncertain event, then against the legion of Caesius Nasica, in so much the Dideus, growing old and managing the war by deputies, had worked enough to stand on his defense with the gaining now and then of a small castle. And Nero, before in that part of the Isle things continued in the same plight to the reign of this invasion, was minded, but for shame, to have withdrawn the Roman forces out of Britain, in other parts whereof about the same time other things befell. Verranius, whom Nero sent Hither to succeed Dideus, dying in his first year, saving a few inroads upon the Sealors, left only a great boast behind him, that in two years had he lived, he would have conquered all. But Suetonius Paulinus, who next was sent Hither, esteemed a soldier equal to the best in that age, for two years together went on prosperously, both confirming what was thought and subduing onward. At last, overconfident of his present actions and emulating others of whose deeds he heard from abroad, he marches up as far as Mona, the Isle of Anglesey, a populous place. For they, it seems, had both entertained fugitives and given good assistance to the rest that withstood him. He makes him boats with flat bottoms fitted to the shallows which he expected in that narrow frith. His foot, so passed over, his horse waited or swam. Thick upon the shore stood several gross bands of men, well-weapons. Many women, like Furies, running to and fro in dismal habit, with their hair loose about their shoulders held torches in their hands. The Druids, those were their priests, of whom more in another place, with hands lifted up to heaven, uttering direful prayers, astonished the Romans, who at so strange a sight stood in a maze, though wounded, but at length, awakened and encouraged by their general not to fear a barbarous and lunatic route, fall on and beat them down, scorched and rolling in their own fire. Then were they yoked with garrisons, and the places consecrated to their bloody superstitions destroyed. For whom they took in war they held it lawful to sacrifice, and by the entrails of men used divination. While thus Paulinus had his thought still fixed before to go on winning, his back lay brought open to occasion of losing more behind. For the Britons, urged and oppressed, with many unsufferable injuries, had all banded themselves to a general revolt. The particular causes are not all written by one author. Tacitus, who lived nearest those times of any to us extent, writes that Presutagus, king of the Isenians, abounding in wealth, had left Caesar co-heir with his two daughters, thereby hoping to have secured from all wrong both his kingdom and his house, which fell out far otherwise. For under color to oversee and take possession of the emperor's new inheritance, his kingdom became a prey to centurions, his house to ravening officers, his wife, who had a seer violated with stripes, his daughters with rape, the wealthiest of his subjects, as it were by the will and testament of their king, thrown out of their estates, his kindred made little better than slaves. The new colony also of Camelodonum took house or land from whom they pleased, terming them slaves and vassals, the soldiers complying with the colony out of hope hereafter to use the same license themselves. Moreover, the temple erected to Claudius, as a badge of their eternal slavery, stood a great eyesore. The priests swear of, under the pretext of what was due to the religious service, wasted and embezzled each man's substance upon themselves. And Catus decianius, the procurator, endeavored to bring all their goods within the compass of new confiscation by disavowing the remitment of Claudius. Lastly, Seneca, in his books of philosopher, having drawn the Britons unwillingly to borrow of him vast sums upon fair promises of easy loan and for repayment to take their own time, on a sudden compels them to pay in all at once with great extortion, thus provoked by heaviest sufferings, and thus invited by opportunities in the absence of Paulinus, the Isenians, and by their examples, the Trinabontes, and as many else's hated servitude rise up in arms. Of these ensuing troubles, many foregoing signs appeared. The image of victory at Camelodonum fell down of itself with her face turned as it were to the Britons. Certain women, in a kind of ecstasy, foretold of calamities to come. In the council house were heard by night barbarous noises. In the theater hideous howlings. In the creek horrid sights betokening the destruction of that colony. Here, to the ocean, seeming of a bloody hue, and human shapes at low ebb left imprinted on the sand, wrought in the Britons new courage in the Romans unwanted fears. Camelodonum, where the Romans had seated themselves to dwell pleasantly rather than defensively, was not fortified. Against that, therefore, the Britons make their first assault. The soldiers within were not very manly. Dekianus, the procurator, could send then but 200, and those ill armed. And through the treachery of some among them who secretly favored the insurrection, they had deferred both to entrench themselves and to send out of the place such of the inhabitants as did not bear arms. Such as did, flying to the temple which on the second day was forcibly taken, were all put to the sword. The temple made a heap, and the rest of the town rifled and burned. Petilius Garellus, coming to his succor, is in his way met and overthrown. His whole legion cut to pieces. He with his horse, hardly escaping to the Roman camp. Dekianus, whose wrapping was the cause of all this, fled into Gaulia. But Suetonius, at these tidings not dismayed, through the midst of his enemies' country marches to London, which, though not termed a colony, yet was full of Roman inhabitants, and for the frequency of trade and other commodities, a town even then of principal note, with purpose to have made there the seat of war. But considering the smallness of his numbers and the late rashness of Petilius, he chooses rather with the loss of one town to save the rest. Nor was he flexible to any prayers or weeping of them that we sought him to tarry there, but taking with him, such as were willing, gave signal to depart. They who, through weakness of sex or age or love of the place, went not along with him, perished by the enemy. So did Veralama, Roman free town. For the Britons, omitting forts and castles, flew thither first to a richest booty, and the hope of pillaging, told them on. In this massacre, about seventy thousand Romans and their associates in the places above mentioned, of certain lost their lives. None might be spared, none ransomed, but tasted all either a present or lingering death. No cruelty that either outrage or the insolence of success put into their heads was left unacted. The Roman wives and virgins were hanged up, all naked, and had their breasts cut off and sewed to their mouths, that in the grimness of death they might seem to eat their own flesh. While the Britons fell to feasting and carousing in the temple of Undate, their goddess of victory. Suetonius, adding to his legion other old officers and soldiers there about, which, gathered to him, were near upon ten thousand, and, purposing with these not to defer battle, had chosen a place narrow and not to be overwinged, on his rear, a wood, being well informed that his enemy were all in front on a plane, untapped for ambush. The legionaries stood thick in order, and paled with light on, the horse on either wing. The Britons and companies and squadrons were everywhere shouting and swarming, such a multitude as at other time was never seen assembled. No less reckoned than two hundred and thirty thousand, so fierce and confident of victory, that their wives also came in wagons to sit and behold the sport, as they made full account, of killing Romans, a folly doubtless for the serious Romans to smile at, as a sure token of prospering that day. A woman also was their commander-in-chief. Thor were Atacea and her daughters ride about in a chariot, telling the tall champions, as a great encouragement, that with the Britons it was usual for women to be their leaders. A deal of other fondness they put into her mouth not worth recital. How she was lashed, how her daughters were handled, things worthy of silence, retirement, and avail, than for a woman to repeat, as done to her own person, or to hear repeated before in host of men. The Greek historian sets her in a field on a high heap of turfs, in a loose-bodied gown declaiming, a spear in her hand, a hair in her bosom, which, after a long circumlocution, she was to let slip among them for luck's sake. Then praying to undotty the British goddess to talk again fondly as before. And this they do out of a vanity, hoping to embellish and set out their history with the strangeness of our manners. Not caring in the meanwhile to brand us with the rankest note of barbarism, as if in Britain women were men, and men women. End of the first part of chapter two of the history of Britain.