 I'm going to talk about reindeer cultures. Let me see, we do like this. So the basics is I'm talking mainly on basis on the event culture, but also Sami information and literature studies. And some of the features I can distinguish, I think have got wider applications also for other cultures than reindeer cultures. One focus would be a thing I think is very interesting. That's the internal variation of these cultures, which can be extreme. Another focus is on the force behind this variation, which is clearly for a large part the identity, the feeling of identity simply to be different. And the third focus would be the interaction between such cultures, including some territorial issues and changes of clan territorial strategies for collecting information about foreign areas and things like that. But first, one culture consists of numerous clans with a whole spectrum of economic strategies and thus different settlement patterns, each making their economic strategies and strategic decisions. They have a clan leader and at times switching from hunter-gathering to pastoralism. Earlier pastoralism wasn't that normal, but it looks as if you have also had some pastoralism earlier. If you look at here four different cultures, in archaeology we tend to think that they are more or less internally homogeneous. And if we stand in the field looking at a reindeer culture, for my sake mainly the event, we found out that they are bloody different. There is a number of clans and they vary with regard to material culture, typology, with style, ritual, linguistic details, preferred food items even. For instance, what I discovered with neighboring clans of the event was that they carry out the bear ritual, all of them. The main essence is the same, but the way they do it and the physical features that accompany it is very different from clan to clan. So something is clearly going on also with regard to dialect. Two neighboring clans often don't understand each other because they have got so different dialects. It's quite strange. And even if you dive into the clans you can see the different families. They can have different traditions, different ornaments and so on. But the most significant differences you have between the clans probably because they are also the territorial units. So that's where you have the main identity. It's a well-established phenomena in ethnography, social anthropology that you have such variation. And you can also see that it's actually dynamic over time. In archaeology we tend to more or less ignore that kind of dynamics because it makes archaeological interpretation difficult to handle. That it is also difficult to observe in the archaeological record is that it is often bound to organic materials. You signalize your difference in ornament and so on in bark, in fur, skin and so on. But there's really a very, very fast exchange of patterns and traditions and styles going on, competition about being the smartest and so on. Second, he uses the concept of isocriticism for that meaning that some kind of signaling, cultural signaling is changed as fast in materials that are often easy to manipulate. It no doubt also plays a role that the main focus in archaeology is to distinguish cultures more than cultural groups. But as I said, the central driver behind this is identity. And as I could press the event to admit they say everybody wants to be a little bit different. It creates us and them at all scale levels of the society. The only cultural feature I found was uniform through the event. Cultural area was the dwelling organization. And it's very difficult to understand why, but what they say when you ask them is, well, if you travel far and visit other event, you wouldn't like to make a fool of yourself by taking the wrong place when you get into a tent. And it's very difficult to understand that that's so important because the dialects can be different. Everything else can be different. The material culture can be very different. So it's interesting. Just a shot of old Lazar sitting in the men's half with a bit of the kitchen area in front. And here the female side seen from the door. When there is a lot of women, you can squeeze the pattern. But you have the same relative pattern inside the tent. And you're very strict about it. Well, I have been through this. But the reason for this is that the most personal thing for a person in such a tent is his or her position because it signalizes his or her identity in its totality in one way or another. But in spite of all the cultural diversity, there is an internal common understanding also of a common identity within the culture. Event have to vary, event women. It can be very difficult because they have to be the same status. So they may have to travel far. I often ask them when they were making complaints why don't you marry a woman from the neighboring village? They are not really a bank. So they have to often travel thousands of kilometers to pick up a wife. And they still do it today. Well, something about interaction between the cultures. We know a little about it. When it is practical, event and other reindeer cultures, they can switch their language for practical reasons. In the Olinjog area, what happened when they met the Jakut who had switched to reindeer economy and event cosmology, the event switched their language to Jakut. So all the place names were translated into Jakut. In areas where the event do a lot of trading with other groups, they switched their language and dropped speaking event. Also, we have a quite good record of how the Jakut they penetrated into the event area through the last centuries. And from the stories they tell, it's quite obvious that they were fighting, killing a lot of people. And the event have a very strict rule. You never talk bad about anybody, apart from Jakut. About Jakut, you can say anything. They are in your dreams as evil creatures. They jump out of lakes and pull you out of your boat and drown you, et cetera, et cetera. Except in some areas, as in the Olinjog Harilak area where there is about 50-50 event at Jakut. But it's probably because these two groups more or less have culturally fused in that area. I haven't been studying it in detail, but that's a fact. You can see the red ones are the Jakuts. And the one with dots are Evengs and Eveni are the red ones. That's actually the same group. It was separated by the Russian administrators. But you can see from the 7th century to the 18th century to the 19th century to 1959, that's Gorbachev's results on the basis of the old statistics recorded in Russia. And there you can see one culture penetrating into another culture's territory. So that's one of the things that happened. Another thing you can see tendencies of in Siberia where I have to jump to Australia where Peter Sutton has been studying it, it is that all the clans, all the groups, all the cultures they try to get to the most productive areas. And in Australia that has been they try to get out to the coast. So where you find the more rigid groups in the inland where you find the most dynamic groups with the most cultural diversity, most dialects and so on, that's on the coast. Peter Sutton who made this, he had been working at the Cape York where they talk in one group, they talk for different languages and quite small territories but extremely high dynamics. If we look at culture groups on the map, the Menchu and the event, that's actually the same culture. The Chinese don't like to hear that but that's a fact. Then you have the area with the Soviet groups and the Sami and if you look at their dwelling organization which I think is a very central cultural feature, then they actually have quite similar but not identical types of dwelling organization but characteristic is that it is separated alongside from the door inwards in the dwelling and one side is important, the other is much less important. I'm still collecting data on the Samoyed groups because it's very diffuse what you have of information. Social anthropologists have not been that interested in precise information about dwelling information but they have quite closely related pattern which actually interesting enough is also closely related to the late Mesolithic pattern and the hunter-gatherer Mesolithic pattern you have from Finland. I'll share you. This is also the pattern from Karamalachi, I don't know if that was pronounced correct, in Finland where you have the remains of a wooden building burnt down with a platform on one side and apparently with the female activity areas on the platform and the males sitting on the floor which is similar to what we have found in the Danish late Mesolithic dwellings which is in a way opposite of the link because there you have the man sitting on the sleeping place or the platform. It can't be a platform in some cases. But again it's interesting because if you're similar to this with regard to dwelling organization that large we're talking about larger cultural areas. And if you look at the Maglemosa pattern, the diagonal Maglemosa pattern it also has got a quite large distribution and probably even larger than this. So depending on what we look at lithic typology or dwelling organization or whatever there are different possibilities for defining cultural areas. Thanks, that was just...