 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour brought to you every Monday, Wednesday and Friday, a presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Larry Lissere from the CBS television news staff and Francis W. Carpenter of the Associated Press. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the Honorable John Sherman Cooper, Senator from Kentucky. Senator Cooper as a member of the Armed Services Committee and a former officer in General Patton's Third Army, you think that Senator McCarthy's recent attacks on the army for what he called communists were damaging to Army morale? I'm certain that they've had a bad effect upon Army morale, but if you want me to discuss this problem of investigations, I think I'd have to do it a little more length. Well, tell me, do you think the President handled the situation between McCarthy and himself well? Do you think he could take a stronger position on it? I take the flat position that he handled well. I think that in discussing this question, you've got to distinguish between a fight on communism and the conduct of investigations. As you know, the Congress has unlimited power to investigate and properly so. But now when we're investigating subjects like communism, which have the aspect of criminal conduct, it is true that the very highest standard is needed in those investigations. And reluctantly, I think that my colleague has not had those exact standards at times. And recently, there's been an encroachment upon the executive branch of the government. Well, in this contact with the open situation with President Eisenhower, do you think that the President has, as I said, taken a strong enough position on this? It's always a question as to time and position. I think he has. In his statement, he made it clear that certain standards must be observed in investigations. He pointed out the responsibility of the Senate. He made it clear that he would protect the executive branch when it should be protected. Now, whatever happens in the future, he's made a very, I think, decent, fair, honorable standard and base for any action that may be taken. Well, Senator, do you think this is going to stop this conflict on the executive branch and the army? I doubt if anything can ever be stopped. Absolutely. I think it's entirely possible and probable that we'll still have some conflicts. Well, Senator, can we look at this problem of the army from another angle? Secretary Dulles has on some occasion said that if any action has started against us or any part of the world that we will retaliate promptly, how does that square with the cuts that have been made in the defense budget? Frankly, Mr. Cartender, I'm glad to be talking to you. I remember our pleasant associations in the past, and I was a delegate to the UN. You were there. I think that his speech has been misunderstood. I didn't construe it myself that he would, it meant the United States would take retaliatory action at any kind of a breach of the peace. I understood him to mean that they would keep their alternatives and their freedom of action and that if under the circumstances they thought that they should act, they would act promptly and with real power. Now, you've asked me about the defense. I am serving on the Armed Services Committee, and while there's been a great deal of criticism about the cuts in the budget, I think you can only gauge our strength for the progress that's being made in the various divisions and arms with armed forces. If you want me to, I'd like to talk about that. Well, Senator, a cut in the defense budget has been made and another one is being talked about now. Do you think this is going to weaken our position as we go into these negotiations with the communists in Geneva? I'd like to tell you what our strength is. A year ago, when this administration came into power, we had 102 airwings or groups. I always get them mixed up. 92 of them combat. After a year, we have 115. One year from now, there'll be 120. Two years from now, there'll be 127. And there'll be jet wings, combat wings. There's a progressive strength. Further in the army, while there'll be two divisions lost, we'll have the same number of combat teams. And in the Navy, it's approximately the same strength. I think they've cut out a lot of the waste and we're getting a strong, well-balanced military force. Well, Senator, it looks like we may be leading from strength then in Geneva in the conference. You have served in the U.N. with Secretary Dottis. Would you care to say anything about the prospects of the Geneva conference where he will be sitting for the first time across the table from the red Chinese delegation? I know the many times you've seen our representatives sitting across from the Soviet representatives. And I remember one time in 1950 when the Chinese communists came to the United Nations. You can't ever look for any real progress. But I know that in this instance, Mr. Dulles took some risk when he said that we would meet at Geneva and we would agree that the Chinese communists, the North Korean communists, should be there. But we've made our position clear about Korea. We've made our position clear about Indo-China. And I think that Mr. Dulles, as he did at Berlin, can strengthen our position before the world. Well, Senator, as you've said, you have served under other administrations on the bipartisan foreign policy. Now, do you think there's any difference between the present administration policy and the one in which you had formally represented the United States? Many people ask that question. I think there is a difference. There's a difference in emphasis. This administration has placed more emphasis upon the East. I think there's a better balance and emphasis between the East and Europe. I think further this administration has made its position clear upon certain areas. For example, in Korea, we've made it clear that if war should begin again that we would not limit our methods and our means of acting. We could strike at Manchuria. We could use atom bomb. We've made a position clear on Formosa. We have made, I think, our position clear on Indo-China. We have made it clear in Europe that the Europe must take steps to create the European defense community if they are to expect our continued aid. And finally, I think we've made it clear that we'll not limit any means that we have to protect ourselves if an aggression should come. I think it's a stronger position. Senator, you are only committed to study revision of the United Nations Charter. You think that we ought to eliminate the veto from that charter if it possibly could be done? No, I do not. I know that in the past when the United Nations had been criticized, we usually point to the veto of the Soviet Union and the Security Council. But you know that we wanted the veto and we certainly wouldn't give it up now because with all of the criticism that's being directed against the United Nations as evidence lately of the debate upon the Bricker Amendment, I don't think we'd ever agree to let some other country or group of countries direct our action without our being able to use the veto. Well, Mr. Carpenter, and I remember when you served under other administrations and we regard you as an expert on the UN now, sir. Now, you are pointed to this panel of the eight senators which are studying possible revisions to the charter. Have you made any conclusions at all, any recommendations as to what should be done when this matter comes up before the assembly in 1955? Our committee is made up of six members of the Foreign Relations Committee and then two appointed by the vice president. I haven't have been appointed in Senator Hollande of Florida as it makes the other member. We've had several hearings. Secretary of Dulles, Ambassador Lodge have testified and we are proceeding with the idea that there's not the greatest chance in the world for revision because the Soviets can veto any proposed change. But everyone believes that this discussion and our proposals and the hearings throughout the country can have a valuable effect in correcting in the public mind many of the assumptions about the UN which we think are not correct and which can actually strengthen the UN with the people of the United States. Senator, why do you think the convention on revising the charter should be held? Well, there's some thought that it might go to San Francisco. Do you think it might go out there when they meet? I haven't heard it discussed but I remember that everything that I've heard from the delegates who are at San Francisco has always been good. It may be that they look back upon that time as the rosy and halcyon days of the United Nations when everyone hoped for peace and cooperation. It would be a good place, I think. Senator, Mr. Carpenter and I remember you as a vigorous defender of a bipartisan foreign policy. Do you think there is a bipartisan foreign policy now? Yes, I think so. I think the test is this and the various measures which affect foreign policy and which have come before the Congress has been almost a unanimous consent and votes upon those measures with the exception of the Bricker Amendment and both Republicans and Democrats have joined together in support of those measures. And I think that's the real test. Well, Senator, may I ask you as a final question, do you think there should be changes in the rules of procedure governing the Senate investigating committees? Well, the trouble is today there aren't many rules. I doubt if you can have a very strict code but I think each committee has the responsibility of setting up its own code of procedure. I think the Senate and the House ought to set up some minimum standards but finally it gets back to the conscience of those around the committee and to their own willingness to observe standards. And that depends at last upon the public opinion. Well, thank you very much, Senator Cooper. Privilege to have you here tonight. Well, I've enjoyed being here and discussing in a rather general way these subjects. Good to see you again. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Laun Jean Chronoscope was Larry Lecer and Francis W. Carpenter. Our distinguished guest was the Honorable John Sherman Cooper, Senator from Kentucky. The reputation of Laun Jean watches results not alone from the superior quality of conventional wrist watches for men and women but as well from a complete line of complicated technical timepieces of the very finest quality. 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Laun Jean, the world's most honored watch, the world's most honored gift, premier product of the Laun Jean Wittner Watch Company since 1866, maker of watches of the highest character. We invite you to join us every Monday, Wednesday and Friday evening at this same time for the Laun Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, broadcast on behalf of Laun Jean, the world's most honored watch and Wittner Distinguished Companion to the World Honored Laun Jean. This is Frank Knight reminding you that Laun Jean and Wittner watches are sold and service from coast to coast by more than 4,000 leading jewelers who proudly display this emblem. Agency for Laun Jean Wittner watches. The whole nation this week will be singing happy birthday to the Girl Scouts of America on this 42nd anniversary. Join us as we wish many happy returns to this growing force for freedom.