 Well, thank you. I think that you've got to cut out a little special niche for yourself. And if I were you in these briefings, which we'll be talking to, I'd get myself a little pressure-proach like you did today and just say now. Get many things I'd like to add to what the President said, what Secretary of State, Secretary of State, agriculture, and economics. I'm interested in every one of those subjects. But you've heard that, and I agree with what's been said. But I made three trips to Asia this year, and this is pretty equal. This is one-two-thirds of the world living. I'd move into Malaysia. I'd move into the sixth-largest nation in the world. Then I'd go into China at the largest. Now, if you think we've got troubles, 5,000 men. Think about it, 500,000 in Asia has lost it. She's lost her communist system. And we've rescued it. Here's what they've lost in Malaysia, and she's lost it. We've rescued that. Here's what the Philippines, and we've rescued that. And we're going to rescue South Vietnam and the Chinese on the bloodbath with each other. Why are we raising so much hell of a crime when we have saved the world from communism? I just take that a little approach, kind of, like you did this afternoon. That's what they don't hear. They never see. They can't draw themselves. And while we don't want to claim that we brought about the Indonesia thing, if we hadn't given them the money with it, if we hadn't supported the general's way with it, if we hadn't been to South Vietnam the way we were, there wouldn't be any Sukarno demise. Well, you may not want to go quite that far. You can certainly say that ones that are closest to it realize the danger. And we have saved Malaysia and Indonesia and the Philippines. And China is on that bloodbath. And the North Vietnamese are running. Why in the hell we ought to be hauling paws or attacking our own men you don't know. And now's the time to stand up and support our own men and just get you a little patriotic. Yes, sir. And one minute ending there and I think you can really wrap it up good. Well, I thank you, Mr. President. That's what I'd like to do. I hesitate a little bit to inject myself in on these meetings. I would always like to follow. And let me introduce you there at the end and get you a time limitation. We all talk too long, everyone of us. We ought to quit at four. The reason I didn't want you talking at one fifteen was I was afraid to tell you what Ray Zell about us talking too long. Right. And I had already busted in and talked too long on highways but I thought old boy would get knocked out because they would make the platform all afternoon. That's right. They had the agreement they were going to give us now. Yeah. But now on this thing, are you going to be here on Monday and Tuesday and Wednesday next week? Yes, sir. There are two extremely important things. We've got about seventy-eight men. It's essential that we get to the foreign relations committee. You won't get them there. You won't even get there yourself. Yeah. You've got to get a hold of him about nine-thirty and say, Mike, now the president is depending on you because you're his Latin American man. If you had this resolution back in Bogota, at least two weeks for a while now it did. Yeah. He wants you down there to help Morris take charge so Fulbright can't just gun us. Yeah. Then you've got to try to appeal to a fellow like Simon. Yeah. You've got to. If you can't help us, then don't help the pair. I don't know what you can do a thing in the world with Gore. You ought to talk to Lausche and tell him that we don't want the Dominican Republic and there are about five or six explosive spots. And we're not going to do a damn thing until they put up. Yeah. They're going to say to me, well, you won't do anything except talk to me. We're going to say, well, if you put up the Congress here, indicates it'll support us. Yeah. We'll have to justify the authorization and we'll have to justify the appropriation. Uh-huh. We've got to get that resolution through. Now, the ones that are far us, Red Hot are, I don't have a list, but, uh, Sparkman. Morris and Sparkman. And, uh... And Akin. Oh, Akin is kind of a picky-unish, we couldn't tell. We've got to take the Democrats. We have Sparkman and Morris and Mastin. Yeah. McCarthy, he's one time, he's with us. Clark. Yeah. Yeah. Super strong. Well, this is sick. Akin ought to be with us. He's seven cases. He hasn't kind of committed himself, but he ought to be with us without any question. Hey. Uh-huh. There's one or two more. Well, Carlson ought to be with us. Yes, that's nine. Yeah. Uh... Now, uh, Williams, of course, is another fellow on there. I don't know where he will stand. We got Don. He ought to be with us. You will, but I don't know whether you're going to vote. I'll get him. You just got to. Yeah. I'll get him. There'll be no problem. I'll get Don. And then we've got Frank Church. Well, he is, uh, he's telling everybody he's got to be against this, and I don't want us to go help him or McGovern. If you ever ask me to help, that's not a bit of a cover. Ha-ha-ha. I understand that. I won't. Kevin, he came down on the plane the other night. He's the one who gave out that statement that didn't want us out there helping him. Well, I damn sure not going to be helping him. I'll tell you that. I want to be supportive of what a Republican runs against it. You ought to tell him that. Just tell him that. You're ready digging your own damn grave. You can't think you can be strong in South Dakota in the present week. You're crazy. Well, I know. That's that sample. Just say, if you haven't got sense enough to know that if you've got a weak president in South Dakota, you're gone anyway. So you better make him look as good as you can instead of gutting him over. Well, you ought to have that much sense. There's no doubt about that. I'll be to get those votes there. You want those votes out of that. That's important. As they are likely full right, so as he wants to put it over. That's what Morris has told us today from you having. And he has a s- that the committee will dispose of the- Carl Marcy says he'll dispose of the Space Treaty in 15 minutes. Yeah. How you want it. But if he doesn't, Morris says that he will move to the other side and proceed with a summit resolution. Yeah. But we need to get that passed by Wednesday anyway. And we need to get passed by a heavy vote. It won't do us any good to have a 32-31 vote. Now it looked like to me about the best you can get. The word like hell would be ten to five. But I hope it won't be any worse than that. Then we've got the second thing. Investment credit. The house has already passed it. They cost us five or six hundred million by dating it back to last October. But we don't want any other amendment. We don't want it to have to go back to the house because it'll get in trouble. Now, as long as it's gone, he's left it with smithers. Ever lobbyists in the country is working on smithers. Others advised us today that he'll have hearings Monday and executive sessions Tuesday. And he'll report the bill on Tuesday. Masfield says that he'll take it up on Wednesday. But they'll always slip a day. So you just see they don't slip. All right. So Masfield, please don't leave until he gets those to do the bill fast. The reason is nobody's spending a dime until they see what happens to investment credit. Right, right. It's a little depression. Well, I'll clean my calendar any appointments I have on Mondays and Tuesdays here just to spend full time on those committees. There's two things that keep them where they don't have to go back to the house. Yes, sir. House is reporting the resolution like we want it. If the Senate will just submit, we've given them the amendment. If they would just report Morris's resolution, Morris Hickenlooper. He'd take Morris and Hickenlooper and pass up my fare. We're in a hell of a shape. That's for sure. What time do you expect to get back from Guam? Oh, I don't know. Wednesday, I guess, on Thursday. I'm not sure. Well, take a little time on for yourself too much. Mr. Stanton, don't tell your damn staff because it'll be like a Democratic Party. They'd give more interviews. But here's what we want when we get the message back. They can account in your comments the light of further consideration. We've concluded the vice president's trip within time frame March 27th, April 8th. He laid on, if at all possible, on the basis of the itinerary set forth below. The request you're requested to console the host governments in order to determine whether their visit this time would be acceptable, having a view of public announcements as early as possible, or upon a view of the fact that universities would be closed or like you to arrange other suitable forms for major speech of the Federal Republic having in mind consideration referred to and the Lady Hildebrandt telecom. When we note that Fanfanny will not return until afternoon of March 30th if possible, schedule a meeting with Saragas and Moral on March 29th with a Pope on the morning of March 30th and with Fanfanny afternoon of March 30th. This should meet problem referred to in Rome's 481 Wall, a revised schedule Monday, March 27th, daytime travel from Washington overnight to the Federal Republic. Private bond Tuesday meeting no business, Federal Government Republic overnight in Rome, Wednesday, Rome, Rome overnight in Paris, Friday and Saturday in Paris, Sunday, Paris or London, rest, Monday, London, Tuesday, London, Wednesday, bond, Thursday, bond, Friday, bond, Saturday, Washington. Now, we have an agreement from the McCloy Group. We're going to have about 20 minutes more from the British. We're going to move one division real-time and they're going to move one brigade but we've got the Germans signed on to buy our bonds and we've got the British signed on and it looks like we have prevented the dismantling of NATO and we're in good shape. Now, I think there'll be two or three things that you ought to do. The first thing I think you ought to do is get you a little chart and have them make it have the Defense Department make it in red, white, blue and green colors like they make their chart that would show on a page 8 by 10 where you'd have a number of copies of it. All of the various pauses we've had and the reaction right under the first pause the first Bobby Kennedy pause he came in April 22nd May we put it on we told him a week ahead of time and the first day they pitched it back in we ought to show that and then the second pause we ought to show what that is 37 days they showed us it'd be 12 to 20 days 15 to 20 days it was 12 to 20 the Soviets put it on they initiated with Mansfield then with Wright then with Morris then with Clark then with Bobby Kennedy then with Mack Bundy then with Mack Mara then they also rust I turned it down the three times and finally went on with it had to go 37 days then the last pause 6 days we told him way ahead of time when Ted was coming up and we said to him directly if you listen now give us any indication whatever we will reciprocate anything you give us but they said no no hell no every time now I think you ought to say that to every one of these leaders then you ought to give them this chart you ought to give them the next chart and say here's what the 17 nations did here's what the Indians did here's what the British did yes sir just like we had there today only I get those in small size get an 8 by 10 and leave it with them and I might just take me one about half as big as this about the size of my chart over there on inflation red white blue now take one of them pauses and take one on a piece of nation instead of putting them all on one and get you one about a yard about half as big as rust about the size of McNamara's you might take that on the plane so if you speak to any universities you can show it to them just say now why is there such a one-sided affair why does my president have to say that the 17 nations yes yes yes and then wait a week and get denounced and then have them say no why does he have to say to the British Prime Minister go say yes and have them say no why does he have to say this yes and then no now why in the hell don't you get Hanoi one dime to say yes to anything and then come to us why do you always attack us and never attack them ones that are struggling I just indict the living hell out of Hanoi prosecute the living hell out of him prosecute anybody else that won't make them if they're interested in peace by God let them deliver their crime I think it's a pretty good line to just say that in your domestic speeches that you said the other night was about to give you some of you make administration against him and we're not at all he's such a peace loving man they wished it by God he would literally would stop his bombing he said is it just give us a pause Mr President the areas that you're figuring on then you've listed here in your conversation with me I mean I'm just talking about anything I want to the first thing I do is get the memorandum and we'll get Monday they ought to wrap up the European thing and I would just know what's happened what about what deal we made I've been quietly on my own without any reference to even my wife I've been doing something since you talked to me before just studying on some of the matters over there that are of concern I went even over to the State Department for a two hour briefing here the other day in one of their sessions on Europe in the United Kingdom well I take it, I look at all the cables that they've set back and forth on this I get all their advice around the goal so I'd have the best publicity I'd try to have the best public relations people that you can get I don't know I guess it'd be bad to ask somebody like Jim Hagger to come back but I'd get some people outside that are real good in this field and I'd get some advisors that thought would be good for me and I would ask the USA people to see if anybody wants you to vote back we'll be back soon thank you bye bye bye bye bye bye bye bye bye bye