 Y cwmysg unigwyr hefyd iawn gyda hynny i'w digwyddiamhau cymhwyllfa, ydych chi'n gwneud, cysylltu'r ddwyllfa. Mae'r ddweud y pherwydd ymwneud hefyd, mae'r ddweud eisiau ddych chi'n gwneud chwarae o elu rhywun hyn. Rwy'n ddech chi'n gweld me ddaym? Rwy'n ddweud. Mae'r ffordd. Nw'n ddydryseniaeth sydd yn y pherwydd yw. As a place for looking at aspects of language contact with the Philippines is superb. And it comes in many forms. The most famous form is the influence of Spanish and later on American English on languages of the Philippines from North to quite far South. But there were previous sources of influence. For example, Hokkien Chinese has given words to a number of Philippine languages, including the Tagalog word for gold is from Hokkien. And Malay has influenced some languages rather more strongly than others. Malay is interesting in this regard, not only a dwi'n meddwl cymryd o'r holl ffordd fel gaelog a'r Sefwana ym mhwrel o'r mlê ar gweithio, ond mae'n gweithio a'r holl ffordd o'r holl ffordd o'r holl ffordd o'r holl ffordd. Yw Sansgrith, yw Yrabic, Y Tameil, Moncmer, y holl ffordd o'r holl ffordd. by way of Malay, Sanskrit words preserve the aspirates of the Sanskrit originals, intergalog, which they have lost in Malay. Monkmer has given words such as the word for twin, which is a twin myself I'm quite attached to, and so on. John Wolfe has written well on this. With our other contact scenarios, one can mention, the whole range of Spanish lexifier creals influenced by greater central Philippine linguistic typology. The ones found in and around Manila Bay, Temanatenio, Cavatenio, which is endangered, and Temanatenio, which is no longer around. And also the Mindanao, Chamakana varieties in several cities in Mindanao. Most famous of which is San Manganio, and these latter also have absorbed a lot more vocabulary from Philippine languages. You also get cases such as Cagayanan from Cagayancio, a Manobla language that is profoundly influenced by Visayan languages. And many words of Manobla origin in Cagayanan have been replaced by words of Visayan origin such as, for example, the verb meaning to know. So, what about in the north? A linguist such as Laurie Reid, already much and rightly mentioned in this room. And Bob Blust have shown that languages of the Cordillera and neighbouring regions in Wudson have complex histories that are strongly marked by the effects of contact-induced linguistic change. And this is clearly evident in the realm of everyday vocabulary, the words we use in everyday sentences in which a large number of concepts in many languages have been renamed with words that come from other indigenous languages. And in Luson, the major providers of these words are, as we would expect, Ilocano and Latali, also Filipino, though the traffic is one way. Ilocano and Filipino may have influenced Gadang, for example, but the influence of Gadang on these languages is rather less strong. What can we say about borrowing in the languages of Luson? I came up with three adjectives after thinking about it, extensive because it is, profound because it affects layers of the lexicon that one might not expect to be affected, and under-investigated. We can learn a lot more about language contact from the materials we have now than we have so far been able to do. There is a lot of history to be discovered from these. An example of this is the Arta language of Northern Luson. Not much work has been done on it. I received word only a couple of days ago that a Japanese student is investigating this language. Previously, the source of information was a paper from 30 years back by Laurie Reid. Laurie Reid gathered a word list of 512 items of these. He found that 131 items were words that had been taken from other languages, including words from Ilocano, which has not only donated words to Arta, but which may also be its closest relative. 148 further words on this list are words that do not seem to have any relatives or cognates in languages nearby, including possibly the numeral for one and certainly the numeral that means two. There are a lot of questions about the history of these languages, and a lot of them are answered by an application of certain techniques of historical linguistic methodology. We look at historical phonology, the way in which sounds in a language change their formal realisation over time, and we look at data from high-frequency vocabulary, the commonest words, the commonest nouns, verbs and so on. And, quite often, we rely on this information because we have very little else. So, here's an example. The group which is now being called Proto-Novenouson used to be Proto-Cordillera, the ancestor of Ilocano, Montauk and Pangasinana and many other languages, changed Proto-Moleipol and Anesian capital R to R. Words that come straight from there from Proto-Moleipol and Anesian have R. Contrast greater central Philippines, a construct that Bob Blust proposed in 1991, which contains Tagalog, Bicol, Visayan and a number of other languages, mostly in Mindanao. That took Proto-Moleipol and Anesian capital R, changes it to a ga, and anybody here who knows Ilocano and Tagalog can think of examples. Words that are quite similar except one has R in them and the other has ga, but they have similar meanings. And the occurrence of these correspondences in set after set of words of everyday vocabulary confirms this. Here's a partial subgrouping of Northern Nuson languages. The Southern Cordillera, omitted, you've got Mesa Cordillera or Central Cordillera, Ilocano, Arta, Northern Cordillera, languages of the Cagayan Valley and another group which Jason Lerbell and Laura Robinson call Northeastern Nuson. W experience the same vocabulary, and so on. As I said before, some of these languages have a number of words that aren't shared with other languages. Some seem to be unique. yn y bwysig yw'r cyfrifodyd yn yllanodd. Rydych yn ymgyrchu'r llangwys. Mae gennydd i'r llangwysau o'r llai llai llais sy'n rhaglion osrymion yn y Filippyn. Yn 5,5, yn 5,000 yng Nghymru. Yn y llai llais llai llai llai llai llai llai llai llai llais people they generally found in negrutil languages in black Filipino languages in m conson they are some widespread, the word for rat down for example has found at least four of these languages some forms are confined to a single language so do these suggest that before Austro-N orchestral speakers reached this part of the Philippines that there was a single pre-Austronesian language in Lluson. Possibly yes, possibly no, possibly a dialect continuant. We don't know. But this is the kind of information which helps us to understand and develop narratives of linguistic relationship and development. And I've contributed here to the work of Jason Lobbell and Laura Robinson, who have documented these languages in considerable detail over the past decade or so. And as I said, much of the information we have is lexical. It's vocabulary. Why? Because for many of these languages we do not have any textual material. Linguists love texts. They like to dig through texts, put them in corpora, find out all you can about a language, looking through texts. But for a number of these languages we do not have any texts that we can address. So if we're trying to open up more of a picture of the pre-Hispanic history of Lluson and its peoples, we use what we have got. And here it might come in useful to talk a bit about strata. Substrate material from languages previously spoken by a population. Add straight material from linguistic traditions with which speakers have come into context. Uniques are forms that have found only in one language. The logical component, the material that comes into a language from its immediate ancestors, which comes there again from its that's immediate ancestors and so on all the way back. What are we going to call this? Well, if we were creolists we would talk about a super straight because this is often known as the genetic element of a language. Though some linguists including the Austronesianist Malcolm Ross prefer the term genealogical element. This is the part that is inherited from the people who taught us our language and inherited it from the people from whom they learned their language and so on. Super straight is not a happy term, so I put it in brackets. So if we look at language historically as a set of strata, what do we find? Let's have a quick look at English. West Germanic, that's a super straight, that's the genealogical element. Tiny elements from British Celtic and maybe Latin, possibly about a dozen words and a larger number of place names all told as a substrate, as a language spoken in England before the angles and Saxons rolled in in the 5th century and later acquired elements from Old Norse in the 10th century, Norman and Central French, Latin, Slemish, Greek, Arabic, take words like yo yo boondocks, you can throw in Philippine languages. These are all abstracts. English has a lot of abstract material, not a great deal of substrate material. Some languages do have a great deal of substrate material, normal sub languages, maybe 20% plus of vocabulary on standardised lists is material from languages that we don't know the origins of. It's a case with Arta, it's a case with Northern and Southern Alta and so on. It may even be the case with Ilocano and material from Southern Alta. Southern Alta, again from Laurie Reid, shows that you have abstracts in large number, but you also have a plentiful proportion of substrates and a number of forms inherited from Proto-Philipine and from earlier forms of Proto-Nord and the Sun. Many of the forms in Southern Alta are inherited from Proto-Philipine but are not found in other languages which belong to Arta. Southern Alta is the same branch as Southern Alta. It's conservative in some ways and of course it brings us to the question of languages of the black Filipinos, maybe 50,000 of them, often known as the gritos or by reflexes of Proto-Philipine Arta. All speak Austronesian languages. Some of them speak Austronesian languages of their own that they don't share with other groups and as I said we assume that some of the elements in these languages go back to pre-Austronesian languages. I have been very naughty, I've gone east of the Cordillera to look at the eastern coast. Do you forgive me? So you've got Palawi Island at the top, all the way to Bicol territory there and there are some other groups further south. Mani Day is a good example of a language with lots of activity in it's several strata. 22% of items on a thousand word list recorded by Jason Lobo are unique to Mani Day and a further six show unusual changes in sounds or in meaning. The word for neck for example is lees which I looked at from the thought it looks like the Indonesian word for neck and it may be related but the form of a Mani Day word is surprising. Majority of the language there is Tagalog, important loan source. If you want names for clothes when you are speaking Mani Day the words used are of Tagalog origin. Now the case depending on Agta, nor the most Agta language living in proximity to speakers of Ilocano absorbed some Ilocano morphology which it uses productively so you apply it to words of non-Ilocano origin and that some words of Ilocano origin such as ma pan to go mangan to eat coexist depending on Agta equivalent. And have been recorded in otherwise monolingual depending on Agta. This goes, third case is unusual. It's unusual. Casiguran in language of Casiguran town seems to be a conservative form of Tagalog with a large topsoil of lexicon from the neighbouring language Casiguran and Agta. So here we have a non-Nigruta language borrowing extensively from a language spoken by black Filipinos. This is not what usually happens. This is very surprising. But if we think about the history of languages in the Philippines is it so surprising to go on as a language of prestige now? But was it always language of prestige? Did it have to make way for other languages at some point? Was it influenced by languages that had greater influence in areas where Tagalog came to be used? And something that raises the question in this regard is the capampangan stratum in Tagalog. Tagalog in many ways is a bit like a Visayan language that has a 10% injection of words from capampangan and is missing out on some of the typical Visayan words like gugma to love. The kinds of words that come from capampangan into Tagalog replace earlier forms. They replace labels that Tagalog would have had at an earlier time for the same concepts. They're not usually cultural borrowings items of capampangan culture that Tagalog speakers took over. Thus they're like the Norse elements in middle and modern English. Norse elements in middle and modern English are nearly always now words that speakers of old English would have had equivalents for. So, overall conclusions. Llewson is a hotbed of content in new linguistic change. Ilakan on Tagalog, major languages of power and prestige nowadays. Was this always the case? Some languages that have or whose speakers have less power nowadays have been able to exert influence on speech communities. Which many socially which would have taken being more powerful and such evidence should cause us to rethink our ideas. The way things worked now may not always have been the case. But of course we need to know more texts from these languages. People telling about what is important to them. Describing things they see. Describing things they do. And if they wish describing things they feel highly important. More material of every kind on languages is always good as any linguist would agree. I think Sergei would probably agree with me on this. And native speaker linguists. It would be great if the speaker of Mani Day was giving a paper on Mani Day here rather than scruffy English like myself. So, thanks in abundance and in absentia to Laurie Reid, to Jason Lobell and to you all for putting up with this. Maranis Llamat, saying young lad. So, if Australian migration was north to south, then for the Philippine language to borrow from Malay, you're talking about back migration? No, it's not back migration. This is to do with the power of sultanates in 13th, 14th, 15th centuries. There was a sultanate that came close to running Manila by the century before the Spaniards hit the Philippines in Tondo I think. And it's cultural influence like that. It's late in the day. It's in the European middle ages and the late middle ages as well. You talk about six or seven centuries ago. But Malay is a simpler language than St Tagalog. So, as in the case of the Negritos who presumably gave up their language for a more complex language, is that why they gave up theirs? I mean why would the Tagalogs in Manila give up their language for the simpler Malay language? It's just conquest. They didn't but they were under a strong cultural pressure of prestige. Malay sultan kingdoms trying to govern Manila and also parts of the Visayas as well. What happened is a fact of Philippine history. I doubt that everybody at any time in Manila in say 1450 could speak Malay. Always going to shift to it. But a lot of people who saw the importance of dealing with the people with power would have known Malay as a second language and would have found it a useful source of new vocabulary. Same in Cebu, I think the first record of Cebuano is Antonio Picafeta's vocabulary from the 1520s. He survived Magellan's expedition and he also includes a vocabulary of Malay that he got when he was in Cebu. If the Negrito migration was south to north, why does Rotan get retained in northern Philippines but lost in southern Philippines? I don't know. Every word is its own history and sometimes they're not telling us what the history is. Perhaps it referred to a certain particularly durable kind of Ratan that was useful for construction purposes or for other purposes and became regarded as culturally or technologically important and the word stayed. The English word Ratan is from Malay because we didn't have it and we had to take the name of the plant together with the plant itself. Thank you.