 We've heard a lot about migration both historically and in the contemporary period and we've also heard a lot about aging populations But what happens when we think about these two issues together? The world's population is aging but in our interconnected and mobile world a lot of people are growing older in places They might not have imagined Individuals families and communities are embedded in networks that span multiple places What we're interested in looking at are the implications of growing older across borders in an inter-globalized world How do older generations and their families construct a meaningful life in these contexts? Until recently aging and migration have been addressed in separate scholarly debates The study of aging for instance is understood as a process that occurs in place While migration studies have tended to focus more on younger generations Our aim is to look at the links between these two processes and to look at the joint Transformations that they have on our societies. We take for example the experiences of older refugees of Diasporas who are aging abroad of people who move to a new place in retirement Or who return to their country of origin and we also look at the stories of people who don't move But whose family members have migrated abroad In all of these migratory contexts, how do people reorganize and think about questions of care health family home and identity Geographically, we are looking at regions of the world that are aging the most rapidly But that have been less addressed in policy and scholarly agendas namely Asia Latin America and parts of Africa in all of these cases. We are looking at how migration shapes the experience of aging And also what a focus on older age tells us about the migration process We are interested in how these larger-scale processes play out in people's everyday lives Specifically, we look at different groups of migrants or people who are affected by migration To see what it really means to be aging in a context of migration This could mean working with a group of migrant workers It could be working with older refugees or people who have been displaced It could also mean speaking to people whose children are far away. And what does that mean for their care? In order to do this, our primary methodology is ethnography or qualitative fieldwork-based research This means that we spend several months immersed in our field sites in conversation with the people and communities that we study We conduct in-depth interviews with them to understand better their biographies their motivations Their emotions and their aspirations and we also do participant observation Which means that we observe the day-to-day activities and routines in our field sites Observing how people live and what they do doesn't always match what they say they do Our fieldwork is also multi-cited Which means we follow and we trace these migration connections across different places Some of the spaces of our fieldwork include cities, villages, spaces of worship, parks, shopping malls, community gatherings and Increasingly digital spaces because that's also where people hang out We complement our ethnographic fieldwork this micro focus on stories and biographies and narratives with a larger scale analysis of archives, of policies, of laws, the things that shape the historical, political and economic context that affect the lives of our research participants. We also look at cultural texts such as songs, films and poetry that depict the themes of our research We have four key findings that relate to diversity, inequality, social policy and Agency. Let's start with diversity. Even if we think about aging as a part of our collective future and as a universal biological experience There's far more diversity in experiences of aging than popular representations might convey. Aging is not just crossing a specific numerical threshold But there are culturally and locally specific expressions of this They are reworked in context of migration and they are also affected by political, social and economic factors Secondly, there are significant Inequalities in aging and that's why it's very important to look at the category of age in conjunction with other social and historical markers of difference, such as race, class and gender People who have experienced structural discrimination and exclusion over the course of their lives are likely to face difficulties in accessing care social services and livelihoods at a later stage of their lives and this can also affect the next generation. The politics of migration here also matters. The extent to which people are able to cross borders, the rights to citizenship It matters in terms of what kinds of social support older people will have When they get to that stage of their lives Some groups with privilege are able to cross borders more freely and purchase particular lifestyles in retirement While some people will still struggle to make ends meet The third key finding has to do with social policy and the ways that social policy In relation to care or health or pensions are not in sync with the realities of transnational living They tend to assume that people stand stay in one place We also find that ideas about welfare and retirement are not shared in all contexts In some cases state-based forms of social protection are being cut back And people are having to rely increasingly on informal Or privatized forms of social support in other cases people work as long as their bodies are still able to They don't follow this institutional definition of retirement age And this is especially relevant in contexts of social and economic insecurity Finally and importantly Our findings reveal how people respond creatively and with agency to these challenges Migration generates new meanings of care of family of home and of aging itself We find that people find creative ways to take care of each other across long distances They use digital technologies increasingly and good care does not rely solely on physical presence Contrary to assumptions that older generations are merely passive or sedentary recipients of care Our findings demonstrate the multiple ways in which they participate actively in household decision-making In politics building new communities and pursuing desires and aspirations of their own Our findings are relevant on three levels conceptually in terms of policy And also in terms of public perception Conceptually the findings are relevant to both the study of aging and of migration In studying migration the lens of aging allows us to think about the passage of time The importance of a life course perspective and the intergenerational impacts of migration We can think about migration as something that changes over time Not a fixed or linear journey that simply goes from A to B and then stops In terms of the study of aging the transnational lens pushes us to think beyond a nation or place-based framing of aging An anthropological perspective here can illuminate what we take for granted or what is assumed and to reveal a far more complex reality The findings are also relevant in terms of social policy if we think about policies relating to care and to health And how a transnational optic can allow us to reimagine these policies In a way that makes them more flexible to the needs of families and communities Whose lives are stretched across multiple places and countries Finally the findings are relevant in terms of shifting public perceptions As we've seen older people are not merely intrinsically frail or passive or unproductive or less valued members of societies As aging, ageist stereotypes might convey Similarly, aging is not an alarmist demographic crisis Nor is it a grand success if we think about the development interventions that have contributed to longer lifespans, but it's something far more ambiguous Similarly representations of migration that we might find in the public sphere Tend to overlook a lot of the nuance What we find is actually multiple generations of migrants whose journeys have fundamentally shaped the contemporary societies that we live in today Until now we have brought anthropological perspectives from different parts of the world Especially those parts of the world less represented in research agendas to understand the meanings of aging and migration What we need to do next is build on this. We need more comparative research looking at perspectives from the ground up so that we can better understand commonalities and differences across different contexts And also so that we can make sure that the experiences of one part of the world Don't automatically come to represent The whole of the world that are not taken as universal. So we need to nuance the more Eurocentric dominant framings of both the study of aging and migration Secondly, we need to further our interdisciplinary conversations so that Anthropologists and geographers and sociologists like us are talking more to gerontologists To demographers to scholars working in social policy and migration policy Only then can we really understand the innovations and also the blind spots in different disciplines And to come to a better understanding of the multifaceted nature of these social issues Finally, we seek to take our conversations beyond the academic sphere Because these are issues that are timely and relevant in terms of how we organize think about give visibility to and represent questions of care Intergenerational relationships and older age in a globalized world here We're looking to work more with visual methods to communicate our research to a wider audience