 The scene in front of the Broadway Hotel here in Dunscroft, outside Duncaster in South Yorkshire. We're 40 years ago, many of these men you see here were on strike, one of the biggest strikes in history of the labour movement in Great Britain. I was here 40 years ago. I was 27 years old. I stayed in the home of a minor, working out with them in the morning to pick it against the scabs. Police surrounded us completely in a circle, 5, 6 a.m. I'm back for this march from the hotel here, the Broadway, over to the pit, to the Hatfield carlory pit. Where Art the Scarver, at the pit club, is going to be speaking. He was the head of the National Union of Mind Workers. George Galloway, the newly elected MP, is also expected. He'll be filming the march and the speeches. Good idea. Sorry about that. Thank you very, very, very much. Right, association, it's us that's been able to organise this. I'll give you more of my throttle when we're back in pit club. We always start off when we do anything from Hatfield, with Hatfield brass band playing the minors in Gressford. So I would appreciate everybody, it's a minute to time, just bow your heads and let the band play Gressford. He's 40th anniversary event, and welcome to the Doncaster headstock gears, which is last remaining headstocks in the Doncaster Coalfields. We will embark on a journey of discovery, exploration and the growth of men, women and their families when during a year of extreme archery. For the right to work, for the right to provide their families, and the right to keep their communities from suffering the fate of deindustrialisation. Together in solidarity, we stand here collectively, paving the way for a positive change. You are all proof of the cultural values and heritage of the mining community, and the communities live on. Don't you look bloody wonderful like this afternoon, eh? Don't you think that after 40 years you've had enough and we should never be a love and forgiveness? Never. We should never forget the spite and bile that were formed by this Tory government back in 80s by a capture. These picked communities brought us something together inside. From Scotland to Kent we know that some of the actions that took place 40 years ago had that effect on our communities, had that effect on the people that lived within them, but also had that effect on the industry as well. So today more than anything else is about reflection and remembering. It's about commemoration. And I'm sure that everybody else here today, with no people that the decades of time has withered away. People that have lost their lives. People that have become sick. When strikes started, I was 18. Right, I was 18. I'm touching 60 now. Some of the older minors are not here today. So it's about remembering them. It's about reflecting on them and how they touched us and touched our lives. We're all aware that we've had 14 years of austerity. It's almost like they've come back for another pot. They've not just closed the pit down and tried to destroy the community and the industry. They're trying to do exactly the same again in terms of spitting people away. The services that they need, so desperately. Whether it's the NHS, whether it's local authority or anything else. But we also know that our communities 40 years ago came together and they worked together. So that the women, the families, the people and they all sort of helped each other and supported each other. Whether it was through food banks or soup kitchens or whether it actually sort of like making donations from other trade unionists. 40 years ago, that is what got the miners through that 12 years. We know for a fact that the same thing is happening in our communities. People are rallying together. Our communities are working together. We also know that they're doing these things where they're providing warm spaces. They're also providing maybe it could be sort of like luncheon clubs and things like that. Because you cannot kill a community. Because even after 40 years, these communities are still here. So, you know, when we move away from here today, we need to remember that we've got a job to do. We've got a task, we've got a duty to do in terms of passing on our heritage. And we must never ever forget what happened. We must keep that fire burning. But more than that, we should never ever forgive what happened as well. And what they tried to do with our communities. Thank you very much for your time. We stand here in the presence of a monumental ghost. A great and enduring industry. One million and some miners. The biggest single strike in the world in 1912. As are the one million members of the miners, Federation went and strike for a national minimum wage. In 1926, the country's only general strike saw the miners in the lead. The TUC lasted nine days before they sold us out and left us to fight on alone for nine bitter, starvation filled months. During which time Churchill put machine guns at the pit heads and tanks on the streets, armored cars on the docks and swore to drivers back down our halls like rats. And when Arthur Cook said, we would let grass grow on the pulley wheels before we'd submit to longer hours and still more wages reduction. Churchill said, he'd make the grass grow. In 1972, the largest enterprise in Europe, the NCP, went on strike for a wage increase. We were 13 from the bottom and the whole country. From 1981 to 1993, we fought butcher and the maneuverings and the bookboys for the industry. A vital strategic industry a necessary industry. Then and now. Here, we did not assume leaders of British steel workers have said, argue that job losses are necessary, but so soon. Wait another 10 years and blow the blast furnaces. What nonsense. The world needs primary steel. Britain is the only capitalist country in the world to seek to have no steel-making facilities. And whether now or 10 years time, this is absurd. I concluded the suggestion that we believe in hosting a Doncaster minus gala every year from now on to be held on the second side there for August, and that it is hosted here at Hartfield pit for the route we just followed. Yeah. There's that second that's he's got. Friends. Fellow workers. It has been my absolute privilege to represent you. Thank you. Before it close. 59 59 59 59 59 59 59 No problem. Tell us when you see your Palestinian flags behind. Great. Good. Yeah. I'll be saying something about that. I hope so too. I've got a Syrian grandson who looks just like all the kids. This one. All the on the right, long on the left you see. George, how you doing? Good. Good. We're all lined up now at the when you're ready. Ladies and gentlemen, George Galway. The class hero is something to be. Arthur Scargill is the number one working class hero in this country. And he will always be. He's laughing. What are you doing? It's hand of my kill. I feel made a club. I'm so going to get up front. The crowd waiting for Arthur Scargill and George Galway to speak. The cold is the enemy with a they were the enemy with the what the upon to our country since good. They are not suppressing the white. It's your fight. It's your fight. So what girl we're back down the road today that will stay in my town. This village. When it were made twice by police. When we need a lot killed. When they kicked three shades ours. But I'll tell you what, we're fought back. We're fought into a standstill and the purpose can't win us that they never will be up with the winners now. Thank you. We're not many societies as always. Well, I'd like to ask you for a final minutes silence today in respecting the paper that we're just waiting for us to read. The fact that we lost in the community when I talk about community. I talk about the community. But it's from Stamford. It's on four ends. They said, okay, they won't work for you because they brought that diversity of peoples into our pick. So that's what I talk about in the community. And our community is a pride proud community. We've got new people here today. The four of you. That was joining me. They have been magnificent to be selling badges. Get them away. These are the people that were picked up the button from us. So if anybody needs it for us today, please give these kids a round of applause. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Welcome to the audience. So without further ado I'm Neil Brown. We all know that probably we're in that strike where someone can be for sale. But one of the most magnificent things where our manual asses back is up I've been just fed for this. We went out on piggy banks when the risk is to drop the signal and throw. These asses went out. They battled the doggies. We went to struggle the piggy banks. They raised money. They raised awareness. And there are wings and there are 100,000 like that and they say it's a massive group and one of the best we've got. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. How are you doing? How are you doing? I'm good. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you very much. It was great. Thank you. I love your voice. I'm going to be saying chance to let's believe you are here. In the world you will stay. That's her. Sisters, brothers in Gabrielle and my team here at行了 field before of sports, I just wanted to bring this with you. But she, along with Mark, David's dad, continued the fight for justice. Not only for the son, but for her soul. Her strong, defined face, lips on, and these quicksanded jeans. Along with all the other brave and inspirational women. Cycling. As from Stoke. Our group is called the Nudlstad Smiles Wives Action Group. And we made up a webby from all the food centres in the area of Nudlstad. The webby was Stoke. Like the Hatfield webby. Throw into action as Cougars and Spides started. It was a battle for survival. We organized soup kitchens, made up food parcels. I could try and create a saga and add soup kitchens and another one on the way. I was in all of these webby. But I wasn't surprised because that was what our communities are like. We made up a struggle webby. We tried to store this back to it, but that was never going to happen. Not at least strong, talk free, zillion, webby, not anything to do with it. And I see it all the way today. Let's, let's thanks from Ken. Come on, Tom. Come on, Tom. Come on, Tom. OK. OK. OK. OK. OK. OK. OK. OK. OK. OK. And then the women took comrades, had a call, one of them said, I can usually see Priscilla Stetson, we're still here, and she isn't. Yeah. That's right. And I'm not going to be funny, I'm not going to be very devouty, but that's fine. As well as organizing the soup kitchen, we wanted to go out and tell people why we were on the show. So we started speaking at meetings, and always, we went up picky lines, and we continue to do the same today. We watched in our, what the police did to the villages in Yorkshire, the sheer brutality meted out to the men, women and children, whose only crime was to fight for our communities, for our kids, for our jobs, and the future. I don't know. We're at the sharp edge a few times as well, especially down in Rockview, where the pushy sacks deepened blankets and colded skull girls' hearts. Watch it out the back of the rowing, who could once have that book out? The criminal artists, they put other people in jail once, who still got... What do you think? Once still got... Just give us a ready talk. Have we ever made you go to the police? Who at night? Once, who still got sent out to be in these scarred bodies? They said they threw everything at us, but we're still here, still fighting on. 40 years have passed, a white territory. Our group's us the bodies. Brenda Partey, who stood in... who in 1984 stood with Arthur, Dalit King's all in a stoke, a fierce, great big meaty, and she stood there as strong as anything, and she said what was going on. She was a founding member of our group, an active member of National Women Against Pip, which had sprung over 30 years, and chair of National Women Against Pip, which was in 2003. Bridget Bow, a class-fighted... APPLAUSE Hi, Bridget. A class-fighted for the mining community, a constructive always like a socialist, a trade unionist, Hillary McLaren, a sad-minded wife, and our jury made soon. And you suffered your own losses in your community, strong, resilient women, who fought for the cause... Anger. ...to take inspiration from these women. I can see the legacy here in front of us with these kids that have been with us today, and for all the women that are in the room that might not have been here in 1984. This is their legacy. This is what they lack. With every picket line you stand on, the jury adopters, the art workers, the railway workers, the others and workers fighting for union recognition, and for every march in rally you go on, the ones today remembering our brave strike at marching for the people of Palestine. It is a thank you. It is a thank you. It is a thank you. That is the gift you send and inspiration, you, that are legacy, and that the winds of our song you join me to sing if there's no. Come on, lad, we are women, we are strong, we are fighting for our time, we need to learn to be open-hearted, open-hearted, and open-hearted. When all the things we have been through lay in light to the people, live in peace at one time. live in peace at one time. Live in peace at one time. Live in peace at one time. Live in peace at one time. this during other month. I've waited 14 years for this. We come very soon when it's time for this, maybe we'll revend it because we will try to chase the partner that will take the bag on his head as soon as I like time. But after that it was going to come a spink if man is welfare and we're fighting it because there were a lot of negotiations coming out of the country. My dream of introduction I could take up today. I am proud, such a proud, to introduce Althus Gardle, the leader of the NUF, to the United Nations. I'd like to thank you very much. Thank you very much. For instance, before I commence my speech, I want to make a statement about the situation in the Middle East. The slaughter of more than 30,000 innocent people, including children only on born in Gaza, is nothing less than genocide. The arrested and jailed for life. The fascist state of Israel has continuously bombed and shelled Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem for nearly five months. These territories are the land of the Palestine, which Israel has unlawfully occupied since 1967. And unless Israel withdraws, I call upon one of the members back this fascist state. If the United States, the United Kingdom states like Grenada, there shall be part and parcel of a force together with all the Arab states, driving Israel in 1985, the days of the Chartists and the Paul Paul Masters, to save jobs, pits and communities. To the young miners in 1984 and 1985, who in every sense fought for the future. And of course, like Bernard, I want to pay especially tribute to the magnificent women against pit closures, which are a forefront of our struggle, fully shown on television or in film. But on the 12th of May, 1984, the planning came together. These brave women would establish support groups in every coal field, bring them together. And one national body was done on the 12th of May. When in Boundsley South Yorkshire, we staged a march, more important, they staged a march. I confess that I anticipated, if we were lucky, 500 would appear. I arrived from a meeting with the government appointed National Coal Wood to greet them. I couldn't believe my eyes. 10,000 women were covered in area in Boundsley. The route that the march was to take had been planned by the police. But of course, women didn't do what men always do. And they told the deputy chief constable, we're not going that way, we're going that way. And he said, but that's the centre of town. That's the reason we're going that way. They marched, and as we came to the public hall, not only did we feel it, or they felt it, but 3,000 people packed in, an equal number outside. But on arrival, they were told by the assistant chief constable, oh, you can't bring banners into this place. They just brushed him aside and packed the banners in. There were always two people, one male, allowed into the meeting. Jack Taylor, the president in Yorkshire, and myself. And as we got to the podium, we were approached by the police and the fire brigade. We were told that you're breaking the law, there are too many people. I looked around, I said, if you're asking me to tell them to go out, you've got nothing coming. But if you want to try it, try it, you'll lose. A particular police officer had a grain of intelligence. He said, I note the points you've made, and I will give you time to vacate the... He said, it's 12 o'clock, and I want to see this hall completely empty by 6. Representative of the Women Against Preclosures. A lot of them, unfortunately, no longer were magnificent. For the first time, we had women in attendance who never left a little village. But here they were, exercising for the first time their right to be equal to men, and more important, to support men who were on strike. The minus strike of 1984-1985 brought a union precedent of support from workers in countries all that we had the right to strike in accordance with the United Nations Conventions 87 and 98. We had support, irrespective of all their attempts to stop us of receiving from people in France, South Africa. Yes, the Soviet Union and all the Eastern-Watt countries and on Christmas when people in the media say it was the bleakest time in the world for a change by their doctors, they brought food, medical supplies and a Christmas present for every child of a striking minor. And the women were magnificent. One of the most interesting things. We had the leading bands in Britain, the leading soloists being ready for their concerts to come and perform before them. We had some of the best and they didn't want to go. It was a great day and I'll never forget it. The French VGT were magnificent. They primarily did things that were against the law. The boatloads of coal loaded in France coming from different parts of the East suddenly got sunk in the same. In other words, they exercised the piggy right to stop them. Like hundreds of thousands of trade union and labour movements they provided support for us throughout that dispute. After being said in the smears that have been made against certainly one leader of the NUM what we got, where we got it. Despite the fact that everywhere we went we were exonerated but we raised over £10 billion in money that was distributed to every area in the British Coalfield. Like hundreds and thousands in the trade union movement they provided for us throughout the dispute. 14 years ago the Tory government led by Margaret Thatcher declared war on the NUM. They had been preparing for a showdown with the union since before the 1979 general election. They couldn't forget the victorious minor strikes of 1969, 1972 and 1974. And no, I haven't made a mistake. In 1969 we had an unofficial strike, no balance, no conference decision in support of surface workers having the right to an eight-hour day. We won it in 1972, periods that I've lived with for the rest of my life. I went down to a coke depot in Birmingham. I couldn't understand why pickets couldn't just stop. A small picket line was all we needed for a coke depot. It was that man at Mount Everest for the miners from different parts but primarily Yorkshire and South Wales fought another way I got arrested. By Tuesday it became apparent to me that something had to be done and I addressed no fewer than 13 metres in one evening. And I asked the movement in Birmingham, don't give us sympathy, don't give us pounding notes, no more than though they are. What we want is you to come out on strike and join a picket line. And the lad who led them, Arthur Harper, said, when do you want us there, brother? And I said, Thursday. And on Thursday I found this most fantastic thing I've ever seen. 20,000 Birmingham workers down tools and joined the miners in the versus of what Thasher was determining, it would never happen again. Of course, she also remembered that in 1974 we didn't only bring down the government in debt pay policy, we brought them down completely. I think this is going to strike. It's often said that the miners failed in 1984 and 95 because we didn't have a ballot. It's a lie. We took action in accordance with our rules and rule 41 gives an area the right when it's under attack to take industrial action. Therefore we called a special conference in October 1983. The miners' dispute didn't begin in March 1984 and for the benefit of a representative from the sun if one's pregnant, pregnant. 1983 is before 1984. They said it's the wrong time of the year to have a strike in March. It started in November. At that conference, unanimously we voted to have a national overtime back. It was a success. Within a period of four months we had reduced the stocks of coal in practically every area including power stations, ports, steelworks and other organisations. But it wasn't enough because the coal board under government instructions intended to try and destroy the union. On March the 1st, the National Coal Board of Directors in four areas announced the immediate closure of five pits. Caught in wood and bulk lift wood in Yorkshire, Harrington in Durham, Snowdown in Kent and Palmaise in Scotland. On Tuesday the 6th of March, the Yank that they brought in to run the coal board. I'm talking about that. A lot swearing. Confirmed the further 20 would be closed. That decision was unanimous. At the National Executive Committee meeting two days later, Scotland and Yorkshire saw an endorsement in accordance with the rule for permission to take action. They were given authority. Within a week we had 180,000 miners on strike. All of them taking decisions within the area by a show of hands in meetings. I'm fed up of reading and listening to critics who say we picked the wrong time of the year. What better time to start an industrial dispute in an industry that provided heat and warmth than November of the year. I say that simple to record straight. But of course from March to start picketing on a wider scale. We have a special national delegate conference. I want to pay tribute to the way that that was run and the decision that was taken on the 19th of April, 1984, for any historian that's here. Delegates rejected a call for a national strike ballot. It was debated and put to the vote. And the vote in the conference was to support the 190,000 or 80% of Britain's miners who were already on strike in accordance with national rule 41. But we also had to pick targets. I haven't said this before but I'll say it now. I was convinced that the steel industry should be the area's main packaging target. Far more important than power stations. Far more important than other targets such as going to Nottingham and what they were. I didn't just pluck that idea off of the air. I had information from a minister. A minister in the Tory government. What the position was. The television and radio broadcasts were down people that they'd up to nine months supply. It wasn't that, but it didn't matter. Because I knew that at the steel plant they'd only got three weeks. And I know that had we had mass picketing from the start at picketing targets in Rain and Spray in Scotland, Port Talbot in Wales and Scumflop in Yorkshire, that strike could have been over within two months. Who supports that? Ironically, and I don't ask you to buy it, for God's sake. That's just out of biography. She admits the normally three weeks supply. And at all costs she says we had to do everything we had in our armour to defeat the NUM. She devoted in an autobiography a whole chapter to me. I think she phones in me. You're going to bury your eyes up till midnight. It was because the people in my left wouldn't share my view. And it wasn't until British coal broke an agreement that they'd reached without authority from the national NUM that they'd be taking coke from depots like all grief. That they began to realise there was only one way to stop it. And stop it, we did. And I'll tell you why in a minute. The decision of the mining zillion on the 19th of April advised areas that picketing must be confined on an area basis. Because we knew it was both legal and morally right. It was obvious that if we could master enough pickets, in this case in Aubrey, we could have a chance. What's not already known is that at Aubrey it didn't start on the 18th of June. It started on the 23rd of May. I know because I was there. I've always believed that a leader of a trade union just sitting in an office should be at the front and going to the point of production or the point of conflict. A principle I've kept all my life. Which we arrived at a situation where on the 27th of May we had a masticky. Not as large as the 18th of June would be, but nevertheless one that terrified their authorities. My contact in the ministry told me that the considerations are being given to deploying large numbers of police from all police forces and if necessary employ the army. I've found of reading and listening to historians and media experts saying we've walked into a trap or that the welcomed us with open arms. Well if that's the case someone has got to explain to me why they arrested me on the 30th of May. Not exactly a welcome but by the time we reached the 18th of June we had thousands of people at Aubrey from all over Britain. It was a magnificent display. By the way we were not kettled and certainly couldn't have been in an area with about 10 acres of land. But we had a military police force armed to the teeth with stabs, truncheons, dogs long shields, short shields and boy did they intend to use them. The things that you've seen on television are only part of the story. The BBC for example both filmed that night turned the film round to a report that the minors had charged into police lines. It's a lie. The minors would be battered and I mean battered in a way that one could not believe that hasn't happened certainly since the 1980s. Of course police numbers grew. By the 30th of May they knew that we weren't meaning business. But the planning for the 30th of May pale and intense significance alongside the mass picking on the 18th of June the planning was broadcast to the world and I personally acquired from a small old shop down in the back part of the Wichefield some wuffy talkies I got about eight and I was sure not to operate them because the electronics were a failure. It's at two switches one and two. Dave Douglas was given one in a meeting and told where to stand. One was given to the Yorkshire minus vice president and all the other pickets and we could communicate across this mass picking. It was a matter of time before they clicked and got their technology working but it took them two hours to find out that we were working and they managed to jam it so we all, in accordance with the brief plan switched to that lasted for about 15 minutes and then they bought that but during that time we were doing amazing jobs we were standing firm and in particular Dave Douglas and the minus from Hatfield occupied they occupied the plant and the only reason to stay in but it was an indication that we will not be battered all the time into submission, we were fighting back and I'll tell you this if people are charging into members of my union and hitting them with truncheons and shields, I'll advise them to fight back and not simply get conscious. I'm conscious on 18th of June and the chief constable, as an assistant chief constable told the world I had slipped down a bank and ninjaed myself and in at least one biography the author said I was treated by, to say local brigade to help people in trouble thought short, no longer with us came to interview me and they said in that distinctive voice to see what we nearly need is some photographic evidence we need a photograph of Arthur being hit this lad was with me, we had six witnesses but no cameras the cameras had been kept back by the police who's not said from South Kirby he said I took a picture Paul said yes but I'm talking about a picture of Arthur's cargo giving him hit he said I took a picture he said can't he go on and get it developed he said I've developed it he said can you go on and get it he said I've got it he said well why didn't you publish it he said I didn't think it was good enough I can't believe it I've got the original by the way the people around me including the guy who hit me with the bloody shield is as clear as crystal I'm not finished up in hospital together with hundreds of others 95 were really bloody hurt 95 by the way were charged with riot a rate that if issued means life imprisonment model Mansfield represented the NUM went to court and he was in possession of all the data that I was able to provide and he cross-examined this assistant chief constable and he said to him how did you know that Mr. Scargo slipped down a bank he said I told so so Mansfield said that's hearsay evidence he said my officers don't lie Mansfield says we shall see the next one on was the police officer who had said in another case he had hit this bank at 8am Mansfield said could you be mistaken could it be 5 to 8 no 8 Mansfield said could it be 5 past no 8 he said could I have a look at your notebook the judge said you've got to give it Mansfield opened the notebook of the police officer he said I'm going to read it 7.15 over here 7.40 admission that there is police violence on the day then this 8am police station canteen he said could you please explain to me and the judge how you could be arresting this man and at the same time a nice breakfast 15 man away in the police headquarters and the judge said I'm stopping this at this point he said you might be facing pagerie but in any event the case is dismissed and eventually of course all of them took them 50 years to get the truth I know exactly how they worked I've heard a close friend of mine is Ricky Tomlinson and I've spoken all over Britain I've repeated in media accounts of the Battle of Aubrey there's not reported accounts one from me one from Dave Douglas in his book Ghost Dancers he said the police were forced to close the plant and that they did on the 18th of June I can confirm it because Nicholas Jones the BBC Labour correspondent gave me a copy of the Telex from Hasland the chairman of British Steel closing the plant for that day it was almost a replica of what had happened all those years before that's sold again but instead of repeating that by bringing more pickets as I urged from my hospital bed for some reason didn't do it I say relatively because I've got every faith in the miners that were there they were courageous a lot of them very badly hurt you know people oxygen machines in the hospital where I was as it happened I've no doubt in my mind that if Aubrey had stayed closed on the 19th and onwards the strike would have been over for 40 years I've been accused of refusing to negotiate well that's a lie as well we met on five occasions and reached what we understood to be a deal that we could put to our members what happened was contact was made by McGregor to David Hart and to Thatcher and the deal was stopped it's a fact and the 2014 disclosure of Downing Street minutes demonstrates it was a lie who also stayed closed had been for the effect of something else far more important we agreed to go to Agas in order to try and negotiate a settlement in October 1984 the most important part of our agreement was to be to protect jobs of minors families and of course keep the pits open we decided to approach the NACOs that the deputy strike union who had just had a ballot with a majority of 83% and were in the same building in an upstairs room and McGregor said well why don't we present a proposal and ask them to agree so we did and I can tell you I wrote it in my own handwriting and that result that it being accepted would have won the strike so you were right to know what it was I approached NACOs and they agreed word for word these words that I wrote quotes that the NCB with droids bit closure won give an undertaking that the five collars earmarked for immediate closure would be kept open and guarantee that no pit would be closed unless by joint agreement it was deemed to be exhausted or unsafe this proposal was accepted by NACOs and accepted ironically by the consideration survey it was then submitted to the adjoining room where the NCB before I had a chance to even read it McGregor says I'm off, I'm not participating they had just left the building and so there was going to be a strike at every pit in Britain on the following week and I knew and they knew that that would be enough to win the strike and again I refer you please don't buy the book but get old of Thatcher's autobiography and Peter Walker the energy secretary's autobiography they both admit that they couldn't have carried on and in fact the minister who had become a friend of mine for industrial purposes confirmed to me that they discussed in cabinet that they couldn't carry on they would have to settle but something strange happened before the meeting in ACOS to settle the agreement NACOs told us that they changed their mind it was ironic because for the first time in my history the TUC urged them to carry on and go on strike we were saying to them we've got a proposal that ACOS can live with that the government can live with so why pull out and to this day I've never had an answer but their decision to betray that agreement led to the Tories deciding to carry on and they said we once have to carry on if it takes a year but in 1985 it's significant that even then they will begin to run out of coal even from power stations despite the fact that they were receiving coal from places like Poland which should have been no better but no explanations have been given as to why NACOs performed this which had terrible consequences which led to the destruction of the whole of Britain's deep mining coal industry so all of us in Nottingham and South Derbyshire with the exception of those courageous miners who ignored the decision to keep working were on strike and taken away by a decision of the deputies union and as they carried on they also knew that the chairman of the CGB that was a power generating board had confided and again take it from me and know that they couldn't carry on for another three months because the stocks were in law even at the power stations over the years I've repeatedly said we didn't come close to it in we won in October with the deputies understood by the agreement we would have won of the areas inexplicably decided not to increase the number of pickets after the 18th of June and it led to a big bizarre situation and you've got a right to know not just commemorate which is really important the 21st of February 1985 we held a special delegate conference and on the basis of much of what I've just told you I explained to that conference and they decided unanimously to carry on with the strike within five days exactly by 28th of February five areas had written in asking for a recall conference to agree to an immediate return to work without a settlement now the excellent thinking through one would be bought on the 21st of February to carry on with the strike and five years later changed their minds but in five different areas including of course primarily south Wales I've never understood it I've never understood the thinking or the forces behind it whether they were working fully in those areas or whether they were being supported by MPs in form in those areas that conference led to a special conference on the 3rd of March 1985 the NEC position was for a continuation of the strike the resolution to call off the strike was put to the Executive Committee and we explained that the conference decision that had taken place on the 21st of February bound us to support our members in bravery for a year to decide to make no recommendation we went into the hall at the TUC and from the floor these areas were voted to consider calling off the strike and would like to work five areas it was put to the vote that the NEC should be compelled to take a decision we had in the middle of the conference to have an adjournment and we met again the vote was for a return to work 12 for continuation of the strike 12 the vote to go back to work was 12 the vote against was 12 and I've often been asked including Barnard Wansson when he was writing for his 30s at university why didn't he cast the vote I've said because I understood what was taking place the idea was simple if I had cast the vote in favour of going back to work the miners would never have forgiven me and I could never have held my head up again secondly if I didn't cast the vote it means that they had to move it and I told them that the areas they wanted it had to move it and the state of doing that would be theirs and not mine the three national officials again for the history books the three national officials supported the decision to remain on strike till we won McGathey, Heathfield and Scargill we refused to call off the strike and the vote was 98 votes to 90 won 7 votes in it and that meant we had no alternative to obey our own rule today my job is a simple one it is to say to you how privileged I was to be a part of that historic event for a year and four months the miners of Britain fought a battle that was alongside the greatest battles in history it was alongside the battles of the Chartists the diggers yes and the top of the masses and history and the judge who was right and who was wrong above all will also result in doing what you have already heard about the magnificent women against big closures who stood up and tell me this if it had been left to the women to have fought we would still be on strike from the front because that's why I was elected that's why I was at whopping workers that's why I was at Gronwick getting arrested because of the Asian workers being penalised it's why all over Britain we take action I believe individual action and collective action go side by side you can't tell people what they should do if you're not prepared to do it yourself it's a privilege to be here today 40 years on to the most historic dispute in the century it's a privilege to thank you for what you did not only the men and women involved but the children a lot of them who are here today as adults I tell you what you did and what you've done you marched into history and you've entered the pantheon of working class heroes and heroes