 Jose Castillo. Thanks, Aaron. Thanks, everyone. I'd like to propose and present the case of Mexico City and the particular case of Ciudad Nesa as a kind of mirror image, even if so an oblique mirror of what's happening with Mumbai and more specifically with Derabi. As you may know, Mexico City was not founded on six islands as Mumbai was, but it was founded on one island on a dried up lake and over the last 700 years has achieved a population of 19.1 million over an extension of 1400 square kilometers. The key part to the spatial conditions of Mexico City is that 60% of the city originated through some kind of informal process. When we talk about informal process, and it was something mentioned yesterday at the Tata Institute workshop, we should qualify what we mean by slum. When I say informal, I refer to any process that happens outside the legal, professional, procedural or regulatory frameworks. The slums that I'm going to show have nothing to do with the slums that you have here in Mumbai. I show this slide because in a sense the growth of Mexico City is a very quick and fast growth happening mostly after 1950. So a city that stayed more or less stable for 500 years grew immensely only in 50 years. This graphic, which is kind of a mirror image, the top part, the green part of the graphic, it's economic information, the bottom part is demographic information. The green is the gross domestic product, and you see a number of lines which are the parity of the peso to the dollar, the currency, inflation and annual economic growth. In a sense I show this graphic because it shows the boom and bust cycles that characterize not only developing countries but cities as well. One could almost define those peaks and valleys in economic development along the presidential election. So every time a president came out there was a crisis. On the bottom part of the graph you see how in a sense the growth of Mexico City has been taking place outside of Mexico City. The dark gray shows the federal district, the lighter gray shows the growth taking place in the state of Mexico. So when we talk about Mexico City we actually talk about the metropolitan area. 1949, I show this image because it was a type of how, when one spoke about housing policy, this was what housing meant in 1949. The most important project by Mario Pani, the foremost architect and urbanist in Mexico City. Fast forward 15 years and this is Tlatelolco, a community slum clearance project only two kilometers north of the city, north of downtown Mexico City. And it was actually a former slum turned into a community, modern, hygienic, progressive city for 80,000 people. This used to be housing. This was the idea and not only in terms of architecture but also in terms of politicians, policymakers. But actually what was happening in 1963 was this phenomenon. So it's kind of an irony that while most policymakers were thinking that housing was slum clearance, actually the largest slum in Latin America was taking place and this is a picture of Nesa. To understand a little bit more about the spatial geography of Mexico City, the idea of the slums, it would be very difficult to find which are the real slums in this size and how they relate to density. In some cases like the western sections, the slums appear right next to high-end development in the same fashion as in Loma as the Chapultepec. Or in Santa Fe as it has been shown before by both Ricky and Andy where we have these huge gated communities right next to these other encroaching informal settlements. But I'm more interested in presenting what's happening on the eastern side of the city. A city where actually urbanism has become a kind of geography. We're talking about communities. This is the Chapultepec, the previous photo was Nesa. Both communities of more than a million and a half inhabitants all developed in less than 50 years and all developed informally. This is Valle de Chalgo. It's crucial to understand that the informality is not about actually a collapse of very simple organization but actually about a very sophisticated set of networks, dynamics and players in which the key to the success takes place the moment that those social protocols arise and become evident. Nesa, which is a big square, you see the sort of the large grid you see in the center of the picture. It houses 1.25 million. Started in 1943, 38 square kilometers. If you add up the other neighborhood, which is Chimalhuacan, on this part here, you have the population of central Barcelona. And some pictures again. 1943 is the photo on the left, a floating part of the city. 1973, I'm sorry, 1963, the photo on the upper right. In 1973. It was actually a community that was very much planned illegally, if you could say, but I would like to play the idea that space matters in the sense that the way that one imagines the particularities of urban design guarantee or entail a kind of success or failure for informal settlements. In a sense, and these are people receiving their deeds for the lands, it is not enough to think about the legal and procedural aspects, but we actually have to think about space and how in 50 years a community that kept floating every summer, not unlike the monsoon, has achieved this kind of vitality that we see in some of these pictures. Even to the extent that some gated communities are beginning to appear in NESA, opticians, private facilities, even cases like swimming pools appearing in private schools which talks about gentrification and even lipo sculpture. For $1,000 you could get lipo section now in NESA. And so in a sense, this is imagining like new context for sort of social behavior and if we look at what's happening in terms of housing policy nowadays, in Mexico, this would talk about the dual system. On the one hand, 100,000 units being built every year, but at the same time a similar number of units happening by the informal sector. This is what housing policy, focusing mostly on finance, is imagining. The irony is that within this formal settlement, a series of informality processes are taking place. Therefore, and I would like to ratify, space and urban design doesn't matter. The way that policy makers, architect, designers, sociologists look at this is a guarantee to avoid this kind of ghettoization, this kind of almost photoshopping of what seems to be the informal city against what seems to be the formal city. Thank you very much.