 Ευχαριστώ πολύ για την Πρόκληση Π. Χαλευρείας, Π. Σ. Σ. Σαδρίνου-Τεμπέρ και Π. Ποδείας για την Ευκαιρία, τη σπιτή του αυτοκλήτου. Και αυτή η σπιτή που θα προσφέρει η κεφάλαιση εδώ σε ευκαιρία Βιβιάνου. Στη στις τελευταίας, η κοινωνική τραγία της γινόμου σκοπής έχει γίνει ένα πιο σημαντικό πρόκληση της αρχαολογικής προκλήτησης για τα δυναμικά. As Jeremy McKinney point out in our Oxford Conference about feasting, και η ασφαλήση της εξαπτήριξης οσοχή της τραγικής άσφαλης της δεύτερης εξαπτήρησης. Στην σημαντική σωστή ακόμη, ανάρκησης στους πράγματα που ο ασφαλήτης δεν είναι εξαπτήρητο ή εξαπτήρητος για να είναι σπιστιαστικής. Ασφαλήτητα δημιουργείται σημβόλικα από αυτοφόροθηγες φαρειές στο σχέδιο της ασφαλής τελικών, και κοινωνικής διδάρησης, but also as arenas for manipulation and acquisition of prestige and social credit. Κλώς, we connect it to the concept of feasting, is the notion of commensality. Commensality literally means eating at the same table, in its broader general meaning it describes eating and drinking together in a common physical or social setting. In its broader general meaning it describes eating and drinking together in a common physical or social setting. Κομμενσαλίτη, widely played as a central role in forging and affirming the boats of kinship and neighborliness, but also in shaping and qualities of status between participants. In recent years and after today, important archaeological projects that call sites in Nance and Yubia offer us an opportunity for the first time to go bare practices of feasting between the central and southern part of the island. Yubia, the second biggest island of Greece, has different geographies and geologies. Communities participated in a wide network of interrelations which formed part of the structure in Paul because of their geographical position along the Yubian Gulf. In the context of this short presentation, I will briefly try to discuss feasting in Cal sites in central and southern Yubia, in the early Iron Age and Protorachype period, especially between Eretria and Prakari. Variables to be discussed are the importance of the sites, the forms and functions of building structures, draining and eating equipment and found all data. For the early Iron Age systematic excavations at Eretria produced solely dense on cal practices, while evidence in Calchis despite the importance of the settlement is only sporadically known, the possible caltic activities dating back to the early Iron Age may be traced at Calovritsa hill within the settlement confines, as well as in the votive deposit from the ruler X. Aupensrhein at Pethokou probably associated with the fertility cal. The most well-known cal sites in central Yubia are in Eretria and now also in Amarthos, thanks to the excavations by the School of Archaeology in Greece in collaboration with the effort of addictities of Yubia. At Eretria the Apolloda of Niforo Sanctuary and the nearby northern Saccupitian area probably dedicated to Artemis are complementary and so far the only urban cal sites dated from the geometric periods onwards. The importance of the site is readily apparent. The open play where it was established within the settlement area and input proximity from the port gave the site the possibility to develop. Three main phases have been distinguished by Samuel Verdun. In phase one all the following buildings are constructed, edifices 9, 1, 5, 150 surrounded by several walls, wherever altar 12 was also included among the first constructions. In phase two the area was reorganized, some of the older buildings disappeared, whereas others were preserved or rebuilt like edifice 150 and the monumental edifice 2 was constructed oriented towards the altar. During phase 3 all constructions surrounding edifice 2 disappeared and a few years later edifice 2 was destroyed by fire. Edifices 1 and 150 are interpreted as a hit by getting holes by Verdun, Even edifice 2, the late geometric-abstital building monumental building is now seen to have had a plurality of functions, sheltering votive offerings as well as large gatherings. Within the sanctuary's confines first played a central role. On account of brevity I will refer to some of these conducts. Not much is preserved from the interior building 1, the so-called Dachniforion and the same applies from the interior of edifice 9 interpreted by Verdun as a private house possibly belonging to one of the aristocratic families involved in the organization of cults. But ample material is preserved from refuse pit 221 which included the plates, kifoi, kanthari, as kifos craters, craters, remnants of packets and a few miniature forms as well as residues of food, olive stones, grape seeds, free threshing weed. Pit 221 in particular preserved the remnants of a meal or meals taking place in either building 1 or building 9 as a result of food refuse subsequently discarded together with other food staff, animal bones, cells, fish in the pit indicated a variety of drinking and food consumption practices all study by Margaritis, Tatiana Therocoulu and other very prominent scholars. The results of the analysis emphasize the provision of cooked as well as uncooked stored food. In Phase 2 several refuse pits have produced able material relating to banquets, containing vessels for food preparation, service and consumption including big almost monumental craters. The latter two pits illustrated here, pits 253 and 254 are in close proximity 255 and the Absidal Monumental Building 2. Tableware, the sanctuary of Apollo Daphne Foros highlights the role of feasting in reinforcing collective solidarity but also heats at a divisive dimension. It is not only that at least some bucket events would take place in the interior of these edifices as evidence shows marking a differentiation of commons allocations and divisions of who would participate in the interior of these buildings. It is also that craters with elaborate scenes including the Chesnola style scenes drew attention to the act of serving emphasizing distinctions in buckets. Therefore, commonsality in Eretria at the Apollo Daphne Foros sanctuary played a significant role in shaping inequality of status between participants. In the closely related northern sacrificial area, the excavated area has largely produced ceremonial ceramics and final remains. The latter associated with sacrifices and the gods portions in the geometric period. The archaic classical and Hellenistic assemblages include drinking vessels and cooking pots, as well as final remains from buttery and animal consumption, mostly of sheep and pigs but no longer the gods portion, as Sadrino Ber has argued. Therefore, sacrificial practices inside the northern sacrificial area probably changed in the archaic period although meat was still consumed in the feasts here. Another shifting practices from the 8th to the 7th century BC is the largest circulation of carved vessel shapes, in particular the long neck jug and the small or miniature hydria in rituals during which women participated. This way in the 7th century Eretria, women visibility in rituals is more apparent than in the 8th century record. But vessels appropriate for feasts did not stop. The northern sacrificial area produced a variety of 7th and 6th century vessels appropriate for such functions such as kifoi, kantharo, kotile, craters, dinoin, hoens and etc. I'm stressing this parameter because recently has been argued about Attica that in the Attic sanctuaries there was a divergence in the consumption of meat and wine in the 8th and 7th centuries. Van den Eyde elaborates that Attica meat consumption was gradually transferred to locations consecrated to the gods and was increasingly accompanied by the deposition of bottle gifts while drinking was largely confined to domestic contexts. I would say that the picture is a little bit more complex as in also in Eretria for the archaic period actual feast banquets including drinking ceremonies were still taking place in archaic sanctuaries at the same time the phenomenon of carved special productions such as the long neck jugs and small miniature hydria series alongside other patterns of miniaturization observed in many Greek sanctuaries indicate a wide diversity of rituals in the 7th century. Similarly at the heron near the west gate deposits there alongside a rather limited number of miniature hydria and long neck jugs were also filled with quantities of commonsal debris including digging and mixing vessels. At neighboring Amaranthos ongoing excavations by the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece with collaboration with the Greek effort of adiquities begin to reveal a late century bubble building which will throw additional light on our investigation on feasting activities. Before discussing southern Euboean especially the placari sanctuary in Caristos I would like to refer to the sanctuary of Xaraques also because this site is located in between central and southern Euboea. At Xaraques as Athena presented us today excavation in the area of the Absidal Peristyle car building unearthed the late geometric pottery which included fine drinking vessels. In the 7th and 6th centuries BC in addition to the fine wares coarse wares comprising mainly relief pithoi that Athena showed us and luteria for mixing included also other shapes this coarse ware production including luteria for mixing and pouring. If this luteria are of local production this shape may indicate a local tradition related to commonsal practices in the sanctuary and it demonstrates the production of certain types of coarse wares used for ritual purposes which thus far are distinct from Eretria from central Euboea. In southern Euboea the hillside of Placari that lies in close proximity to the Cariestian coast is to date the most important sanctuary discovered in Caristos representing early Iron Age occupation. These excavations at the site have been conducted under the direction of Prof. Ian Paul Krillard or we University Amsterdam. The important of the site the hilltop of Placari is ostensible because of its easy access to maritime networks connecting Placari with Attica, the rest of Euboea and other Aegean communities especially the northwestern Cyclades as we will see later on. No traces of an early Iron Age table or another monumental car building have been preserved but as Ian Paul argued we may consider other kind of constructions in the open air area like stone elements. A large deposit of material you see it here named one, trench one located on the south slope of the summit of the hill along the southern limits of trench one is our trench one. In later periods archaic and classical evidence for the location of cult activity comes from the flat area termed terrace two. You see just a whole trench one immediately north of trench one where various cult installations including building A, Maria Souda's detailed reconstruction of the graphic in this building a probably pantry and storage space for cult equipment and value of goods. Trench one yielded more than 32 000 pottery fragments over 26 fragments of animal bones and more than 40 430 small finds. The pottery small finds and animal bones were all found within a thick layer of gravel. In several places on the hill on the hill slope certain categories of finds were clustered together for instance more concentrations of trench pins or search from the same vessel. It seems that this open air sacrificial refuse area as we call it includes intentionally laid out material remains resulting in a deposition characterized by care in special patterning. Residues of sacrifices, feasting and dedication practices such as animal bones, iron knives, carcoles, tableware, cooking pots, bulk storage vessels, together with votives, pedants, rings, pinnails, fibulae knives, pejuens and plastic vases all indicate a wide range of color practices which were probably held in the vicinity of this secondary deposit. It is possible that the final act of secondary deposition could have acute as a single event. These assemblages dates from the protogeometric period we even have a sub-Mycenae candidate. Geometric and archaic periods with deposition peaking in the 8th century BC but there is a small number of classical search that may indicate the time of the final act of the deposition related to the classical phase constructions just above trench one in terrace two. Such an intentional deposition can indicate perception of the sacred and enhancement of memory and coherence and ensures the worth of future rituals. The main repertoire of ceramic material belongs to cooking, shovel and consuming vessels. Results of my quantitative analysis will be published with the final publication on the site but other categories from the fine penny τεξίδες to cause bulk storage vessels which are present but in smaller numbers. Among the fine small opera forms, one hundred cups used for drinking ceremonies and only basions outnumber, there are hundreds coming from the rims and bodies as well as cantheroids. These are the skifoids here, more skifoids, cantheroids. Skifias we see here of different sizes a shape that might have been used for drinking but also for food consumption pouring vessels as well as lecanides, bowls, the latter used also for eating, this latter shape. There is only a small number of craters, cratter bowls and skifoid craters and none with figural decoration as they appeared the apollo da filforo sanctuary in Eretria especially cups, cantheroids and also skifoids. You can see the images, some of these images as I show them above indicate that the commensal acts involve ceremonial drinking with beverages, diversity in shapes of tableware for instance the big numbers of one hundred cups also in relation to cantheroids and skifoids would probably suggest that these shapes did not function for the same purpose. Such customs in turn implied and drinking ceremonies played a role in their communal social intercourse. The vast numbers of one hundred cups the absence of elaborate craters that appear in Eretria give the impression of humbler forms of activity. Nevertheless there are votives from the sanctuary which clearly show they belong to high status agents such as the shield bat found in another trench, trench D which Ian Paul showed you of exactly the same kind like an argiv type shield ban recently discovered at the sanctuary of the semen in northern Aegean. Concerning the fine wares there seems to have been numerous seam boards coming from attic and central ubean workshops to serve the demands of the sanctuary or imported pottery which participants would have brought with them but also local fine ware attempts. One parameter to be taking into account is that the local carestian clays may not have been good enough for the production of fine wares. For this reason a local fine ware can rather easily be distinguished also because they yield higher frequencies of mica. Certain vessel types are comparable to those discovered at the apollo da fniforo sanctuary such as the bed and semi-cycle skifoids, a bronze skifoid or even certain types of inboards like this skifoid of the birdseed workshop which also appear in Eretria. We should note that analogous quantities of imported pottery also appear in the neighboring early Alan Age settlement of Zagora Onandros, Plakari. On Zagora Onandros, Plakari and Zagora shared many common futures also in terms of their local semi-coach and coursewares. My microscopic observations will be evaluated via petrographical chemical analysis in the near future. Coursewares include various categories such as storage vessels as well as burnish cooking jugs known also from other ubean sites and Andros as well. Cooking jugs can be related to food preparation in communal fests and maybe then they may allow to uses of open sanctuary space. Some of them preserved blacken surface are as a result of being used over fire. The big number of actual cooking pots in trends 1 may even imply that food was prepared and consumed in family-shaped groups. In addition, special categories of semi-coach to courseware often include either independent stands of fenestrated food attached to vessels of various sizes. Most such work would fit to normal or maybe even small-sized cooking pots and if it is so they may be related to cult meat consumption practices. There are also some small closed forms like these ones which may have been used for other purposes. A hypothesis might be to offer first food offerings such ware are possibly local and they are differentiated from what we know from central ubean cult practices. Similar pots are also found in Andros and therefore they may form part of a larger koini. They may form part of distinct south and ubean traditions. It is worth noting that the vast majority of the placari figurines are also possibly made of the same or similar semi-coach fabric. Other ceremonian vessels such as the Eretrian Lochne jugs or small miniature higiene do not seem to reach placari. The range of vessel shapes in combination with the presence of funnel remains and iron knives indicate that drinking ceremonies, animal sacrifices and the consumption of meat are among the focal points of cultic activities on the placari sanctuary. Dr. Maike Good has done the analysis of the animal bones where ship, goat, cat will be a big predominant. She identifies parts of the animals that could be used for the goat's portion. Other funnel remains, selfies, marine, such as selfies were consumed too but in moderate quantities whereas Daphne Lentis analysis of the acrobotanical micro remains shows a variety of agricultural species found in trends on deposit including grapefruits, pulses, cereals and grass seeds. Their cultural products may have been consumed as part of ceremonies and feasts and are used for fair fruits offerings and there are several ceramic assemblages such as our backstoras vessels that could have been used to store these products or even these small pots maybe for first fruit offerings. Concluding remarks, sanctuaries provide a unifying space but at the same time, commensality shapes inequalities of status between participants. The materiality of feasting is evident both in the cultic sides of central and southern Ubia but in Eretria at least in the 8th century that seems to have been a clearer picture of the diacritical use of commensal occasions. The importance of a site is of course an important parameter to take into account. The Apollodaphniphoros Sanctuary seems to have a more central position in Ubean cult rituals rather than the more peripheral sanctuary placari. Certain types of tableware appear both in Eretria and placari whereas I believe significant quantities of fine wares mainly small and open forms were imported to serve local demands in the sanctuary or even the placari settlement or on the other hand there is a small number of craters in placari in relation to the amount of craters found on the Apollodaphniphoros Sanctuary and this may either be a matter of wealth disposal, a matter of diverse drinking practices especially if we connect this phenomenon with the abundant number of 100 cups at placari or both. Furthermore there is a wide range of course and semi-course where at placari to date these semi-course categories which include special products, fenestrated stands or food as well as more closed forms do not occur in Eretria. There seems to have been a slightly different emphasis in the production and use of fine and coarse wares in central and southern Ubea possibly relevant to craft specialization and also what the local workshops could produce could produce based on the availability of their local resources and traditions. Thank you very very much and also for your patience.