 So the land acknowledgement is that we are located on the Wichin, the ancestral and unceded territory of the Chacheno-speaking Alone people, successors of the historic and sovereign Verona ban of Alameda County. We acknowledge that this land remains of great importance to the Alone people and that the ARF community inherits a history of archeological scholarship that has disturbed Alone ancestors and made attempts to erase living Alone people from the present and future of this land. It is therefore our collective responsibility to critically transform our archeological inheritance and practice in support of Alone sovereignty and to hold the University of California accountable to the needs of all native and indigenous peoples. And with that, I'd like to turn to our guest speaker today, Dr. Ann Austin of the University of Missouri, St. Louis. You can see that up on the screen, I'm assuming. It's there and her talk is going to be about her work in ancient Egypt. You can see the title there about its link to heterogeneity, frailty and health, but she has done a range of things. She received her BA from Harvard University, got an MA and PhD in the archeology program at UCLA and then joined the University of Missouri, St. Louis in 2017 after a three year postdoc at Stanford University in the history department. And in her really clever research, she combines analysis of bones, osteology and Egyptology to document disease and medicine in the past, studying Egyptian healthcare networks, reconstructing them and figuring out the care networks and the illnesses that were present, especially in the village of Der El Medina. While working in Egypt, she discovered the only known tattoos, 30 different tattoos, which she has put a link to some of those or a link to her work on some of those, I haven't seen it yet in the chat. So if you look in the chat, there should be a link to some of these tattoos, which I wanted to see. And her work in the tattoos and her health work is on really intersex with gender, religion and medicine. So in addition to that, obviously, she's involved in collaborative ethnographic research on archeological field methods internationally. So much, much interesting research is she involved in and we're really actually grateful and thrilled to have Anne here, obviously one minute away from Missouri, St. Louis, but here in California and the world. So we're going to hear her now speak about her research on the hidden heterogeneity in frailty through social determinants of health. So thank you very much, Dr. Austin, for joining us today. Thank you so much for that great introduction. I'm excited to be here with a, you know, probably a diverse group. For those of you who are looking at this title and thinking I don't know what that means at all, I designed this talk to really speak to people who have a background in bioarchaeology, a background in Egyptology or a background in neither. So I'll be explaining all of this. This is part of my current book project that I'm working on. So for those of you who are interested, we were just talking before I started about the tattoo work that I'm doing. I, this talk won't be focused on the tattoos, but actually we have an article that literally just came off the presses a few weeks ago on tattooing that has some of our new discoveries of tattoos. And I put that in the chat for those of you who want kind of the cutting edge tattoo world. And I'd be happy to answer questions about what that looks like. But today, what I want to focus on is the goal of this book project and kind of where it's going. I would love to get all of your input. And instead of showing you one cohesive chapter, which would probably be a logical talk to give, I want to give you all a sense of how the book operates with pulling data from different sources. So as Christine mentioned, my background is in studying human remains in archeological context and the texts. So really bridging bioarchaeology and Egyptology. And that's really my identity as an academic is understanding how those data sets really work together, how we can learn more. So in this talk, I'm gonna pull some of the results from different chapters of my book to demonstrate how these two different disciplines can really help inform each other and hopefully inform broader conversations in bioarchaeology, Egyptology and really archeology more broadly. So in this talk, I'll give you kind of some, I view it as like tapas, like a couple bite-sized pieces from different parts. I'll be showing you evidence from human remains. So images and data that I gathered at Darryl Medina from the human remains there, as well as from the texts from this amazing site. And this book is going to be published with Brill through their Culture and History of the Ancient Near East series. So you should be looking forward to that in the 2023, 2024 years. So just to get started with understanding really the title of my talk, in bioarchaeology more broadly, there has been these big conversations around something called the osteological paradox. This is a conversation that started in the 90s with an article by Wooden colleagues where they explored some of the issues that we have when we try to identify health patterns in past populations. And they argue that there are at least three major issues with how we can study health in the past that we really need to address in order to talk about health at all. One of the issues they bring up is this concept of hidden heterogeneity and frailty. And what they mean by that is that populations have a lot of underlying differences across people and how likely people are to be sick from a disease. It might be because they're exposed to more issues growing up. It might be because they're more likely to get exposed to a pathogen. It might be that they have less access to nutrition. And so this heterogeneity and frailty, those differences across populations and their likelihood to get sick and experience frailty is hidden in the archeological record. It's very hard for us to access that. The Wooden-Stow-Genowski argued that understanding the nature of human frailty and how it relates to social inequality and social complexity is a highly relevant topic that crosscuts disciplinary boundaries. Yet bioarchaeologists have largely though not entirely avoided explorations of the topic. So my goal of this book is to explore and kind of tease out are there ways that we can explain hidden heterogeneity that we can reveal it to bigger populations? And as I was researching and thinking about how this exists at a more interdisciplinary level to really cross cut those disciplinary boundaries, I focused on conversations around hidden heterogeneity in public health, modern public health studies, public health researchers, psychology, medicine, all of those fields have at the same time as the osteological paradox developed, grown interests in explaining that same concept of hidden heterogeneity in modern populations. And as researchers explored this, they identified a series of social factors that had really huge impacts on health outcomes and helped to explain the health patterns that we're seeing worldwide. So for example, in this graphic that's based on data from the United States, you can see that access and the quality of healthcare that people have accounts in this graphic for only 20% of the health discrepancies that they see. And instead, the remaining 80% is based on things like your health behaviors, your physical environment and the socioeconomic factors like education, job status and family social support. In fact, even those specific things like your socioeconomic and physical environment, really 50% of our health inequalities could be traced back to our zip codes. So if we wanna understand the social determinants of health and how they impact hidden heterogeneity, I think we really should understand it through those social parameters. And yet when I look at big studies of health in the past, a lot of these social determinants seem to be missing in the conversation. So for example, there is a major project called the Global History of Health Project that looks at trends in health and patterns worldwide. They had an initial module that focused just on the Western Hemisphere. They have another one that focused on Europe and they have another one that'll be upcoming that's focusing on Asia. And in each of these, they look at skeletal indicators of stress across a huge number of sites and they compare factors they know for each site. So looking at the initial publication that was focused on the Western Hemisphere, they tried to understand how health patterns might be related to different climates, settlement patterns, elevations, the kinds of subsistence plants that people were relying on. And they use these to help us understand more about the ecological and built environments and their impacts on health. But relatively less was known about social interactions. In terms of social variables, they were really focused more on things like their estimated social status and degree of social stratification, but couldn't really do much more than that because they're looking at such a large scale. The European module of this project was able to explore it slightly more. They considered how sites might connect to different societal roles. They looked at things like hospital populations or religious institutions. And then they also explored how settlement size might impact health. This may allow us to connect health to other related social determinants like education, yet still many important social determinants remain harder to summarize in such large scale studies, including the topic I'll be talking about today, social support and social cohesion. So my book focuses on finding the social determinants of health at Darrell Medina and explaining the health patterns that we see at this site through a close analysis of this one village and the ways that I see social determinants affecting health outcomes. For those of you who are unfamiliar with Darrell Medina, this is the site of the workmen who cut and decorated royal tombs in Egypt's new kingdom period. It is an absolutely exceptional site. If you ever get to Egypt, you have to visit. It's on the West Bank of Luxor. And the village of Darrell Medina you can see in the center of this image. So what's amazing about Darrell Medina is that we actually have a really well preserved village that can tell us more about daily life. We also have the surrounding tombs that give us a lot of information about the beliefs and practices in this village. And then the most exceptional part of it is this site right up here called the Great Pit. This was dug in antiquity. It's about 30 meters wide, 50 meters deep. And it was filled with texts that document the kinds of daily life things we might find in our own trash cans. So we have people's love letters. We have their pay subs. We have the receipts from transactions. And these are the kinds of things we can use to really reconstruct these social determinants of health in this village. Simultaneously, with access to the tombs we have the human remains from the villagers who lived at Darrell Medina. This is one of the tombs that I've worked in. This is the tomb of Epewee. This gives you a sense of what the tomb looks like today after it had been prepared for visitors who are in Egypt and wanted to see these different tombs. This is what it looked like when Breyer and colleagues visited it. And as you can see, the tomb was originally filled with human remains that had been heavily looted. These human remains are from individuals who were looted even back in antiquity. So we have tomb robbing, papyri, that date back to the use of the site. And because of just the way that they had been treated for so long, they were left unstudied until I started working at Darrell Medina in 2012. So today's focus is gonna look at evidence of physiological stress, particularly from crania and I'll also show ephemera and tibia that come from three tombs, TG217, 290 and 298. And these represent really the span of the occupation of the village. So they give us a good sense of what we see across the several hundred years that the village was occupied. Additionally, I'm gonna pull from some of the ramussed texts from the site that talk about this concept of social support and I'll explain what that means in a moment. And as I mentioned, I wanna give you kind of some bite-sized pieces. So what I'm gonna do is give you two bite-sized pieces from an osteological standpoint to give us kind of a reference point about how health outcomes look in this village. And the first one I wanna show you are the enamel hyperplagias at the site. Now enamel hyperplagias develop soon after birth to around ages six or seven in permanent dentition. And there are physiological stress response where your body has only so much energy that it can use to produce enamel. Enamel is the hardest substance in the body so it really does take quite a lot to make it. So if you're experiencing a stressor which could be any kind of stressor actually it does not just have to be something like disease it could also be malnutrition or even psychological stressors. Those can impact enamel production. And what we see is that when the body doesn't produce enamel the rest of the tooth can grow and it leaves these characteristic marks in the teeth where the enamel isn't present. Their scoured is present whenever I saw them macroscopically if I could feel them with a fingernail and while these often take in a linear appearance they can also form as pits or grooves. So you can see in this slide the presence of pitting in a kind of straight line along this canine. And you can see there's also multiple enamel hypoplasias for this individual. Looking at the data from Darryl Medina I had about 113 maxillin mandibles that I could study but only 90 of them were observable for enamel hypoplasias meaning there is at least one tooth present that had more than half the crown. And if we look at just the wrong numbers we have them present in about 26% of canines that's the tooth that tends to show them the most because it takes the longest to develop in the mouth and all teeth the rate is 7%. If I looked at elements and I looked at just a mandible or maxilla if any of the teeth show it 29% of all elements had at least one enamel hypoplasia present if there were canines and incisors if I looked across all elements that number goes down to 13%. We can also look at these as are distributed by estimated sex. And when we do that you can see that there's actually not a big difference in the proportion of individuals that have enamel hypoplasias across those estimated to be male versus female. If I looked at the number of teeth I have kind of large number of teeth but those are predominantly pushed by these two women that I found in TT217. These two women date to the 18th dynasty. I have Chemin here. She was found actually originally in her coffin. She was removed from her coffin by the original excavators. So we know her name, we know her context and what's interesting is she is one of the earliest individuals we have at this site and she dates to just after the Amarna occupation. So those of you with an Egyptology background will know that this is a kind of unusual time in Egyptian history and a time where we see skeletal people have a lot of stress that are living in Amarna. And interestingly these two women have the most evidence for enamel hypoplasias of anyone at the site. So I think that connection is just a small sample size but it's an interesting one to see. We can also look at this by age group and you can see that there aren't a huge number of enamel hypoplasias in individuals that are under 20 or those over 50. But I'll point out that this might be due to sample bias. We have really big issues just having incisors and canines that are observable and older individuals because they tend to lose their teeth before death. So we don't have those teeth present or their teeth are so ground down that there's not much of a crown left to observe. In those that are under 20, we have a couple examples but particularly for younger individuals we might not have a permanent dentition in yet. And their dentition was more likely to fall out postmortem. So those are two issues with those data sets. It's interesting to see that we have kind of the most in our 20 to 35 age group but because these are smaller I'm presenting them and we're gonna kind of wait and see with more evidence from Darrell Medina if there is indeed an age trend. Comparing these to other sites in Egypt you can see that Darrell Medina per individual and per canine has the lowest rate of enamel hyperplagias of any other site that's reported that I have the evidence from. And this includes sites from individuals that are in working populations like the working cemeteries at Amarna and includes elite populations like the Giza high officials. It even includes other comparable populations that are kind of in the middle socioeconomic class like combos. If I look at even a broader context like the global history of health project you can see that the rate at Darrell Medina based on canines is much, you know really in the top third of sites that they're looking at. So this suggests that childhood health has less stress at Darrell Medina than many other places. We can also look at stature, this is my second bite and this is looking at adolescent health. So it's really much more reflective of what's happening in late childhood and early adolescents because as you grow if you have some kind of health interruption in your early childhood, you can catch up for that growth. So we're really thinking here more about those teenage years and the health impacts there. Now stature can be impacted both by genetic potential and your stress response. So I'm five foot two, I'm relatively short but it's more because my parents are both relatively short individuals. My genetic potential for height was only gonna get so far. So when we're looking at this, it's hard to compare really diverse populations but one way that we can compare them is looking at how many individuals fall outside the mean that are more than two standard deviations away because that'll give us some information about people who've had stunted growth. We can also look at it by comparing how much variation do we see in stature and populations. I measure stature at the maximum length of the femur and tibia and I estimate maximum stature from regression equations from ancient Egyptian populations. The data you see right here in this slide show that unexpectedly if we look at estimated sex, males have a higher average stature than females but what I'm interested in this is really the distribution and you can see there's a pretty normal distribution for these two groups but there's much less variation for females at this site. And if we look at those potential examples of stunted growth, we only have two males out of 84 and one female out of 65 that fell more than two standard deviations below the mean. Putting this in context with other sites in Egypt that dotted line in each of these graphs shows the mean at Daryl Medina in comparison to the means of other populations. And as you can see, particularly for males, their stature is not as tall as kings or these really high elites but they are taller than workmen at other sites, than non-working populations at other sites as well. And we see something similar for the women at Daryl Medina. There are slightly shorter than or comparable in size to women at Amarna but they seem to be taller than the North Toon Cemetery at Amarna where we see really just severe health issues and at the site of Tombows and among Giza workers. So both of these datasets give us a sense that overall men and women at Daryl Medina are experiencing less stress during that adolescent period as well. More broadly, as I mentioned, we could explain the differences not just through the means but also through the amount of variation we see. And if I look at the standard error for females at Daryl Medina and males at Daryl Medina and I compare them to the broader global history of health project and the European module, this green dot is where we see our data showing up for Daryl Medina. So they have the lowest rates of standard error for females and one of the lowest kind of, within the lowest third for males. These point to the idea that really we're seeing less stress during childhood and adolescents at Daryl Medina. So with that, I wanna turn the talk into thinking about why. How do we explain the presence of really less stress at this site and what does that tell us about how social actions might impact health outcomes. Now, I actually look at this through many different social determinants, but today, just to give you our bite-sized piece, I'm gonna focus on this concept of social cohesion and social support. This social determinant of health was one that researchers started studying really early on in a way to explain the connection between stress and the myriad ways our families, partners and friends take care of us. One way that this has been summarized is through social support, as the provision of assistance or comfort to others, typically to help them cope with biological, psychological and social stressors. And within conversations around social support, researchers have focused on this idea of social cohesion, which describes the sense of connectedness and solidarity within a group. One way social cohesion is more clearly defined is as the absence of latent social conflict, whether in the form of income or wealth inequality, racial or ethnic tensions, disparities in political participation or other forms of polarization and the presence of strong social bonds measured by levels of trust and norms of reciprocity. In modern populations, when researchers focus on this concept of social support and social cohesion, they find that these can impact health through buffering stress. So I have a great example just personally, I'm gonna have surgery in a couple of weeks and we already have a whole meal train planned with friends, family, neighbors, bringing food to our house to make sure that while I'm going through that period of physiological stress, I have the food and provisions that I need. We also see social support impacting health by creating conditions to prevent encountering stressor at all. In modern populations, an example of this could be smoking, we saw that smoking, we all know smoking is deleterious to health. And when groups of individuals try to quit smoking together, they're more likely to be able to quit than they try to do it alone. Or alternatively, groups of individuals who don't smoke are individuals less likely to be a smoker if their peers are not smokers. So they might even prevent them from encountering that stressor really at all. And then another way is to offer a direct benefit to health regardless of stressors. So there's really interesting work that looks at even the idea of getting support can sometimes have positive health outcomes. So researchers looked at how much people would anticipate they would get in terms of support from family or loved ones and to really quantify what that looks like. And then they looked at the resulting health outcomes for that population over a period of time and found that the people who anticipated more support, or whether or not they got it, had improved health outcomes. So this idea of social support, I think it's something that I think offers a really specific way that we can think about stress mediation through social mechanisms. And I explored this in a chapter that looks at all the evidence I can find for social support from Daryl Medina. But to get a little small bite, I'm gonna show you one set of documents. And this is the Wheel of Net Nakti. Now, the Wheel of Net Nakti is really one of my favorite documents from this site. It is a, as you can see, it's this beautiful, huge papyrus. Net Nakti herself is an interesting character. So she was married to the senior scribe in the village, who's the most senior person in the entire village. He himself was also, he was adopted by the previous senior scribe. And the previous senior scribe had no other children. So the Kenner Hopescheff, her first husband, inherited the wealth from his father. She then inherited Kenner Hopescheff's wealth because he was much older than her when they were married. In fact, Egyptologists aren't even sure about the nature of their relationship. They themselves, the two of them didn't have any children, but she remarried in her second husband. She had at least eight adult children with him. So this Wheel is where she is distributing all of this property that she's inherited and saying which of her children will receive her property. And the Wheel is interesting because it contains an addendum written within a year of the original Wheel itself. And in that addendum, we learn a little bit more about the dynamics of what's going on. There is a son that gets written out of the Wheel and he challenges the Wheel. So the addendum is addressing that challenge. We also have this legal transfer of a wash bowl to her son, also named Kenner Hopescheff after her first husband. And this one is interesting because it predates the Wheel by just a few weeks. And in this legal transfer, she has her son promised to provide for his father. And in exchange, she'll give him this wash bowl. And then we have two documents that are the property distributions after her death. So her death actually occurs within a year of the Wheel being written. And these two property distributions tell us about whether or not her Wheel is actually kept to her wishes or if people actually act against her wishes. So let's look at what she says. In her Wheel, she writes, as for me, I am a free woman of the land of Pharaoh. I brought up these eight servants of yours and gave them an outfit of everything such as usually made for those in their station. But see, I am grown old and see they are not looking after me in my turn. Whoever of them has aided me to him, I will give up my property. But he who has not given to me, to him, I will not give him my property. She then goes to completely write out three of her children, Neferkhotep, her son, Hennuchenu, a daughter, and Khatanabu, another daughter. And when we look at this property distribution list, like the one you see here on the left, their names are not in sight. So they were clearly not given the property. This is like they followed through with the Wheel. Neferkhotep disputes the Wheel. And it's interesting because if you look at what's written in the Wheel, she even explains in detail in the Wheel that she's not giving property to him because she has already given too much to him in his adulthood to take care of him. And so all of the things she's given over the years to him count as his property and he's not gonna get anymore. When he goes to dispute the Wheel, he's rebuked. He's told that if he ever tries to dispute it again, he will receive 100 lashes. So clearly this Wheel is upheld. It's really something that the legal system is recognizing. And what I see in this, when I'm thinking about it in terms of social support, are these clear strategies that Nunakhti is using to secure social support? So first of all, in her text, she really has these appeals based on familial relationships. This idea that she as their mother took care of them and so it is their role as her children to take care of her. She sets up having her husband secured after her own death by ensuring that Ken Erholbyshev takes care of his father through the exchange of the wash basin. And this could have been necessary if the couple relied in some part on her wealth. Since she inherited from her first husband in the inheritance rules in Egypt, then would pace it to her children not to her second husband. Second, when she removes her four children from the will, she makes it clear that this is because they were not reciprocating care in her old age. We see this much more broadly in Egyptian legal texts as this kind of concept is principle of reciprocity. And it's a legal principle that demonstrates that the concept of reciprocal care was a widely held belief that carried with it legal weight. She emphasizes this further by elucidating all the objects she'd given to Neferhotep to continue to take care of him into adulthood, really quantifying her social support. I'd also like to mention that she writes this will in the presence of 14 witnesses. That is a huge and unusually high number. And these individuals included the most senior members of the community like the village scribes, foremen and draftmen. By publicly calling out those members of her family who were negligent and by rewarding those who took care of her, Nanakhti uses her notable position in the community and her inherited wealth to really coerce her children into providing her social support. When I take this and I put it in the broader context of texts that I'm seeing from Darrell Medina, including legal records, personal letters and wisdom literature, I see these same concepts repeating again and again. So when I look at personal letters for examples of care across individuals, I don't see care as having a trend based on gender or generation. Instead, anyone who's giving care to another person, I see this kind of line back. So brothers care for sisters, husbands care for wives, and vice versa. I also see that in the wisdom literature from the site, there is an emphasis on neighborly care and this kind of association of people who know each other and needing to take care of each other. So there are texts that are part of this big genre of wisdom literature, you passed on wisdom from father to son. It's something that exists throughout Egyptian history. And at Darrell Medina, some of those texts are authored specifically by the workmen in that village. And when I look at the changes they made, they added in ways to be a good neighbor. I also see in the legal records this broader concept of reciprocation and that just really being repeated in the site. And when I look across all those documents, what I see is that general care taking, provisioning of food, clothing, labor, shelter and medicine and giving property are all forms of social support that are documented throughout the village. So bringing this together to think about what makes Darrell Medina potentially different is this idea of social cohesion. Now this site has really strict boundaries and unambiguous membership. So when they call on neighborly care and support, this really calls on anyone who is part of this village. Because the workmen who cut the tombs needed to live near the tombs, the village is separated from other parts of Egyptian culture. So the boundaries and the definitions of who's in and who's out are really clearly known. These individuals also have comparable social status. While there might be some hierarchies within the village, they all come from a fairly similar socioeconomic background. And there's clear norms of reciprocity that are acted out in this village and even probably emphasize beyond what I'm seeing in other Egyptian sites. We can see in this text that local legal enforcement of social norms is one way that this kind of concept of social support and social cohesion is really emphasized here as well. So when I think about what makes Darrell Medina potentially different, what might heighten what Darrell Medina looks like when compared to other sites? What I see is that social cohesion at Darrell Medina in combination with inherited family wealth would have improved the villagers' health by stabilizing their access to food, clothing, shelter and medicine. As people aged, they were buffered from occupational stress by having a means to retire, to live in their children's household to get extra support from their adult children. They may have even benefited from the indirect ways social support operates by feeling more confident support would be available in the future because of this communal emphasis on social support through feasting, the legal system and wisdom tests. These factors translate to ways that communities like Darrell Medina could have better health outcomes than communities in short-term state-building efforts like those buried at the North Cemetery at Amarna or the workers buried in Giza or even the relatively middle-class individuals buried at Tombows. In these shorter-term settlements where many residents may have been separated from their families, there was little opportunity for the community to generate intergenerational wealth and insufficient time to create a strong sense of social cohesion. Even if these communities shared similar values, like an emphasis on reciprocity, they may not have had the material wealth to enact the substantial social support they needed. Just want to say thank you for attending and this research wouldn't have been possible without support from the Institut Francais d'Aquiagie orientale with whom I do my research in Egypt, the American Research Center in Egypt, the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism Antiquities and then funding and support from Stanford University and the University of Missouri. Thank you. I unmuted myself. Thank you very much, Ann. I think everybody's muted who are here. Some people are clapping. Little hand claps by their names, that's good. So now, if you have some time, we have a few minutes left, about 10, where we can ask questions. People can ask questions and I suppose either you can unmute yourself or put something in the chat. I think those are two options. Nico, there may be more, but those are the two that I'm thinking of. So, I would like to start out by asking, first of all, that was really fascinating and so sort of socially sensitive and anthropological. I really appreciate you going from texts and bones to humanity. So I hope every student got to, every student in our group got to watch that because it's really a great example of that. But I wanted to ask, you obviously dove into this woman's life and I kind of feel like that myself right now with my family. So well done, her. I'm gonna take some leaves from her work. But I'm assuming in this pit of gold, golden texts that you all found, that there were other settings that were obviously not gonna be as sensitive or you wouldn't have such a rich data, but are there other examples of this sort of human, very modern in a way, engagement with family? I mean, is this an outliner of this particularly woman's place or is this really kind of how everybody you think was enacting there? And I'll let other people hopefully come in with questions. Thank you. Yeah, so if I, for the full chapter, I go into other examples, but I'll just say I don't think she's an outlier in terms of her expectations for social support and the ways that she talks about family and the role of family. So I've got, for instance, this one really fantastic text. It's a woman writing to her sister complaining about this woman's, her husband. And she's like, you know, my husband has been yelling at me constantly because you all aren't providing us with fish and bread daily as everyone else is doing. So it's really clear, A, what the norm is, right? The norm is that siblings support each other and B, that she's kind of caught between a rock and a hard place because she is frustrated with her husband appealing to her sister for support. So this is just one other example. We have times, what makes the Anakati interesting is that she has that intergenerational wealth to get it done, right? Like she has the resources. So when I think about how social support can operate differently across populations or across individuals and that concept of hidden heterogeneity and how it fits to that, that's where I see how it's working. And what I like about that is that it's not just health equals wealth which is a correlation, but it doesn't explain causation. Instead, it really shows like one example of how causation happens in this person's life in terms of getting the support not only she needs but her husband, her children, et cetera. Yeah, it's so wonderful and rich. Thank you. There is a question from Chris Hoffman which I'm gonna read out. He says, thank you. Do you think you have the same populations represented by the osteological and text datasets not in terms of specific individuals but some basic categories? Who might the missing from one kind of information or another? Sorry, who might be missing? One kind of information or the other? That's a great question. So in terms of the osteological datasets, one thing that's really fortunate for us is that for most of the occupation of Daryl Medina, they have family burials. So everybody, and this is what I've seen in terms of the bioarchaeology, everybody from very infants to the eldest people in the village are well past 50. At that point, osteologically, it makes it hard even estimate age, they're all in the same tomb. So I think that is helpful. Looking at their demographics, they seem representative. In the earliest period of the occupation of the site, the children were buried separately and then there were smaller tombs that weren't the full family, there were just a couple individuals. So I have burials from that site, but luckily from that period, I have burials of adult men and women as well as some of those children. So it's a much smaller dataset, but similarly diverse in terms of age. What might be missing in skeletonally are people who didn't get to be buried within the village. So this village, it's sole purpose is to cut and decorate the royal tombs. And as men grew into adulthood, there was a competition over who got the job that their father had because usually there's more than one adult male. So some of them might have stayed in the village, some of them might have left. And so within the village, you might see, for instance, like there's less consistency with men staying in the village than women. If I look at the text, that's where I really feel like the bioarchaeology is giving us a picture we didn't have before. So our texts from this village are predominantly from the working men in the village. They predominantly talk about the experiences of those working men because many of the texts are designed for the state. They're documenting if they went to work, what day they went to work, why they were sick, how many wicks they used, these details of bureaucracy. And so children, the elderly, women are missing from these texts. This is where the tattoo research comes back in because we have a couple depictions of possible tattoos from Darrell Medina, but it was really a practice we didn't know a lot about because they're not mentioned at all in any of these thousands of texts we have from the village. And as I've done more and more research, we see that they're actually something that might have been more common than we realize on women and definitely something that was widely understood. We're finding that frequently enough that it was not something that was rare. So I think that tells us a little bit about how biased our textual record really is. Well, thank you. I mean, Chris says thank you too. So I wanted to, as we wait for other questions, we have really just a very few minutes left, but you presented a figure of kind of about us today in terms of healthcare versus health behaviors versus physical environment for socioeconomic, sort of a little being, and that 50% was zip code you said, which was home, right? And so can you say something about their zip code? Cause you're making a case for them being pretty good. I mean, them being pretty healthy, them being pretty tall, sort of the data you have on the osteological side, are you making a case that these folks are, have a pretty good zip code if you will in the greater Egyptian, you know, I don't know if they're not slaves, but they're working for the state. I assume the whole lives, the whole family, the whole world is working for the pharaoh. So where do they fit in? Yeah, so there are really unique zip code. If I tried to use our ways of describing it, like white collar or blue collar, they don't quite fit because the manual work of building, they're cutting limestone cleft. So they're really digging deep into limestone. It is hard manual work to cut these stone tombs. And they are expected to keep a good pace of doing it because the king wants to see progress. So they are being monitored very closely in their progress. So in that sense, they're blue collar workforce. On the other hand, they are highly skilled and their knowledge is really prized. They're highly literate. They are paid very consistently by the state and when they stopped being paid, they went on strike. So they know their own power. They know they're not gonna get replaced. They know that they have unique skillset and ability that is prized by the Egyptian state. And because of that, this village that is built just for this purpose, they get a lot of amenities. So they don't live near the Nile, which is on its own negative, but they have water carriers bringing water to the site. They have wood carriers bringing wood to the site. So they have fuel that they can use. They've got like a lot of extra resources that are provided to them. So when I think about the bigger picture that I'm seeing in health outcomes, what's interesting is they kind of get the best of both worlds. They have that socioeconomic power from their intergenerational wealth that I was describing, but they also get power from all of the consistency they get from the state. So they're really getting these two benefits side by side, whereas most populations that we're looking at in Egypt, if I look at others at codes, it's one or the other. Interesting, right. So they're specialists, as we might call them in archaeology, in a special unique place. So I don't wanna keep asking questions because that's not very fair. So I can't tell Niko if you can help if there's any questions elsewhere that are lurking. We do have to stop soon, Niko. I don't see any questions in the chat. I'm looking in the chat too, but is there anything anywhere else? Anyway, okay. So I guess we will... I might ask if you pursued genetics relatedness in your work or is there any potential for... It's hard. We won't be able to do DNA because they can't export samples. So one possibility that I'd like to explore in the future, we're kind of just getting to the point where we can start doing this, is looking at the different tombs where we're working and seeing if you can see differences in biological distance within and between these tombs. So right now I've got three tombs that occupy different periods of the site. There are more tombs that we plan to work in in the future. And so as we get more data from these other tombs, my hope is that we can start to build and see, do we have kind of distinct family lineages that we can actually identify based on measurements and observations in the skeleton? Yes, that's great. I have a former student, Amir Sahat, who worked, I think, at that site too on the archaeobotany. And so I have some connection with it at a distance, but it did always sound extremely complicated and fascinating. So what a wonderful place to be diving into the society that is a rich and long-lived one. So this is Zoom and we're a little out of touch with that, but I wanna thank you across the miles that we are for your time here and your presentation. Really wonderful. And I see someone saying, wonderful research, very interesting approach and exciting to be able to discuss about individuals alongside skeletal data. So I don't know if you can see this too, but I'm saying it out loud just in case people can't see it. So yes, thank you very much. And this is the sound of one person. Thank you, I don't know how else to do this anymore, but I will clap for you. Thank you so much, Ann. Really a pleasure.