 I mean I think we can go on with facts, values, distinctions for a long time, but perhaps it's not very fruitful, but I wanted to go back to something about European identity and the difficulty of European identity, how to define it. It's actually very difficult to define national identity now. We had, you know, in British schools now, it's compulsory to teach British values. British values. British values. And there was a committee of very high-part educationist philosophers and everything else and they tried to draw up the argued for five years about what were British values. They came down with three. Democracy, tolerance and the rule of law. Exactly what I mean is monitor. Ond ydych yn ei bod yn amlwg oedd yma yw'r ffordd, ymgyrch yn ymwneud allan drwsion Europea yn ymgyrch. Mae maen nhw'n hyn yn ymgyrch yn ei ddefnyddio'r ysgol, gyd-dyn nhw'n mynd i gyd-dyn nhw'n mynd ymgyrch. Mae hyn yn gallu o'r amlwg o'r amlwg o'r amlwg, oherwydd mae'r amlwg o'r amlwg yn ymgyrch. I would have thought the value I thought was very striking. The missing value was free speech. It's not there. I would have thought that would have been a fundamental British value. But it's not there. Why isn't it there? Because it might cause a fence to a lot of people now living in Britain. Free speech ... How does this work in Europe? I don't know whether other European countries, a'r Hawthorne ddechrau yn ddechrau y list o ddaeth. Mae'r ystafell Lachsamburg. Mae'r ddweud i ddweud o ddweud y list oherwydd Lachsamburg yn ddechrau. Mae'r ddweud o ddweud o ddweud hynny. Mae'r ddweud yn ddechrau yn ddechrau, ac a chael Lachs-Leaks i allan. Mae'r ddweud i'r oed i'r ddechrau, mae'n fwy ffunt, yn dweud i'r oed i'r ddechrau, ond we need to diversify. By the way, I'm sorry to interrupt, but I love it when you say about a country, because it tells you so much about the time in which we're living, their whole business model is under attack. Exactly. No, absolutely. The majority are Portuguese anyway. But they cannot agree on what makes Luxembourg Luxembourg apart from taxes. So how do you build up a European identity? In the end, you know what word they came up with? One word, bridge. Bridge between Germany and France, between everybody and everyone. Isn't that telling? To define a national identity. I had two weeks ago in Vienna a conversation with a German politician, member of the CDU, and he insisted that we even should give up on national identities, that we should build Europe on regional identities. He said, like the people in Bavaria, the people in Garmisch-Badenkirs, and have a completely different identity, even in a different language, than the same German people living in Flensburg, not far from the Danish border. So we should... Please. One second. No, one second. I think he had a valid point. He said, in order to build this already existing regional identity, that's very good because a region never has an army. Nationalistic feelings in these regions are, by definition, innocent. So why not... I thought this idea was fairly interesting. I never believed that I'd say that, but I'm with this guy from the CDU. That's my... The same feeling. Because, you know, nation states are such a recent invention. As a friend of mine, I would say they're like that person in the Edgar Allan Poe story, who is dead, but he doesn't realise it yet, and so he's still walking around. But, you know, our identity is, of course, they're regional. Of course, yes. I am, despite the fact that I'm an atheist, I'm a North German Protestant. I can't help it. And I will always be that. And I sort of have a half-serious proposal of redrawing European cultural boundaries, according to what people call things sold in bakeries. Because, you know, that, whether you eat in German-speaking countries a Brötchen or a Semmel or a Schrippe, which are all the same thing, they really mark what people think about their lives. But, you know, nation states, we should be regional and European. I think the nation state is a completely expendable entity in between. It's the only thing we have, but it's not very much. It's worth remembering that the three largest nations originally creating the European Union, Germany, France and Italy. Now, they are all deregist nations entirely constructed by an elite. There was the French Revolution in Napoleon, creating France out of a whole lot of Bourbon provinces, which didn't speak French. It took something like 15 constitutions in 150 years before that became a convincing democracy. And you've got Massimo d'Azaleo saying, we have created Italy, now we have to create Italians. That was 150 years ago and I rest my case. In Germany, Bismarck said, we don't need speeches or majority decisions. We need blood and iron. And I rest my case again. And these are the elites of those countries based on those experiences that have been trying to, like Strauskan saying, we have created Europe, now we must create Europeans. And I don't think this is the right way to go around it. I hope there will be one day something that one can identify as a European. But at the moment, I think you have to start from the grassroots upwards. And the bakery model is a very good one. You know, let's start there. And why do young Europeans go off to America or go off to the next best thing, which is London? Is because they feel free. They feel they can do things. They feel they can express themselves. In Europe, they feel tight. They feel they're overregulated. They feel they're supposed to be doing things. Overtext. You know, I mean, why can't Europe... You're 18, you don't feel that you're overregulated and overtaxed. They do, in a funny way they do. Why did the French live in London? All of them? London is the biggest... Yes, they do. London is the fourth biggest French town. Why did they go there? Because they're overtaxed and overregulated. It's the second biggest Greek town. And also these things are not rational and it's very interesting. Yes, sure, of course. The moment in Poland, all the politicians are agonising over it because a couple of million Poles have simply decamped particularly Britain and the British Isles elsewhere. And everybody says, oh, it's the money we've raised. It's got 90% of the money. You talk to the young Poles in England, they just say, you just can't live there. You just can't live back home. My young Irish people used to come to England. You know, they feel tight. They feel that the atmosphere is, you know, that everything's closing in on them. And this is Europe, I think Europe's greatest problem at the moment. The young people feel there is an atrophy of establishment and I'm afraid that Brussels epitomises this and symbolises this. And they feel the whole thing is just sort of run into the buffers and that it's boring. Yeah, I don't think you're quite right. Again, I think it's an overstatement. I mean, you've got to distinguish between minorities and majorities. There have always been masses of people all through history who wanted to leave their country, the emigrations and everything else. But that's not true of the majority. I mean, if all Poles felt like this, there'd be no one in Poland. And of course, most Poles aren't going to emigrate. I mean, and most 18-year-old Poles aren't going to... I'm saying why a lot of young people do do it. Because they're always looking for a better life somewhere else. That's been true throughout history. No, not by progress. They look at it as a form of progress. Not every society do you get, you know, here we're talking about 10% of the population saying, I can't live in this country and these are the brightest and the best. Sorry, that's not quite true. 50% of people in Britain when asked would they prefer to live somewhere else have tended to say yes. But what does that mean, actually? The climate. The climate, as well I agree. If they don't go.