 Today, Austria is a quite small and unimportant country in the middle of Europe, which many people outside the old world can't locate exactly or even worse, they confuse it with Australia. The reason for the manageable size of this country today is the result of World War One, which our Emperor, Franz Josef and his successor Karl, lost side by side with their brother in arms William II from Germany. Austria has been for many centuries, as Rahim already mentioned today, the eastern frontier of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, and this ended ingloriously in 1806 when Emperor Franz II from the House of Habsburg laid down the crown in the wake of military disasters fighting against Napoleon Bonaparte's troops. The role as a frontier against, for instance, Huns and Turks certainly influenced the character of the Austrians, at least of those of them who lived in the east of the country and near the borders. François Clémenceau was the French prime minister who led the peace negotiations regarding Austria in Saint-Chanor-les, which has been signed in September 1919. There is, in fact, no reliable proof if we really spoke out these infamous words which I took as a title for my speech, the rest is Austria. He addressed the new borders of the country after its defeat in the World War I. However, the outcome was a treaty which, in fact, turned out to be a dictate like the Treaty of Versailles with Germany. Nevertheless, it must be said that the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was not the result of Allied or French demands. The collapse of the Empire rather began as soon as the guns became silent. The Empire had quite honestly lost its meaning, particularly for the Slavic peoples who considered it a Völker Kerker, a people's prison, be that as it may, the result was exactly that of the quote of Clémenceau. Korea from now on was and is the wimpy rest of a formally respectable Empire. You can call it whatever you like, but the meaning of Clémenceau's words was more or less a modern version of the verdict by Victis from ancient Roman times. This was exactly how the remaining German Austrians perceived it. In a certain way, the incidents which date back now, 100 years, have not completely lost relevance for the Austrian mentality until today. To give you an idea what tremendous impact the result of the disastrous defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the self-conception of the remaining Austrians had, I present you two maps before and after the war. This is the situation before the war. You see the both halves of the dual Empire. This is the Austrian one and this is the Hungarian one. And Calpita already mentioned the names Cislajtanian and Translajtanian for the two halves. And this goes back to a small river here in this area who divides the both parts of the Empire from each other. I do not bore you with the different names of the different provinces just because the name of Ludwig von Mises has been mentioned a few times today already. Here is Lemberg. This is the city of his birth. You see the Lemberg is as far away from Vienna as Sankt Gainese. So it has been a quite huge dimension. Here in the south, which is here called Königrechter Serbengeraden in Slovenia, this part was Bosnia-Herzegovina. And this Bosnia-Herzegovina has been formally part of the Ottoman Empire and has been annexed by the Austrian Empire in 1908. This caused a political crisis, a severe political crisis in the first place and emerged as a fatal error later on. It finally led, sorry, this is the wrong direction. It finally led to the Urkatastrophe des Zvansiks in Jahrhunderts, the basic debacle of the century as some historians called it. When the here to the ground Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated in Sarajevo, the Bosnian capital by the Serbian nationalists. As you all probably know, this political murder became the casus pelli which initiated World War I. And now this is the situation, actually, the red. It's just by chance, but by incidence that it's red. You see the dramatic change to the former situation and this is how the figures look like, Austria before and after the war. The population before the war was roughly 51.5 million and after the war, and a long time past that, 6.4 million. The territory was in 1914, 676,000 roughly square kilometers and today it's 84 square kilometers. Both figures down 87.5%. Just for the sake of comparison, the Germans lost just 13% of their territory due to the Treaty of Versailles and 7% of their population. To complete the picture, the Treaty of Triano signed by June the 4th in 1920 sealed the fate of the Hungarian half of the empire. Hungary roughly lost 2 thirds of its territory. To repeat, nearly 90% of both Austrian territory and population was lost. Whereas the biggest losses of territories related to the Slavic part, there was also a painful deprivation of German territories, for instance the southern part of Tyrol, which became the prey of the defaulting Italians. By May 1915, they declared war on the Austrian empire that former confederate at the beginning of the war. Let me come now to the history of the First Republic. By the end of the war, for most of Austrians, the old world which they were familiar with broke into parts and disappeared completely. Seeing the people have learned from their parents, grandparents and teachers lost its meaning and became obsoletely from one moment to the other. Emperor Karl was forced to leave the country. He went into exile in Madeira, where he died in Funchal in April of 1922, and Austria became a republic by November 1918. But even a single one of the political already existing political parties in the country believed in the survivability of this small rest state. After all, you have to take into consideration that the big proportion of the industrial and the agricultural basis which was located in Bohemia and Moravia, partly in Hungary, was lost. Furthermore, Austria became a landlocked state due to the loss of Trieste and the coast of Croatia. Hence, a broad majority of the people was keen to unite with the ten times bigger second German state, namely Germany, the German newly formed republic. This because on one hand, the liberals and conservatives could not imagine that Austria as a state could survive on its own, and on the other hand, the social democrats in addition were convinced that Germany would become a socialist state. An unmistakable expression of the Austrian desire for reunification with Germany was the self-selected name Deutsch Österreich, German Austria. But in vain because the victors of the war categorically prohibited both the use of the name German Austria as well as any attempt to unify with Germany. Hence Austria had to stand on its own feet and muddle through which it did more rather worse than better. The first parliamentary session after the war took place in November 1918 when 208 representatives of the former Reichsrat, this was the parliament in the time of the monarchy, met 65 of them Christian social, 37 social democratic, and 106 German nationalist and liberal. Liberal in the European sense, not in the American one. Some conservative and liberal contemporaries feared an attempt of left-wing radicals to try communist revolution. Hence despite the fact that the liberals and conservatives held a significant majority in the parliament, they elected the social democrat Karl Renner as the first chancellor of the republic. The politically moderate Karl Renner seemed as a man who was able to keep the radicals in his party calm and under control, which was in fact the truth. It's an interesting detail that just the farmers were the most important representatives of liberal ideas because they were not interested in b-bossed around by civil servants and just wanted to be left alone by the government, but as soon as they wanted to protect the products from foreign competition, the liberal plant led with it quickly. So the number of liberals and nationalists shrunk and the Catholic conservative Christian socials as well as the Marxist social democrats remained as the main political powers. It was not before 1920 when the country got a democratic constitution, mostly written by Hans Kelsen, a social democrat and legal positivist, but anyway a friend and even marriage witness of Ludwig von Mises. This basic law is still valid and it's one of the oldest constitutions in Europe. In the early 1920s Austria suffered from a severe inflation crisis, which ruined a big part of the bourgeoisie and caused mass employment. The economic crisis led to a radicalization of the political parties, which more and more began to consider their competitors not as rivals, but as enemies. And both social democrats and the Christian soldiers built up their own armed militia, which regarding the headcount outmatched the regular military forces of the country by far. Due to the priest treaty of Saint-Germain, the Austrian military forces were limited to a headcount of 30,000, a number which have never been reached until the Anschluss, the occupation by the German Reich in 1938. Just to give you a figure, in 1928 the socialist militia called Republikanische Schutzbund, Republican Protection League, commanded some 80,000 men. The Christian Social Heimwehr, Home Defense League, was of similar strength. The state lost its monopoly of violence and the political struggle went from the House of Parliament to the streets. It's worthwhile to have a look at the dazzling personality of Otto Bauer, leader and mastermind of the Austrian Social Democrats, which called themselves Soziademokratische Arbeiterpartei, Social Democrat Workers' Party, abbreviated SDAP. Bauer was like Viktor Adler, the founder of the Socialist Party of Jewish history. He studied law at the university in Vienna, and attended lectures given amongst others by Eugen Bühne von Bawerk and Friedrich von Wieser. Ludwig von Mises, Otto Neurath and Josef Schumpeter were his fellow students. In 1900 he joined the SDAP and began his political engagement. During his studies he became a friend of Max Adler and Karl Renner, and together with them he founded the Association Future, the nucleus of what later on has been called the Austromaxism. In 1926 the Linzer program of the SDAP was presented, which was mostly written by Otto Bauer. In his public speeches he openly demonstrated sympathy for a socialist revolution and praised the dictatorship of the proletariat, which was obviously a tactical mistake because the Christian socials and the liberal and conservative press used this verbal aggressiveness against him. Otto Bauer's friend Ludwig von Mises later claimed that he could convince him in a series of private debates to stay away from revolution and keep to the pathway of social reforms and democracy. It's for sure that the big majority of the people in Austria did not want to follow the Soviet example. In so far Bauer's radical rhetoric was certainly counterproductive for his party and his girls. Nevertheless Maxism is still alive in Austria, as well as elsewhere, and until the 1970s students chanted, demokratie, das ist nicht viel Sozialismus, das ist das Ziel. We want the full dictatorship of the proletariat. In the meantime the Austrian reds have become more moderate or more precisely they try hard to give themselves at least a moderate look. Some historians consider a fatal incident in 1927 as the turning point on the Austrian way to a totalitarian state to keep things short. In the small village Schattendorf, in the southeast of the country, a confrontation between rivaling party armies, right-wing frontkämpfer on one side and redschutzbund militia on the other side, could not be prevented by the police. Two persons of the raids were shot dead and five others in chute. When the shuri in the following criminal process declared a verdict of not guilty for the presumed perpetrators, this was recognized an outrageous scandal by the socialists and led to the arson of the palace of justice and to violent demonstrations. The police shot dead 89 protesters and suffered five fatalities of its own personnel. The political climate from this moment on for the whole country was embittered totally. Regarding the Schandurteil von Schattendorf, the verdict of shame, as the raids called it, it's important to know that Geschwarnan-Gerichte trials by shuri were a relatively new thing at the time. They had just been introduced in the early 1920s. To bring it to the point, there was practically no routine to practice this kind of court procedures. In the special case of the Schattendorf trial, the shuri may have simply been overwhelmed by the task. Today with a chronological distance of many decades, it seems that on the basis of the available information at this time, the shuri came to a correct decision. Two times in 1931 and 1932, Otto Bauer refused to join a coalition with the Christian Socialists, which was later considered a serious mistake. At this very moment, so the opinion of some historians, democracy in Austria could possibly have been saved. As a result of a tactical mistake during a parliamentary session on the 4th of March in 1933, Engebert Deufus, the Christian soldier-cantler at the time, could land an acute attack, power down the parliament and subsequently ruled the country by not-verordnungen, emergency decrees, a legal instrument that dated back to the Kriegswirtschaftliches Ermächtigungsgesetz, the war-economic enabling act of 1917. A few words to this nickname. Prince Clemens Wenzel Lothar von Metternich was the organizer of the Viennese Congress in 1815. He was the mastermind of the restoration in Europe after the Napoleonic Wars and fought, like Deufus did, with repressive methods against the liberal and nationalistic forces, especially in Germany and Italy. This historic parallel and his body height of just 151 centimeter led to his alias Milly Metternich. It's important to note that at the same time in 1933, Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany. In the light of this, it appears quite strange that Otto Bauer still declared Habsburg a danger to Austria, a danger not smaller than Hitler. The other hand, Deufus, who was strictly Catholic, appeared strong sympathies for the Italian-style fascism as well as the Italian leader Benito Mussolini and appalled both the German national socialism as well as a pluralistic democracy. He tried to win Italy as the protecting power of Austria. By November 1933, after it failed, is assault on Englbert Deufus, who had just been slightly injured, his regime introduced martial law trials with death penalty. Furthermore, Deufus systematically disabled the opposition. He not only banned the social democrats, the newspapers and the militia, but also the growing Austrian branch of the NSDAP, the Austrian National Socialists and the small Communist Party. Whether you call the result a fascist state or a Catholic stance state is a question of taste. From a libertarian standpoint, it's anyway out of the question. On the basis of growing political tensions, police action against illegally armed men of the Red Schutzbund in the city of Linz in Upper Austria, which took place on the 12th of February 1934, initiated an ill-prepared revolt against the government, which resulted in a nasty bloodshed. It's in the eye of the beholder, if you call this episode an uprising or a civil war. However, Austrian military forces laid siege on some of the strongholds of the so-called democrats, most of them the infamous commandebatten. You see here one of them, the biggest one, it's the Karl Maxow, which is still alive. Municipal buildings in Vienna, Vienna you have to take into consideration was and still is undisputed in the hands of the Reds since 1919. If you look at that kind of buildings, which have been strategically spread over the whole city, you cannot help thinking that they have been constructed according to plan as fortifications for the civil war, which has already been taken in prospect by the Reds. It only took four days to crush the uprising, which ended in the fourth day by March the 15th. The figures, sorry, the fights cost 300 fatalities, 200 civilians, and 100 police officers, and 800 casualties. As the Austrian historian Gudula Weiterskirchen in her recently published book, Die blinden Flecken der Geschichte, The Blind Spots of History, wrote, The military forces did not use sharp grenades when they shelled municipal buildings like the Karl Maxow, but practiced ammunition. It was not their purpose to bomb the Red fortification to the ground, but just to frighten the rebels and demonstrate them the absolute helplessness of their attempt. This explains the relatively low number of casualties on the side of rebels. After the uprising, 24 of them were sentenced to death by court marshals. Only nine of them were really executed. The socialist leader, Otto Bauer, went to exile in Bohemia and later on to France, where he tried to support the socialist background opposition in Austria. He died in Paris due to a heart attack in 1938. Just to complete the picture, this is the Karl Maxow, if I showed you during the uprising in 1934. The building, as well as its name, is a symbol of the crimson history of the city of Vienna. And at the same time, it's the biggest and undoubtedly one of the ugliest buildings in town. Socialists sent for the beautiful at its best. On July 25th, 1934, a bunch of members of the illegal NSDAP, the Austrian National Socialists, ventured an ill-prepared coup. The attempt was a complete failure. But nevertheless, the rebels successfully stormed the office of the federal chancellor, where Otto Planetta, the leader of the operational command, shot dead Chancellor Engelbert Deufus, who pleaded to death when the National Socialist Command refused medical rescue for him. After the suppression of the revolt, Planetta was sentenced to death by hanging, together with one of his accompanies and executed just six days after the murder of Deufus in July 1934. For the conservatives in Austria, Engelbert Deufus became a marcher during his fight against the Nazis. For the rats, he went down in history as a butcher of workers. He is subject of passionate political debates until today. The Parliamentary Club of the ÖVP, the Conservative Austrian People's Party, successor of the Christian Socialists of the First Republic, only recently removed his portray from the rooms of the Parliamentary Club under the pressure of political correctness. This is a picture from the Heldenplatz, the hero's square, a main place in Vienna, where the funeral service for the Chancellor has been done. You see the crowd here, and you see this is a symbol for his popularity, at least in a part of the population of Austria. Kurt Schuchnik was the successor of Engelbert Deufus until 1938. His attempt to establish Austria as the better German state was fordoomed from the outset and throughout. He ruled the country with iron fist. Up to 16,000 political prisoners were detained in so-called Anheite Lagan detention camps. The infamous 1,000-mark-sperre introduced by Adolf Hitler in May 1933 was a big blow for the Austrian economy, especially for the very important tourism branch. Germans traveling to Austria had to pay 1,000 Reichsmark to the German state. Things got worth for Austria when the Italians against the international law invaded Ethiopia in 1935. Mussolini desperately needed an ally which he found in Adolf Hitler. Italy from this moment on was no longer a reliable guarantor and backup for the authoritarian Austrian regime. This brought Schuchnik under growing pressure of the German Reich. Furthermore, a growing proportion of Austrians enviously looked to the seemingly successful development of the German economy while they still suffered mass employment and misery. Schuchnik tried to flee to the front and come to better relations with the other, the bigger German state. The Juli Abkommen, the July Treaty of 1936 between Austria and the German Reich, was the result. Austria should loyally support the German foreign policy and interests. And Hitler promised not to interfere with internal matters in Austria and would not waste thoughts to occupy the country. This treaty is often seen as the first step to the end of the Austrian independence. Forbidden National Socialist newspapers could appear again from this moment on. On the 12th of February 1938, Franz von Papen, the predecessor of Hitler as German chancellor and now in the role of the German ambassador in Vienna, arranged a meeting between Hitler and Schuchnik at the Oberseitsberg in Berchtesgaden. Hitler intimidated Schuchnik and openly threatened with a military invasion. Hence, Schuchnik saw himself forced to re-legalize the Austrian branch of the NSDAP. The so-called Berchtesgaden Abkommen cleared the way for the National Socialist Artur Seisinkwart to become Minister of the Interior on February the 16th of 1938. To save what could be saved, Schuchnik announced the public opinion poll, which could take place on Sunday the 13th of March. Question was, do the people prefer a free, independent, social, and Christian Austria, or do they not? Hitler probably feared the result not in his favor and reacted immediately by mobilizing the troops of his Eighth Army for an invasion of Austria. Schuchnik canceled the poll, but it was too late. He was forced to resign from his post. On the evening of the 11th of March, he held a legendary radio address. He declared that Austrian Germans would, under all circumstances, avoid to shed German blood, which meant there would be no resistance by the Austrian army. And he ended with the words. The Herr Bundespräsident beauftragt mich dem österreichischen Volk mitzuteilen, dass wir der Gewalt reichen Gott schütze Österreich. The president of the republic instructs me to declare that we'll give way to force may God bless Austria. On the 12th of March, in 1938, German troops successfully invaded Austria without firing a single shot. Three days later, Hitler held a welcome address at the Heldenplatz, the hero square in Vienna. I showed you a similar picture at the funeral service of Dolphus. So you see the popularity of both of these men. Now Austria became a federal country of the German Reich called Ostmark. So 21 years after the end of World War I, Austria had become part of the German Third Reich and Austrian men wore German uniforms in World War II. They lost the war once more side by side with the German brothers in May 1945. At this very moment, the idea of Austria being a part of Germany died out immediately. This is not a big surprise because the Moscow Declaration of 1943 called Austria, quote, the first victim of the German aggression policy, end quote, which turned to be a carte blanche after the war when the Austrians had not to feel as perpetrators, but as victims, which most of them did. Let me now come to the Austrian relations with its neighbors at the present time. We have eight neighbor states. And four out of them were successor states of the Austrian Empire. It's Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia. To be exact, Czech Republic and Slovakia split up in 1993 out of Czechoslovakia and are now two independent states. All these successor states of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire came under communist rule and became part of the so-called Ostblock, the Eastern Block. By far the most important of our neighbor states in every sense is Germany. It's the biggest commercial partner. But as the Austrian writer Karl Kraus put it, Gahim has already quoted the man. The quote is, we are separated by the same language. Not just since 1919, Austria and Germany share a common destiny. Little more with the next slide. The relations with Germany, it's a very special kind of love and hate relationship that ties these two countries together. Austrians today represent roughly one-tenth of the population of Germany. A lot of them cultivated and still have a kind of inferiority complex at least starting in 1919 when the victors of the war, mainly the French, prevented Austria from building a political union with the newborn German Republic, as I already mentioned. Many Austrians consider Germany as the big brother in the West. They admire the economic efficiency and accuracy of the Germans, but they pour their lack of humor, their hotness, their attitude always to come straight to the point and detect less, less, which many of them frequently show. Germans, on the other hand, consider the Austrians as a sloppy version of themselves. At least that's the feeling on the Austrian side. But for that, they appreciate Austrian hospitality and friendliness. The relationships between Austria and the two neutral states in the very West can not be called other than very, very and absolutely friendly. The contacts to the other states, that means for the successor states of the empire as well as to Italy, are also friendly, but they are packed with a certain amount of feelings of superiority or even arrogance. A significant lead for this is, for instance, that a lot of Czechs, Slovaks, Hungarians and Slovenians, speak quite well German, whereas only very few Austrians speak one of their languages. As in Germany, you can find very little interest to keep busy with the languages of the neighboring states. Just a few words to the Austrian relations to the Russians. A brief retrospection. Austria has been occupied by the Allied forces after the war for 10 years, up to 1955. The eastern part of the country, as you can see, was occupied by the Soviets. Many people of my age have been told terrible stories by their parents and grandparents. Soviet violations against civilians, lootings and gang rapes, frequently occured. Hence, in the perception of the elder generations, the Russians remain as brutal barbarians. This picture has changed. Nowadays, a lot of wealthy Russians visit Austria as tourists and spend a lot of money there. Therefore, the young generation does not longer observe the Russians as a menace. Rather, they see them as people with much money and often pretty bad menace. Austria, being a member of the European Union, is obliged to share its restraints of trade and the critical distance to the actual government. In addition, a few words to the Austrian relations to the Jews. Austria had a relatively big Jewish community, most of them secularistic, until 1938. When Hitler's troops invaded Austria, roughly 500,000 Jews lived in Germany. At the same time, some 200,000 Jews lived in Austria, which just has been one-tenth of the German population. Look at the relation. More than half of them left the country when the Germans occupied Austria. They went to England, to the United States, to South America, as well as to Palestine. But roughly half of them stayed there. Most of them were deported to concentration camps and killed. Just 5,500 Jews survived the nationalist area within Austria. Today, the community consists of roughly 16,000 people. Homemade antisemitism does no longer matter. Instead, important antisemitism is a growing problem, as it is in some other European countries. Against all requirements of the political correctness, many Austrians are still using pejorative labor links for citizens of some of their neighbor states. Two of them hardly can be meaningfully translated or explained. One of them is Katzlmacher, for the Italians, who are still considered from some people as notorious tricksters, traitors, and cowards. The word stems probably from the Roman word for cattle or tinkerer, or for a wooden dipper, which has often been handcrafted and sold by Italians. Another swear word used for people coming from the Balkans is tjus, or here, the plural tjus. This may etymologically be explained because it may stem from a Slavic term for here. Instead, pithke, the unfriendly branding for our German neighbors, has a crystal clear history. As you possibly know, there was a struggle between Austria and Prussia regarding the leadership of the German confederation in the end of the second half of the 19th century. This struggle resulted in the so-called German war in 1866. The Prussians decisively defeated the Austrian Northern Army in July this year near the city of Königgräts to de Kloem in Bohemia. Bismarck, at this time, the Prussian chancellor from 1871 on the German one, could convince his king, Wilhelm I, not to hold a victory parade in Vienna, which would have been a nasty humiliation for the Austrian Emperor Franz Josef, which he wanted to avoid. Instead, the Prussians held a parade in Gänzendorf, a small village located in the north of Vienna. Johann Gottfried pithke, a Prussian military musician, composed the Victory March, the Königgrätser March, which faced its first performance in that village where a lot of nosy Austrians, especially Biennese, watched the marching troops of the enemy. They recognized the name of the composer of the Victory March, pithke. From that moment on, the Prussians and later, after building the German Empire in 1871, the Germans were and still are called pithkiss, which is in fact not meant as flattery. For people outside Germany and Austria, it might be difficult to see any relevant difference because they have lived together for centuries and they speak the same language. To explain the difference between Germans and Austrians, it might be expedient to listen to the following musical examples. It's German military marches and Austrian military marches. If you listen to the German piece, it's Prussians' Glory, it's one of the most famous. It's the same composer as for the Königgrätser March, it's Johann Gottfried pithke. You can imagine soldiers with spiked helmets marching precisely in good steps. Just listen. Okay, this is now the Königgrätser. No. I'm an Austrian, I'm not a German, it's not so perfect. I'm very sorry. So what I wanted to demonstrate, unfortunately it doesn't work, the Florentiner March, composed by a man called Julius Futschig. It's just a detail, maybe interesting detail. Julius Futschig has been the commander of the musical military unit in Sarajevo when the head to the crown has been assassinated there. So just, I cannot sing and I cannot dance. I just give you an explanation. This Florentiner March has some other Austrian military marches. Does not really sound like a military march, like the two examples I just showed you, but more than dance music, like dance music. Maybe that marks the difference between the both countries. To come to a conclusion, basically, Austrians and Germans are united by their widespread uncritical obedience of state control and their ability to get a revolution done and the king beheaded, like the English and the French did. But from my very individual point of view, Austrians and Germans are different in their degree of civility. It's for sure no coincidence that the Germans have always been the better soldiers than the Austrians because they never hesitated a second to do what they have been told by their commanders. In this respect, Austrians may in fact be a sloppy version of the Germans. We Austrians always bear a certain amount of serenity, rebelliousness and anarchism, which you rarely can find amongst Germans. On the contrary, it seems that Germans tend to make a crusade out of anything, be it the energy vendor, the energy transition, which leads to deindustrialization, be it the irrational fight against the allegedly man-made climate change which results in a deterioration of the important automotive industry, or the not-questioned, obviously, self-destruction migration policy with the German government tries to impose on all other European countries. The overbearing idea, Amdeutschenwesen, who's already developed Genesen, the world is supposed to recover on the German way, is still alive, like roughly 160 years ago when it came to birth. In contrast, we Austrians never had the illusion that the world could become a better place if she only copied or followed our paradigm. Being myself, a typical East Austrian hybrid with both German and Hungarian bloods in my veins, I hopefully were able to give you a brief insight in my country's recent history and the Austrian mentality. Take it as an unchallengeable proof for the smartness of us Austrians that we have successfully transformed Mozart and Beethoven into Austrians and made Adolf Hitler and Ernst Keitenbrunner Germans. Let me finish with a famous quotation of a brilliant compatriot of mine, Erich von Künelt-Ledin, which, who has already been quoted by Rahim. It goes, right is right, and left is wrong. Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you very much for your attention.