 Book 4, Chapter 4 of The History of Florence. The History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy Volume 1 by Niccolò Machiavelli Translator Unknown Book 4, Chapter 4 Death of Giovanni de' Medici, his character, Insurrection of Volterra. Volterra returns to her allegiance. Niccolò Fortibraccio attacks the Lucchese. Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese war. War with Lucca, Astore Gianni and Rinaldo Dele Albizzi appointed commissaries. Violence of Astore Gianni. About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end-approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his last advice, and said, I find I have nearly reached the term which God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if you pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in Florence, and in favour with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment as the recollection that I have never willfully offended anyone, but have always used my utmost endeavours to confer benefits upon all. I would have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in security, take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen think proper to bestow. Thus you will escape both danger and envy, for it is not what is given to any individual, but what he has determined to possess that occasions odium. You will thus have a larger share than those who endeavour to engross more than belongs to them, for they thus usually lose their own, and before they lose it live in constant disquiet. By adopting this method, although among so many enemies and surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintained my reputation, but increased my influence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended by the same good fortune. If otherwise you may be assured your end will resemble that of those who in our times have brought ruin both upon themselves and their families. Soon after this interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his many excellences deserved. He was compassionate, not only bestowing arms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the necessities of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He loved all, praised the good, and pitted the infirmities of the wicked. He never sought the honours of government, yet enjoyed them all, and never went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned war, relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity. Never applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the public wealth. He was courteous in office, not a man of great eloquence, but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanour expressed melancholy, but after a short time his conversation became pleasant and facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in good fame and the best wishes of mankind, and the wealth and respect he left behind him were not only preserved, but increased by his son Cosmo. The Volteran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain their liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines. Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the new priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn was one named Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class, and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being inflamed with hatred against the Florentines on account of his public as well as personal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a man of noble family and his colleague in office, to induce the people by the authority of the priors and his own influence to withdraw their country from the power of the Florentines and make himself prince. Prompted by these motives Giusto took arms, rode through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. This circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines, but having just made peace with the Duke and the treaty being yet uninfringed on either side, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place, and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointed Rinaldo Dele Albizzi and Palastrozi, commissaries, and sent them upon the expedition. In the meantime Giusto, who expected the Florentines would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Siena, the latter refused, alleging her alliance with Florence, and Pagolo Ginegi, to regain the favour of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war with the Duke, and by his friendship for Filippo, not only refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to Florence. The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled their cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Valdarno Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although attacked by the Florentines, and abandoned by his neighbours, Giusto did not yield to fear, but trusting to the strength of the city and the ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his defence. They lived at Volterra, one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi, who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidential friends, he assured them that by this event God had come to the relief of their necessities, for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto of the scenery, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might be sure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain all its ancient privileges. Having gained them over, they went to the palace in which Giusto resided, and while part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber above, where, finding him with some citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous to communicate something of importance, and conversing on different subjects led him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with their swords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto from making use of his own weapon, for with it he seriously wounded two of them, but, being unable to resist so many, he was at last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with their forces, immediately took possession. But the condition of Volterra was worse than before, for among other things which operated to her disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside were separated from her, and she was reduced to the rank of a vicariat. Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, present circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion a new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Nicolò Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service of the Florentines during most of their wars with the Duke. Upon the restoration of peace, he was discharged, but when the affair of Volterra took place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, the commissaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. One thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along with him, he persuaded him, under one pretext or another, to attack the Lucchesi, assuring him that if he did so, the Florentines would consent to undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to the command. When Volterra was recovered, and Nicolò returned to his quarters at Fucecchio, he either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or of his own accord, in November 1429. Took possession of Ruoti and Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchesi, with 300 cavalry and as many infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered the inhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion having reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in parties throughout the city, discussing the matter, and nearly all were in favour of an expedition against Lucca. Of the grandees, thus disposed, were the Medici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his own ambition, and the expectation of being appointed to the command. Nicolò da Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war. It seems hardly credible that such contrary opinions should prevail, though at different times, in the same men and the same city, upon the subject of war, for the same citizens and people that, during the ten years of peace, had incessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke Filippo in defence of liberty. Now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmost energy insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if successful, would deprive that city of her liberty, while those who had been in favour of a war with the Duke were opposed to the present. So much more ready are the multitude to covet the possessions of others than to preserve their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hope of acquisition than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incredible till they are verified, and the pleasing anticipations of the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages are very problematical, or at best remote. The people of France were inspired with hope by the acquisitions which Nicolò Fortibraccio had made, and by letters received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca, for their deputies at Vico and Pescia had written that if permission were given to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the whole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, be added that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence to complain of the attack made by Nicolò, and to entreat that the scenery would not make war against a neighbour, and a city that had always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Giacoppo Viviani, who, a short time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolò Gignigi, governor of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although he had been found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolò thought the forgiveness mutual, he reposed confidence in him. Giacoppo, more mindful of the danger he had incurred than of the lenity exercised towards him, on his arrival in Florence, secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities, and these instigations, added to other hopes, induced the scenery to call the council together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom the principal men of the city discussed the question. Among the first to address the assembly in favour of the expedition was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from the acquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open to them by the Venetians and the Duke, and that, as the Pope was engaged in the affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon the facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage to one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor and former anxiety for the preservation of her liberty, and would either be surrendered to them by the people, in order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant for fear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries done to the Republic by the governor of Lucca, his malevolent disposition toward them, and their embarrassing situation with regard to him, if the Pope or the Duke were to make war upon them, and concluded that no enterprise was ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfect facility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its favour. In a reply to this, Nicolò da Uttano stated that the city of Florence never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more pregnant with evil than this. In the first place they were going to attack a gelfic city that had always been friendly to the Florentine people, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the gelfs into her bosom when they were expelled from their own country. That in the history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, of her having done an injury to the Florentines, and that if they had been injured by her enslavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and now by the present governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant. That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the people, he should have less scruple, but as this was impossible, he could not consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence should be plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to pay little or no regard, either to equity or injustice, he would consider the matter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He thought that what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences might be esteemed useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise should be called advantageous, in which the evils were certain, and the utility doubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would be attended, and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarm even a people that had long been in repose, much more one wearied as they were by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might be gained was the acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great, but the hazards were so enormous and immeasurable as, in his opinion, to render the conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to believe that the Venetians or Philippo would willingly allow them to make the acquisition, for the former only consented in appearance, in order to avoid the semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with Florentine money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as regarded the Duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new wars and expenses. For being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might again assail them, and that if, after having undertaken it, their enterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them the fullest hope of victory, the Duke would not want an opportunity of frustrating their labours, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops, and then sending them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He therefore advised that they should give up the idea, and behave towards the tyrant, in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible, for there was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under the tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him. For, if prudently managed, that city would soon get into such a condition, that he could not retain it, and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall into their power. But he saw that his discourse did not please them, and that his words were unheeded. He would, however, predict this to them, that they were about to commence a war in which they would expend vast sums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of Lucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and hostile, and that in time she would become an obstacle to the greatness of their own republic. The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote as usual, and of the citizens present, only ninety-eight were against the enterprise. Thus determined in favour of war, they appointed a council of ten for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Estore Gianni and Rinaldo Dele Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and Niccolò Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines the places he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as their captain. The commissaries, having arrived with the army in the country of the Lucchese, divided their forces, one part of which, under Estore, extended itself along the plain, towards Camariore and Pietra Santa, while Rinaldo, with the other division, took the direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens found themselves deprived of the surrounding country, they would easily submit. The proceedings of the commissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy many places, but from the complaints made against them of mismanaging the operations of the war, and Estore Gianni had certainly given very sufficient cause for the charges against him. There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietra Santa called Ceravezza, whose inhabitants on learning the arrival of the commissary presented themselves before him, and begged he would receive them as faithful subjects of the Florentine Republic. Estore pretended to accept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to take possession of all the passes and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men in the principal church, took them all prisoners, and then caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole country with the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction in favour of consecrated places, and violating the women, both married and single. These things being known in Florence displeased not only the magistracy, but the whole city. And of Chapter 4, Book 4, Chapter 5 of The History of Florence. This is a Librivox recording. All Librivox recordings are in the public domain. For further information or to volunteer, please visit Librivox.org. The History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy, Volume 1 by Niccolò Machiavelli. Translator Unknown. Book 4, Chapter 5. The inhabitants of Ceravezza appealed to the scenery. Complaints against Rinaldo del I albici. The commissaries changed. Filippo Brunelleschi proposes to submerge the country about Luca. Pagolo Ginegi asks assistance of the Duke of Milan. The Duke sends Francesco Svotza. Pagolo Ginegi expelled. The Florentines routed by the forces of the Duke. The acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory. Conclusion of the War A few of the inhabitants of the Valley of Ceravezza, having escaped the hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted everyone in the streets with their miserable situation, and by the advice of those who, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being of the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to the Council of Ten and requested an audience. This being granted, one of them spoke to the following effect. We feel assured, magnificent lords, that we shall find credit and compassion from the scenery, when you learn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and in what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your ancient houses abundantly testify, was always gulfic, and has often proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted by the gibbalines. Our forefathers and ourselves too have always revered the name of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party. While the Lucchese were gulfs, we willingly submitted to their government, but when enslaved by the tyrant who forsook his old friends to join the gibbaline faction, we have obeyed him more through force than good will, and God knows how often we have prayed that we might have an opportunity of showing our attachment to our ancient party, but how blind a man kind in their wishes. That which we desired for our safety has proved our destruction. As soon as we learnt that your ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient laws, placed our valley, our persons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to his good faith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us, for unable to support his cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing of the man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name. A more deadly pest, a more savage beast, a more horrid monster, never was imagined in the human mind, for, having assembled us in our church, under pretence of wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burnt and destroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged every place, destroyed everything, violated the women, dishonoured the virgins, and dragging them from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the brutality of his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people we merited such treatment, or if he had vanquished us, armed in our defence, we should have less reason for complaint. We should have accused ourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogance had deservedly brought the calamity upon us. But after having freely presented ourselves to him, unarmed, to be robbed, and plundered with such unfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we might have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, and spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we did not wish to slander so just and pious a Republic, with the baseness and perfidy of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known them before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavoured to satiate, though indeed they are insatiable. And with one half of our property have saved the rest. But the opportunity is past. We are compelled to have recourse to you, and beg that you will succour the distresses of your subjects, that others may not be deterred by our example, from submitting themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distress cannot prevail with you to assist us, be induced by your fear of the wrath of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burnt, and his people betrayed in his bosom. Having said this, they threw themselves on the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and their country might be restored to them, and that if the scenery could not give them back their honour, they would at least restore husbands to their wives and children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affair having already been made known, and now by the living words of the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of the magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astore, who, being tried, was found guilty and admonished. They sought the goods of the inhabitants of Seravezza, all that could be recovered was restored to them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were compensated for the rest. Complaints were made against Rinaldo de l'Albici, that he carried on the war not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own private emolument, that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost all desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder the country, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with booty, and not content with what his own satellites took. He purchased that of the soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he became a merchant. These calamities coming to his ears disturbed the temper of this proud but upright man, more than quite became his dignity. He was so exasperated against the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to Florence, and presenting himself before the Council of Ten, he said that he well knew how difficult and dangerous a thing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided city, for the one listens to every report, the other pursues improper measures, they neglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appears doubtful, so that victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and if vanquished universal condemnation is incurred, from one's own party through envy, and from enemies through hatred, persecution results. He confessed that the baseness of the present calamities had conquered his patience and changed the temper of his mind, but he would say he had never, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what appeared to him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrate's word in future be more ready to defend their fellow citizens, so that the latter might continue anxious to affect the prosperity of their country, that as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they ought at least to be protected from calamity, and that being citizens themselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations, they might easily conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed with slander. The ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit, to soothe the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of the expedition to Neri Digino and Alemano Salviati, who, instead of overrunning the country, advanced near Toluca. As the weather had become extremely cold, the forces established themselves at Campanole, which seemed to the commissary's waste of time, and wishing to draw nearer the place, the soldier he refused to comply, although the ten had insisted they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not hear of any excuse. At that time, they lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect, named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, and whose merit was so extraordinary that after his death his statue in Marble was erected in the principal church, with an inscription underneath which still bears testimony to those who read it of his great talents. This man pointed out that in consequence of the relative positions of the river Cericchio and the city of Lucca, the wastes of the river might be made to inundate the surrounding country, and place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable, that the ten were induced to make the experiment. The result, however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and produced the utmost disorder in the Florentine camp, for the Lucchese raised high embankments in the direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of the Cerchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself, so that, having first prevented the water from taking the course designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the plain, and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as they wished, to take a more remote position. The design having failed, the council of ten, who had been re-elected, sent as commissary Giovanni Ghiciardini, who encamped before Lucca with all possible expedition. Pagolo Gignigi, finding himself thus closely pressed by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative of the Sienese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, to request assistance from the Duke, but finding him indisposed to comply, they secretly engaged on the part of the people, to deliver their governor up to him, and give him possession of the place, at the same time intimating that if he did not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxious to obtain it. The Duke was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting aside all other considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in his service, to make a public request for permission to go to Naples, and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the Count Boccacino Allamani, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrival of the Count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to Libra Fatta, and the Count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diaceto was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any better motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended by Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was entrusted, it would have been lost. The Count, failing in his attempt, went to Borgo Abudiano, which he took, and burnt the castle of Stiliano, in the same neighbourhood. The Florentines, being informed of these disasters, found that they must have recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is insufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the Count a large sum of money, on condition that he should quit the city and give it up to them. The Count, finding that no more money was to be had from Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreed with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he could not consent to, but to withdraw his troops and abandon it, on condition of receiving fifty thousand ducats. And having made this agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the Duke, he consented that they should expel their tyrant. Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Sienese Ambassador at Lucca, and with the authority of the Count, he contrived the ruin of Pagolo Ginegi. The heads of the conspiracy were Piero Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano. The Count resided upon the Circhio, at a short distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilayo, the son of Pagolo. The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in search of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came towards them quite astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit. To which Piero Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but were resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, but the keys and himself were in their power. He only begged that as his command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo and his son to the Duke, and they afterward died in prison. The departure of the Count, having delivered Lucca from her tyrant and the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared for her defence, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the Count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese so closely that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of the Duke, who dispatched Niccolò Piccinino under the same pretense as he previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Cerchio a battle ensued, in which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as the Enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation of the great body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault with, and therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the management of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They were, however, more severe against Giovanni Ghiciardini than any other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed with money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had been entrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered. These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that the captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed by the party opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. However, his friends, from regard to their own character, adopted such a course with the Capitano, as induced him to abandon the inquiry. After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that had belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa, except Beintina, Cauchinagia, Livorno and Librafatta, and had not a conspiracy been discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed Michelletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The Duke, on the other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a greater power against the Florentines. Induced the Genovese, the Cienese, and the Governor of Pionbino, to enter into a league for the defense of Lucca, and to engage Niccolò Piccinino to conduct their forces. Having by this step declared his design, the Venetians and the Florentines renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought with variety of fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to terms for the cessation of hostilities, in May 1433. By this arrangement the Florentines, Lucchese and Cienese, who had each occupied many fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each party resumed its original possessions. CHAPTER V CHAPTER VI DURING THE WAR the malignant humours of the city were in constant activity. Cosmo de Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that those who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likely to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo was one of the most prudent of men, of grave and courteous demeanour, extremely liberal and humane. He never attempted anything against parties or against rulers, but was bountiful to all, and by the enviroment generosity of his disposition made himself partisans of all ranks of the citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties of those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected and as secure as any other citizen, or is the ambition of his adversaries compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favour of his friends when they enable him to become more so. Averardo de Medici and Puccio Puccio were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his power. The former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence and sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed, the advice of wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed that Cosmo's party was rather distinguished by the name of Puccio than by his own. By this divided city the enterprise against Luca was undertaken, and the bitterness of party spirit instead of being abated increased. Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favour of it, many of the adverse factions were sent to assist in the management as being men of greater influence in the state. Averardo de Medici and the rest being unable to prevences endeavored with all their might to Calumni and them, and when any unfavourable circumstance accured, and there were many, fortune and exertions of the enemy were never supposed to be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. This disposition aggravated the offences of Astor Rajani. This excited the indignation of Rinaldo de Glee Albizzi, and made him resign his commission without leave. This too compelled the captain of the people to require the appearance of Giovanni Guicardini, and form this a rose all the other charges which were made against the magistrates and the commissaries. Real evils were magnified, and real ones feigned, and the true and the false were equally believed by the people, who were almost universally their foes. All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly known to Niccolò de Uzzano and the other leaders of the party, and they had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, but without effect, though they were aware of the danger of allowing them to increase, and the great difficulties that would attend any attempt to remove or abate them. Niccolò de Uzzano was the earliest to take offense, and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubles within, Niccolò Barbadoro desired of inducing him to consent to the ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house, and finding him alone in his study and very pencil, endeavored, with the best reason he could advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolò de Uzzano replied as follows, It would be better for thee and thy house, as well as for our republic, if zoo and those who follow thee, in this opinion, had birds of silver instead of gold, as is said of thee, for advice proceeding from the horny head of long experience would be wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to me that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party that of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians. If the fact corresponded with the name, the victory would still be most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyed by the plebeians, or rather to impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however, still further cause for apprehension from the division of our party and the union of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri de Gino and Nerone de Nighi, two of our principal citizens, have never so fully declared their sentiments, as to enable us to determine whether they are most our friends, or those of our opponents. There are many families, even many houses, divided. Many are opposed to us through envy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection, two or three of the most important. You may think of the others at your leisure. Of the sons of Masso de Gli Alpizzi, Loka, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown himself into their hands. In the house of Cicardini, of the sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni, and it favours our adversaries. Tomasso and Niccolò Soderini openly oppose our soon account of their hatred, of their uncle Francesco, so that if we consider well what we are and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called noble any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better. For were it to come, either to arms or to votes, we should not be able to resist them. Through it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the former reputation of the government, which has now continued fifty years ago. And whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our weakness, we shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment our influence, and diminish theirs, I answer, that this justice requires to be perceived and believed by others, as well as by ourselves. But this is not the case. For the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion, that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although we entertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have it not, but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the public, and not to Florentines only, but to the condo theory, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any citizen who requires magistral aid, and by the universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another to higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling him, would be to say, that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, or condemns men, for being pious, liberal, or benevolent? And though they are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be so esteemed. For our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial, and having always lived in faction corrupt, cannot lend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in an attempt to expel him, which might easily happen under a favorable scenery, how could we, being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in the city, prevent his return? It would be impossible, for they being so numerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we should never be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had driven him out a good man, and he had returned to us a bad one. For his nature would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his wealth and the corruption of your minds will always save him. But let us suppose him put to death, or that being banished he did not return. I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated. For if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens aserping the sovereignty. But if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us from Rinaldo. I praise thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a course on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few, you would be able to oppose the will of the many. For the citizens, some from ignorance and others from malice, are ready to self the republic at any time, and fortune has so much favoured them that they have found a purchaser. Take my advice then, endeavour to live moderately, and with regard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in our party, as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side, you will be agreeable to both, and you will just provide for your own comfort, and do no injury to any. These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that tranquillity prevailed during the war with Loca. But this being ended, and Nicoloda Ozzano dead, the city being at peace and under no restraint, and healthy humours increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreated and urged every citizen, whom he thought lightly to be gonfalioneer, to take up arms and deliver the country from him, who, from the malevolence of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably reducing it to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of each party composing it were made publicly known, and upon drawing for the scenery the whole city was aroused. Every case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made a subject of contention among them. Secrets were divulged, good and evil alike became objects of favour and opposition, the benevolent and the wicked were alike assailed, and no magistrate fulfilled the duties of his office with integrity. In this state of confusion Rinaldo anxious to abate the power of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become gonfalioneer, paid his arrears of taxes, that he might not, by being indebted to the public, be incapacitated for holding the office. The drawing soon after took place, unfortunately opposed to our welfare, caused Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and October. Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the party of the nobility, and all who wished for repose, rejoiced to find he had attained that dignity, that it now rested with him to act in such as manner, as to realise their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged upon the danger of this union, and endeavoured to show that there was no means of attaining the blessing of unity, but by the destruction of Cosmo, for he alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, kept them depressed, that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered he would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good citizen, in order to prevent such calamity, to assemble the people in the piazza, and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new confolionier how Salvestro de Medici was able, though unjustly, to restrain the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their ancestors shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged, and argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against so many might surely be easily performed with justice in its favour against one. He encouraged him with the assurance that their friends would be ready in arms to support him, that he need not regard the plebeians who adored Cosmo, since their assistance would be of no greater avail than Giorgio Scully had found it on a similar occasion, and that with regard to his wealth no apprehension was necessary, for when he was under the power of the scenery his riches would be so too. In conclusion he averred that this course would unite and secure the Republic, and crown the confolionier with glory. Bernardo briefly replied that he thought it necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the time was suitable for action he should provide himself with forces, being assured, from what Rinaldo had said he would be supported by his colleagues. Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers, and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though many friends dissuaded him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his own innocence than to the mercy of the scenery. As soon as he had entered the palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men, and accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to the piazza, when the scenery assembled the people, and created a ballye of two hundred persons for the reformation of the city. With the least possible delay they entered upon the consideration of reform and of the life or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished, others to be put to death, and several were silent, either from compassion toward him, or for fear of the rest, so that this difference prevented them from coming to any conclusion. There is an apartment in the tower of the palace, which occupies the whole of one floor, and is called the Albert Cetino, in which Cosmo was confined, under the charge of Rederigo Malovalti. In this place, hearing the assembly of the consuls, the noise of arms which proceeded from the piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the ballye, he was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more or less his private enemies should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner. He scarcely took any food, so that in four days he ate only a small quantity of bread, Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, Cosmo, you are afraid of being poisoned and are evidently hastening your end with hunger. You have wronged me if you think I would be a party to such an atrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in much danger, since you have so many friends, both within the palace and without. But if you should eventually lose it, be assured that I will use some other medium than myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue my hands in the blood of any, still less in yours, who never injured me. Therefore cheer up, take some food, and preserve your life for your friends and your country, and that you may do so with greater assurance, I will partake of your meals with you. These words were of great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thanking him for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising, if ever his opportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful. End of Book 4, Chapter 6 History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy. Volume 1, by Niccolò Machiavelli, translator and known. Book 4, Chapter 6 Rinaldo takes arms against the scenery. His designs are disconcerted. Pope Eugenius in Florence. Key endeavors to reconcile the parties. Cosmo is recalled. Rinaldo and his party banished. Glorious return of Cosmo. Cosmo, in some degree, recovered his spirits, and while the citizens were disputing about him, Federigo, by way of recreation, brought an acquaintance of the confolioneer to take supper with him, an amusing and facetious person, whose name was Ilfar Nagatcio. The repast being nearly over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to advantage, for he knew the man very intimately, gave a sign to Federigo to leave the apartment, and he, guessing the cause, and their pretence of going for something that was wanted on the table, left them together. Cosmo, after a few friendly expressions addressed to Ilfar Nagatcio, gave him a small slip of paper, and desired him to go to the director of the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova for one thousand one hundred dukets. He was to take the hundred for himself, and carry the thousand to the confolioneer, and beg that he would take some suitable occasion of coming to see him. For Nagatcio undertooks a commission, the money was paid, Bernardo became more humane, and Cosmo was banished to Padua, contrary to the wish of Rinaldo, who earnestly desired his death. Averardo and many others of the house of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio and Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied with the banishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the power of Abalia, the aid of war, and the capitano of the people. After this sentence, Cosmo on the 3rd of October, 1433, came before the scenery by whom the boundary to which he was restricted was specified, and they advised him to avoid passing it, unless he wished them to proceed with greater severity, both against himself and his property. Cosmo received his sentence with a cheerful look, assuring the scenery that wherever they determined to send him he would willingly remain. He earnestly begged that as they had preserved his life they would protect it, for he knew there were many in the piazza who were desirous to take it, and assured them that wherever he might be, himself and his means were entirely at the service of the city, the people and the scenery. He was respectfully attended by the gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, then conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him to be escorted by a strong armed force to his place of banishment. Wherever the cavalcade passed, Cosmo was honourably received, and was publicly visited by the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to one in the highest station. Florence, widowed of the greatest citizen, one so generally beloved, seemed to be universally sunk in despondency. Victors and the vanguished were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if inspired with the presage of his future calamities, in order not to appear deficient to himself or his party, assembled many citizens his friends, and informed them that he foresaw their approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be overcome by the prayers, the tears and the money of their enemies, and that they did not seem aware they would soon themselves have to entreat and weep, when their prayers would not be listened to or their tears excite compassion. And that of the money received they would have to restore the principal and pay the interest in tortures, exile and death, that it would have been much better for them to have done nothing than to have left Cosmo alive and his friends in Florence. For great offenders ought either to remain untouched or be destroyed, that there was no no remedy but to strengthen themselves in the city, so that upon the renewed attempts of their enemies, which would soon take place, they might drive them out with arms, since they had not sufficient civil authority to expel them. The remedy to be adopted, he said, was one that he had long before advocated, which was to regain the friendship of the grandees, restoring and conceding to them, all the owners of the city, and thus make themselves strong with that party, since the adversaries had joined the plebeians, that by this means they would become the more powerful side, for they would possess greater energy, more comprehensive talent, and an augmented share of influence, and that if this last and only remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means could be made use of to preserve the government among so many enemies, or prevent their own ruin and that of the city. Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to this plan, on account of the pride and insupportable nature of the nobility, and said that it would be fully to place themselves again under such inevitable tyranny, for the sake of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians. Rinaldo, finding his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his own misfortune, and that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven itself, which had resolved upon it, rather than to human ignorance and blunders. In this juncture of affairs, no remedial measure being attempted, a letter was found written by Agnolo Azzia Jolie to Cosmo, acquainting him with disposition of the city in his favor, and advising him, if possible, to excite a war and gain a friendship of Neri de Gino. For he imagined the city to be in want of money, and that she would not find anyone to serve her, the remembrance of him would be revived in the minds of the citizens, and they would desire his return, and that if Neri were detached from Rinaldo, the party of the letter would be so weakened as to be unable to defend themselves. This letter coming to the hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the torture, and sent into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter Cosmo's party. It was now almost a year, since Cosmo had been banished, and the end of August, 1434, being come, Nicolo de Goccio was drawn gonfalonier for the two succeeding months, and with him eight seniors, all partisans of Cosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party, and as it is usual for three days to elapse, before the new scenery assumes a magistracy, and the old resigned their authority. Rinaldo again called together the heads of his party. He endeavored to show them there are certain and immediate danger, and that their only remedy was to take arms, and cause Donato Veluti, who was yet gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the piazza and create a balia. He would then deprive the new scenery of the magistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting purses, and by means of a new squitini provide themselves with friends. Many saw this course safe and requisite, others that it was too violent and likely to be attended with great evil. Among those who disliked it was Paola Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle and humane person, better adapted for literary pursuits than for restraining a party or opposing civil strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising at their commencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, and generally pernicious at their conclusion. That he sought the fear of external wars, the Duke's forces being upon the confines of Romania, but occupy the minds of the scenery more than internal dispensations. But still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take place unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt whatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, which being done upon necessity would occasion less excitement among the people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded that the new scenery should come in, that their proceedings should be watched, and if they were found attempting anything against the party, each should take arms, and meet in the piazza of San Polinari, situated near the palace, and whence they might proceed wherever it was found necessary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated. The new scenery entered upon their office, and the gonfalonier, in order to acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him, sent Donatova Lutti, his predecessor to prison, upon the charge of having applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored to sound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo. Seeing them desirous of his return, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and, by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo Decli Albitzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Nicolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo thought further delay would be dangerous. He therefore left his house with a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi and Nicolo Barbadoro. The force accompanying them was composed of several citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers, then in Florence, and all assembled according to appointment in the piazza of San Polinari. Paola Strozzi and Giovanni Giordani, though each had assembled a large number of men, kept in their houses, and therefore Rinaldo sent a messenger to request their attendance and to reprove their delay. Giovanni replied that he should lend sufficient aid against their enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent his brother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After many messages Paola came to San Polinari on horseback, accompanied by two of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo on meeting him sharply reproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come with the others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage, both of which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve such a character as he had hitherto possessed, and that if he thought this abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies when victorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself. But for himself, Rinaldo, whatever might happen, he had the consolation of knowing that previously to the crisis he had never neglected his duty in council, and that when it procured he had used every possible exertion to repel it with arms. But that Paola and the others would experience aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three occasions betrayed their country, first when they saved Cosmo, next when they disregarded his advice, and now the third time by not coming armed in her defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Paola made no reply audible to those around, but muttering something as he left them returned to his house. The scenery, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, finding themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having no one to consult they knew not what curse to adopt. However, Rinaldo by delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation of forces which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave them courage to provide for their defense, and allowed many others to join them, who advised that means should be used to induce their adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon some of the least suspected went on the part of the scenery to Rinaldo, and said they did not know what occasion they had given his friends, for thus assembling in arms, that they never had any intention of offending him, and if they had spoken of Cosmo they had no design of recalling him, so if their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be dispelled, for that if they came to the palace they would be graciously received, and all their complaints attended to. These words produced no change in Rinaldo's purpose, he bade them provide for their safety by resigning their offices, and said that then the government of the city would be reorganized for the mutual benefit of all. It rarely happens where authorities are equal and opinions contrary that any good resolution is adopted. Rodolfo Peruzzi, moved by this discourse of the citizens, said that all he desired was to prevent the return of Cosmo, and this being granted to them seemed a sufficient victory. Nor would he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood. He would therefore obey the scenery, and accordingly went with his people to the palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. Thus Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palas Vant of Carriage, and Rodolfo's desertion deprived their party of all chance of success, while the ardor of the citizens abated, and the Pope's authority did not contribute to its revival. Pope Origenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from Rome by the people. Since disturbance is coming to his knowledge, he sought it a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sent the Patriarch Giovanni Viteleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to entreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted he had sufficient influence with the scenery, to ensure his safety and satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his friend's persuasion Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers to Santa Maria Nova, where the Pope resided. Origenius gave him to understand that the scenery had empowered him to settle the differences between them, and that all would be arranged to his satisfaction if he laid down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palas Vant of Zeal and the fickleness of Rodolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to him, placed himself in the Pope's hands, thinking that at all events the authority of his Holiness would ensure his safety. Origenius then sent word to Niccolò Barbadoro and the rest who remained without, that they were to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the Pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the Senors, upon which they immediately dispersed and laid aside their weapons. This scenery, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiate an arrangement by means of the Pope, but at the same time sent secretly to the mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what other forces they could collect, were brought into Florence by night. Having taken possession of all the strong positions in the city, they assembled the people in the piazza and created a new balia, which without delay restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him to their country, and banished of the opposite party. So many other citizens, that there were few places in Italy which did not contain some, and many others beyond her limits were full of them. By this and similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of force and of much wealth and industry. The Pope, seeing such misfortunes before those, who by his entreaties were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, and called doled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through his confidence in him, but advised him to be patient, and hoped for some favorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo replied, The want of confidence in those who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed in you have ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself principally for having thought that you, who were expelled from your own country, could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient experience of the freaks of fortune, and as I have never trusted greatly to prosperity, I shall suffer less inconvenience from adversity, and I know that when she pleases she can become more favorable. But if she should never change, I shall not be very desirous of living in a city in which individuals are more powerful than the laws, for that country alone is desirable, in which property and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they may easily be taken from us, and where friends, from fear of losing their property, are compelled to abandon each other in their greatest need. Besides, it has always been less painful to good men to hear of the misfortunes of their country than to witness them, and an honorable exile is always held in greater esteem than slavery at home. He then left the Pope, and full of indignation, blaming himself, his own measures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile. Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned to Florence, and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming home triumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of people, or such unqualified demonstrations of regard, as he was upon his return from banishment, for by universal consent he was hailed as the benefactor of the people, and the father of his country. Known.