 This farmer's movement has been really historic and unprecedented. Not only so far as India is concerned but probably also in the world in recent times. What I feel is that there are certain very important characteristics which really make it unique. Number one, 500 and more Kisan organizations came together, formed the Sayyukta Kisan Morcha and have been leading this struggle unitedly for more than a year. I think this is an unprecedented thing in India that we know because there have been united struggles etc. But such a huge struggle and 500 organizations coming together, that is number one. Secondly, the important thing is the central trade unions, all the industrial federations etc. Right from day one, they have been supporting this farmer's struggle totally. So that whole worker peasant unity concept that has actually been come into action. In fact, as you know, the struggle itself began with a united worker peasant action. 26th of November, farmers marched to Delhi, braving all the other repression and all that. But the same day was the All India strike by the working class of India. Same day, 26th of November and therefore they all came together. The struggle started unitedly. This agitation has combated repression like very few agitations have done in recent years. As I said, you know, the whole, the way the thing began on the 26th November, the kind of tear gas shells, the water cannons, the arrests, all these things that happened. And finally, of course, the Lakhimpur Kiri incident, where straight four farmers were just mowed down by the cars of the union minister of state for home. I think such a thing has never happened. But it has, in spite of all the repression, not only here, Haryana, UP, so many places. I mean, there are so many examples, there is no time to dwell on that. But they have stood their ground in spite of that. This is, without doubt in my mind, the largest peaceful democratic protest that has occurred in the world in several years, and easily the greatest that has been organized and taken place in the midst of an unprecedented pandemic. Not even, let's say in the pre-pandemic period, not even the Occupy Wall Street movement achieved this momentum and it certainly did not achieve its success in a come down by a government. It was physically finally dispersed. So I'm saying that you find me the movements, democratic movements or protest movements in the last several years in this world that have shown the resilience, willpower and democratic behavior that this movement has. That makes it unique. The second thing is that within the country, in my lifetime, I have not seen such a movement. With that kind of resonance everywhere. Collective leadership, that is a unique thing. Like Guru Gobind Singh had given a message that when you decide together, you will reach the right decision. So this is very unique in the rest of the movement. Where you have individualization. The individual leader is built, the British have also built the individual leader. And then you can manage with it. So there was a collective in this. The second thing was that the part of the women was very beautiful. Because in our Haryana, the women used to do all the farming, but it was not visible anywhere. And when I went there many times, they told me that they would do the farming work. You do something else. So that is the second unique thing. The third thing is that it has made it very man-thin. That it is a way of thinking that it was created. The reality of it, it took them time to understand the reason. First it started with corporates. Now the women also found out that demonetization was their job to steal their savings. Because they took it really. But how long did they correlate it? So this movement called it a very big cultural flood. And like it has also changed the cultural. The young people who we considered non-serious, they took the responsibility. If we go to those families who have been martyred, they are proud. They are not disappointed. That if the father dies, the child says, I will also do this work. So this is going to bring a new spirit and reality. The land surveys that have been conducted by the government very few years ago have come to the conclusion that 86% of the farmers in India are either marginal or small farmers. A marginal farmer is defined as one with less than one hectare of land. A small farmer is defined as one with less than two hectares of land. As we know one hectare means 2.5 acres. So therefore less than 5 acres, you have 86% of the farming population. Secondly, many surveys have been done of the actual people who are there in the Delhi borders. Another survey has been done of these 700 odd farmers who have died in this agitation as martyrs. Both these surveys have shown very clearly that a very large majority, both of the farmers who died and the farmers who are actually taking part in the struggle right here at the Delhi borders, more than 80% of them are from the marginal and the small farmers category. Some have a little bit more that is middle farmers, but there are very few among the rich farmers who are actually sitting on the roads. The same situation is there all over India where they are actually taking part. So that also holds true for that. One of the very interesting and unnoticed things that happened, you know, while the media vilify this movement as Punjabis and Hariyanis, Hariyanis and rich farmers, one of the things that many people did not notice was that the elections, when the elections to Tamil Nadu, Bengal, Kerala took place, it surprised me that only one polling agency, the app research agency in Tamil Nadu actually asked a question about the farmers agitation. It offended me that the others did not do it, because you took it for granted that it's all Punjab and Hariyana. They asked people of Tamil Nadu, not just farmers, they asked the people of Tamil Nadu the question, what is your attitude to the farmers sitting at the gates of Delhi? 82% of respondents declared total solidarity. My take, if you'd asked that question in Kerala, you'd have got 100%. In Andhra, you'd have got 90%, 95%. In Karnataka, you'd have got 90, 95% as well. It shows that this movement, one inspired farmers and non-farmers alike and captured the imagination of people standing up against a behamoth, taking a beating, 700 people dying in the process, but unflinching and resolute. It was very narrative-making. But the reality is that the village workers, farmers, everyone came, all kinds of people came. And the families of the families are here. One thing is that if they were rich, they would have stayed in the hotel. They wouldn't have spent a year on the side of the road. So the first thing is that they tried to make this narrative. Even now, people are trying to say that the farmers have come. They are trying to say that they themselves are doing it, but they won't. But this whole movement has declared all these things. They have said that these things are not true. People are seriously dealing with the crisis. The village is an agrarian crisis. It's not just about farmers. People in the village thought that because 60% of the people in the village are farmers. But along with that, they became a part of it. And if you look over there, there are not a million rich people. You saw the Vidhan Sabha elections, assembly elections a few months ago. The scheme had given a call that defeat BJP. Whoever you elect is your business, but defeat the BJP. Three out of four states, the people defeated the BJP. I'm not saying that the scheme should get all the credit. It is the people over there. It is the forces over there who also made a very big attempt. Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, the BJP was roundly defeated. It was defeated also in the local body elections in Uttar Pradesh, Panchayat elections and the municipal elections in Punjab. Just this year, little bit earlier this year. And now in the bi-elections in Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan. So therefore it was very clear that this is now creating a political impact. And that is what frightened the powers that be. The last point, the last important point is this. That this is the agitation which has squarely attacked the whole nexus of corporate communalism. Represented by the Modi Shah, BJP, RSS government on the one hand. And its closest ally in India, the corporate lobby led by the Ambani's Adhanis and the other domestic and foreign corporates on the other. So this has taken them on directly. You see, there has been a lot of talk about all this. And in that sense, it has attacked the pro-corporate policies of this government. And it has also attacked in a way. All the demands, if you see, repeal the farm laws, MSP, electricity bill withdrawal. Actually, these are all demands which are directed against the neoliberal policies of the government. Your media, they told you nothing about the bi-elections to 29 state assembly seats and three parliamentary seats, looks of our seats. If you look at the results of those elections, as I think Mr. Modi and Shah did, they understood, Mr. Modi understood much better the signal of those elections than the media had the gubsan or the courage to state. You look at the times of India's editorials, Indian Express editorials. Elections are often won by ruling parties, etc., etc. Conspicuously avoiding a mention of two factors. One, the Kisanandolan, the farmer's agitation. Two, COVID mismanagement, which was appalling in UP and which people feel very strongly about, which returning migrants are really upset about. And the COVID mismanagement and these were not a factor in the analysis of the big press and the big media. However, you look at it, those states where the Kisanandolan was vigorous, states like Rajasthan, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, there the results were extremely adverse for the BJP. The ruling party in Himachal is the BJP itself. If the analysis of the media were correct, it should have swept those seats. But even though the Supreme Court state the implementation of the laws, their impact was already seen at the Mondays when the Adani groups, the business standard reported that the Adani groups offer of prices for the prime variety of apple was some 18% below the previous year's price, which was a pandemic year, a distress price, right? And of course the farmers resisted vigorously and it was sorted out. But it meant you were starting at such a low price offer. So they were wiped out in Himachal where they are the ruling party. Then in Rajasthan, you've been in journalism for 40 odd years. You know that no Sangh Parivaar formation, whether Janasangh or the Janta Party faction of Janta Murarji nor the BJP when did you last see them come third and fourth in constituencies in Rajasthan? In Haryana, Abhay Chautala stepped down, resigned on the ground of moral grounds of farmers agitation. The opposition should have united behind him because all of them claimed to be for the instead of which the Congress party put up a candidate who lost his deposit, a senior candidate, he lost his deposit but he took 20-25,000 votes away from Abhay Chautala. From the CM to the DM as people who were involved in the campaign tells me, everybody was out campaigning for the BJP candidate. The entire cabinet of Haryana and many from Delhi Union cabinet were there to support him. Still Chautala won by over 6,000 votes. I think, my belief is that they understood the signals that the farmers agitation is very vigorous, it's going to affect this and they are really bothered only about two things. One is the UP election. They know that they are annihilated in Punjab, whatever they say. And the 2024, which their own leaders like Satpal Malik were telling them, where their own leaders like Satpal Malik were telling them, will get wiped out. And if this continues till 2024, we are going to be in really big trouble. I say that Tupasya knows that you don't want to sell Ram Nam's garlands. And the garlands of Ram Nam, the OECD has given them an agenda in 2018, that you can export the food and earn money. I think that is Tupasya's garlands. Tupasya is what these people have done. They have been stuck in every trouble. And the second thing I think is that as much as COVID, when we used to come here, COVID would end here. So Malik, what they have proved in that too, that if you eat good Khuraag, you will be saved from the disease. So these narrations they have built and they consider themselves masters. Even now they are making the same mistake. But the farmers and the people don't believe in it. They are now in trouble.