 Thank you, Miguel Angel. Let me first start by saying that I'm very happy to be here and to share some concerns about the region. Of course, I have eight minutes, right? I will try to be very brief. First of all, I think you invite us to talk about the trends in the Middle East. I went to make first one point that we cannot dissociate today the Middle East, the Maghreb and the Sahel. Why? Because we're facing the same challenges. We are facing the same theory threat and also, we cannot in Europe as a key player in the region and notably through its neighborhood policy. I will talk about Europe in a few words, if you allow me later on, at the debate. But let me say today, as you have said in the beginning, that the situation today in the region is chaotic. We have complex challenges to face, fragmentation, deconstruction of the Arab world. This is the reality and more than that is that we don't have today the necessary tools to manage these conflicts, whether at the level of the Maghreb and at the level of the Middle East. So we need some tools to be able to face these challenges. If we add to that the division within the Security Council which was in the impossibility to manage this kind of conflicts, we're not moving nowhere. So let me, I will just limit myself to three trends. The first one very briefly is the ongoing conflicts. Unfortunately today Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen are sinking definitely, definitely towards the failed states. There is no longer any effective central state that can impose solutions that can promote development, that can promote democracy or propose solutions for the problem of identities because at the end of the day the big problem today we are facing in our region is the problem of identity, the Sunnah, Shia dimensions and other So today the Middle East is one of the few regions without, this is my second point, without any semblance of original security, architecture, economic or political order. We have failed at the level of the Arab League to promote something consistent to manage conflict. Even the regional integration schemes like the GCC or the Maghreb Arab Union were in the impossibility to move forward in resolution conflicts. We saw that in the case of Libya, despite the Scewat agreement, we were not able to promote any solution for this conflict. Then of course my other colleague will talk about the key Palestinian issue which today remains unresolved, but today has been relegated in the hierarchy of emergencies. Of course despite this rapprochement between Hamas and Fatah, are we moving forward? I think what in the Middle East, maybe later on my colleagues will talk about it, but in fact we are lacking leadership, we are lacking vision and we are lacking commitment, not only from the players but also the international players. So we cannot today move forward in the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian question if we don't have these three prerequisites, vision, commitment and leadership. And is today the two state strategy still valid or not? Or are the parties still committed with this? So I think, and this leads me to a question at hand. Why does the international community fail to achieve this? Why do we remain so deeply divided on the approach, methods and means that can help us to solve this ongoing conflict? Because Miguel Angel, 20 years ago, we had one conflict in the Middle East which was Israeli. Today we have a bunch of conflicts and they are driving the and more than that we have new actors, new new actors in our region which are the terrorist movement and so on. So today, I think that the notion of the Maghreb has been deluded. Today, let's be lucid. The Maghreb cannot respond again for the same reasons, leadership, commitment and vision. The second trend I want to talk is the issue of bad politics and the problem of economic and social development in our region. I think in parallel of this governance deficit and the lack of development, today have become more problematic. So if you add to this absence of regional cooperation, weakness of institution, bad politics, we are again here moving nowhere. So what in fact I cannot develop because we don't have enough time, but the Arab world today is need of a reason to adapt itself to the current context. This order cannot be any more based on shared values, common language, but it should be rather based on how to promote economic development. How to create jobs because at the end of the day, what is important is how much jobs do we create and how much growth do we add? And this is today, unfortunately, at the level of, according to the international figures, the level of growth in the Arab world remains very low, 2% average for the last year. And the third issue is a terrorist threat. I think today this common threat throughout the region is violent extremism and it seeks to create its own entities. It is true that we were able to defeat or to combat effectively Daesh and ISIS in Iraq and Syria, but militarily is not sufficient. Security is important. Yes, military is important, but how could we combat Daesh at the level of ideology? And this I will bring some proposal if you allow me. So, addressing the issue of terrorism only in the prism of security is incomplete response because it involves important risks at the level of responsibility. So, also this confirms that no state, no government alone can face this challenge alone. We need to work together. We need to ensure stability and security in the region. How? I think the common denominator is work together with the common vision. How? First, resolving the conflicts. I think we thought about that. But today, unfortunately, the waste has, how many? 59? 59 more. Okay. So, you end and my last point is that we need to play, we don't have to blame the others, the international community, our partners. We need to do our own work internally in our region as far as good governance, democracy, and so on. And this is what you said. You invite me to talk about Morocco. So, how we were able to, I think, move forward in this region? I think in three tracks. The first track is the political sphere, but in ensuring internal stability in our country in the region through compromise, through democracy. It was important to have the tools for transparency, for good governance in order to move forward. The second one is economic development. Economic development, today, the Arab countries, most of the Arab countries have difficulties in integrating their use. And in the security matters, of course. So, to conclude, I will say that today we need collective answers. We need a vision based on these three tracks. Security, of course, is important, but also the political track with democracy, good governance. We know all the tools and, lately, to fight terrorism. How to fight terrorism? I say that militarily, security is important, but it's not enough. Today, the major challenge in our region, in all the Arab world, is to deconstruct the Jihadin narrative. Not only to deconstruct the Jihadin narrative, but also to propose an alternative narrative. And this could only be done by experts, by Ulamas, through an inclusive approach that gathers all the players, the young, the women. It's important, you know. And this is what we did in our country. I will finish by quoting His Majesty in the last speech when he said, today, we need a new model of governance in our country. Because it's true that we have achieved a lot in our country, achieved a lot as far as democracy, as we were right, but today we need to, again, think how we could adapt our tools, how we could ensure more governance, more transparency, how we could move forward to create jobs. Because Moroccans, as His Majesty said, I have 56 minutes more. As Moroccans also need a fair and effective judiciary, and we want efficient public service, including ministry. So, although we have made tangible progress, we have to admit that our national development model needs to be upgraded, taken on consideration, the context in the region, and the new expectations of our young generation.