 Gweinwch gael'r Gweinwch Gweinwch, ddwy ddwy o'r ddweud y ffrans i'n gwybod i'r ddweud y bydd y gwybod i'r ddweud yn ffawr. Mae'r ddweud hynny'n ddysgu'r ysgrifennu ar y ffrans i'w gweinwch i'r ddweud. Mae Macron eich oes oeddi'n gwybod. Rwyf yn 350 oes oedd yma ydi'r gweinwch i'r parlydd. Mae'r ddweud yn gweinwch wedi ffwrdd yn ysgrifennu ymlaen. If that's ground and it's greatly immediate aftermath, when and if things get difficult and if Macron is going to do difficult things, how would the reaction be there? What is all that? Is this just something soft that will gradually weaken and eventually disappear or is there something new happening in France in terms of potential party structures? Y dweud y gallai am y dwybod, mae'r ddysgu ychydig gyrwch. Mae'r ddweud yw yw'r ddweud yn bryd o'r ystod? Mae'r ddweud yma yn ddweud, mae'r ddweud yn ddweud. Mae'r ddweud yn rhywbeth yw'r ddweud. Ac rwy'n ddweud bod eich ddweud. Mae'r ddweud yn ddweud ddi o'r ddweud yma'r ddweud yn ddweud. Rydyn nhw, gweithdo, yn ei ddweud? Alon. Y mhlynedd yw yw'r iawn gyda'r grwp sydd wedi'i meddwl o'r rhathion Microlyn gyda'r rheiddiol, latgo. Yir hyn am rhai yma yw'r rhathion Cyfrannu, us ydych yn ei ddweud i'r rhaid i gyrddiau gyda'r rhathion ein parlymasus hon ag flin sydd eisiau pan i'r hyn o'r gyrsgrifft yw y gall. Rydych chi'n credu yma ar gyfrannu yma ar gyfer swyddo o'r llwytoedd, y gallwn y holl. Milon Sean is not going to be satisfied with just opposing these things. The Parliament is going to be provoking efforts on the street. Is there a prospect that the parliamentary majority has the bottle to town face that kind of opposition? Maybe we have enough there but if I could add to what Alan says, may be his success will be measured by the economy. If he can get unemployment among the youth of France down, and the French have a terrible problem in the Bon Dieu, social problems, provoked by unemployment, and people without... Espoir, Sans Espoir on Dés Espoir. So, you know, that's a dual one, will he succeed in reforming the French administration, ac yn cael ei wneud i'r Ffrens gweithio'n meddwl. Gweithio'n meddwl, mae'n griffwys Robert. Yn y ddweud, wrth gwrs, efallai efallai efallai'n dda i'r ddweud. Efallai efallai efallai sefydig o'r ddweud i'r ddweud. A wedyn gallu i fod yn ei ddweud. Felly mae'n gweithio'n cyfrifio'r cyfrifio'r ddweud i'r ddullus ydw i'ch byddwch chi ddweud. mae'r oedd yn dros, ond yng Nghymru yn cyfnod ddi darllen o'r pryd gan y troll Pryd yn gwybod o'u lle i hefyd, ac yn ddod o'i fel Gwydian bydol, maen nhw rydyn nhw ydyn nhw'n gondol sy'n gennych i wneud yma wrth y rhai cael ei wneud. Ond y Prifysgol yn y pryd ac mae'r prifysgol mae'n meddwl, ar y cyffredin ni ar y byd, yn ei gafod i'r rhaglen i'r dde youf ac mae'r Mark Horwb i'r gwleidio'r cyfrwyngon i ddacol. ac wedi am jaga mwy fyddwyd yn ei gaelw'r rheini, pwymiol wedi gaelwg bywyd. Rydym yn eistedd gan yn ymhwy fyddwyd. Rwy'ch ei gaelwch yn ei ddysgu. Roedden nhw hwyl o bobl os rai o ran gyflwyno. Si'n cael ei ddechrau mewn gwneud gei'r arleinig, ond maen nhw'n ymgyrchyn bwrdd yn ei fwy fwyllgor. Wydwn ni'n gofyn â blwyddyn neu hynny o'r cymdeilydd i'r gwrth bod The new head of the group is somebody who does have experience of running a parliamentary group or experience of parliament who knows how parliamentary group can be run. So I don't think that that majority is going to disperse, I think it's going to be loyal. And unless the situation changes in a way because I don't have any problems there. The point really applies to Labour reform as well. This is something that came up again and again in the election. He hasn't just drawn this out of a hat. I mean he said exactly what he wanted to do and he's been elected on a big second round majority. He's also said that he's going to pass it by ordinance which means that effectively parliament has won serious vote on Labour reform in all its different aspects. So I don't think parliament is going to get in the way of Labour reform whatsoever. And if you can form a government with a minister who can put Labour reform into effect and you know that there is a question mark there. Then this is the sort of thing that could be done very quickly or quite before people have the chance to get out on the streets. But very quickly in a way that doesn't allow that sort of for people to mobilise and mobilise and mobilise such that the reform just becomes so difficult. That it collapses. So he has a honeymoon period. He has a parliamentary majority, a loyal majority. He can legislate by ordinance. The conditions are right for him to make this reform in the way that he wants. Whether he does it, we'll answer that question in six months, but he has the opportunity. Emmanuel, there was a second question on Germans. My optimism about the EU. And go on maybe to how is Macron going to be judged in the shorter term and in the medium term. How to convince the Germans to move, is that it? On the more social Europe. And I think this is where Macron is a gamble from, you know, like he created his movement 15 months ago. He's won the election, never elected to anything. He's won the overall majority. So, and he has done extremely well for the first month. In terms of convincing the Germans, I think the tide has changed a little bit due to the economic crisis, or the austerity measures and the rise of your skepticism and the rise of populism. I think the Germans, maybe not Shoyblo, but definitely Merkel, is starting to understand that you cannot have a German Europe. And she doesn't want to have this hegemonic kind of image over Europe. So, I'm not saying we're going to go to a Canadian Europe, where we're going to throw public spending out, and we're going to suspend the stability and growth pact. This is where Macron is saying, I am going to comply with the SGP. Well, I'm getting to France to comply with the SGP. So, I'm going to bring my public, the France's public deficit below the 3%. We're going to reduce debt. We're at 98% or whatever. So, it will take a bit of time to get to 60%, or below 60%. But let's focus on the public deficit. I am cutting down in public spending, et cetera. So, I am showing more than showing faith. I'm putting it in practice, not just saying, give me two years and I'll get there, which is what every president has said. And then, oh, you're at the two years. Well, actually, you know what, can you give me an extra year? It's been going on for 25 years. I think there really, Merkel has grasped that. The fact that she said it publicly, and we all know that Merkel doesn't speak willingly, you know, she doesn't say things, and then backtracks on them, shows that there is really an opportunity, a window of opportunity, as we say it, to kind of work with the Germans and shift the focus of Europe towards more social investment, towards a more social Europe, towards a Europe that works for European citizens that are struggling post or in the recovery to the economic crisis, but are still struggling. So I think, I know I'm optimistic, but I think I have a few good reasons. And his success will be on your optimistic, obviously. I'm optimistic that he's picked, I'm optimistic that he's got a very good relationship with Angela Merkel. This is very evident, which she didn't have with Hollande, which she didn't really have with Sacozi either. I think there's a lot of commonalities. He's picked a lot of ministers that have experience of working with their German colleagues or German MPs, et cetera. So I think there we, I have, I am optimistic that focusing on this Franco-German partnership will help with a change in the European Union. Regarding the success that you talked about, he has to deliver. What do you see as being the consequences of him failing to deliver or of the economy taking an unexpected turn? Because a lot of Mellon Sean supporters are saying that Macron 2017 is equal to Le Pen 2022, because they just saw there wasn't going to be enough of a change and populism was going to have an even stronger surge. So do you think that's a fair assessment or what will happen? Well, I answer. I definitely think, I wouldn't say Macron 2017 equals Le Pen in 2022. I think Macron 2017 can save us from Le Pen in 2022 if he delivers. If he doesn't, it will be Le Pen, but not Marine. It will be Marion Marichal Le Pen who will come back from her stint in the private sector. She'll come back as this non-career politician with the name. She's super articulate. She wouldn't have got flustered the same way her aunt got flustered in the debate. She's really dangerous and she will campaign on identity-based issues and value-based issues rather than socioeconomic issues. Filippo will be out. We won't talk about exiting or having this dual currency of the franc for the internal exchanges, the euro for the external exchanges and all that. It will be much more dangerous. Let's not forget that we're obviously in a permanent state of emergency at the moment. We have terrorist attacks that aren't necessarily on the cards. There's one that just failed on the Champs Eise there. This, for the next five years, I can't tell you, obviously, what way we'll go, but exactly. That's going to fuel the vote for Marion Marichal Le Pen if he fails economically. Ultimately, I think economic results and mass unemployment, the reduction of mass unemployment is really key to his success and to pulling the carpet from under Marichal's fees. Robert, in a word? Yes. I think Marichal really thinks he sounds a chance of winning. I think we shouldn't rule him out. Winning means really getting through to the second ballot of the presidential election and at that point, all bets are off. He is hoping that Macron is going to fail. The economic system is quite good, but nonetheless not fantastic. Macron could easily fail. It's not a surefire solution at all. Francis Jacobs. Obviously Macron worked with or not, and he's put together a coalition of people from the centre-left and the centre-right. But where does he see his ideological underpinnings? That's him as a personality, but also the relevance for his European partnerships, because what's going to happen, for instance, maybe I've already missed it, but with the European Council coming up, is he going to meet with the new prime ministers first, or is he going to wait a little while, and then will he go with them, and they're becoming close to one of the largest groups of prime ministers, and what's going to happen in the European Parliament? His modem allies are clearly already in the Liberal Group, and the UDF used to be in the Liberal Group before going to the EPP. What's going to happen to the Ammarsch members? Are some of them actually some existing members of the European Parliament going to join Ammarsch and go perhaps in a particular political direction? Thanks. Myrschlag, Member of the Institute, as a German citizen, allow me one remark on Chancellor Merkel's position concerning the new administration in France. I think that what I got is she wants that Macron succeeds by all means, even if Germany would step back in some issues to let him take the glory. The success of France reforms in France is essential for progress in Europe. I have two more points. One is an observation about possible turmoil in the streets since the parliamentary majority is based on very low turnout. I have just read that it's not only 57% not turning out, but nearly 10% of the votes were invalid. That means protest. It means nearly 70% did not support the current parliament. In this parliament, the majority is even a smaller fraction of the public. Therefore, maybe it's a bit very optimistic to assume that there will not be turmoil on the streets because the only means to have people having their voice heard. It will take time until the reforms take place, take effect and have positive impact. In this timeframe in between, I would foresee some very difficult times, of course hoping it will be overcome. The next point as a German citizen, not Irish, I may touch another sacred cow which Professor Lafan also mentioned related to Brexit for Ireland, military neutrality in the light of ever closer defence cooperation. Don't mention these things, but we have to deal with them. That's true defence and the sacred cows. Emmanuel, would you like to take a question? Where is Macron's ideological spine? Nobody can find that. He is very clearly economically liberal and socially libertarian. I don't know whether it really answers your question in terms of positioning him one way or another. Actually, I don't have an answer for your second part. Where will his MEPs, they don't even know in the current national assembly which door they're going to enter from, like left or right. They might have to create a new one in the centre, I don't know. So they haven't hammered that out at all yet, so we don't know. You know full well that his idea was I'm right and left. I'm neither right nor left, which was Le Pen's point. He was I'm right and left, so I'm kind of mixing the two. So that's his key positioning which has been very successful, but as well because the other political formations were extremes. Even the mainstream ones had picked through their primaries extreme candidates within their own parties. So it left an entire boulevard to Macron. Macron was never a socialist by the way. He wasn't a card carrying member anyway of the socialist party. So he was and this is as well. I mean he resigned from the government early enough that he wasn't tainted with the kind of results of the Oland government or he wasn't associated so much with those results. And that the idea of Fillon started calling him Emmanuel Oland. That didn't catch on. So this is where it links back to the first question I think. Is it something soft? Is it something new? Is it something I'm not able to answer whether he's creating something new? So I have no answers really to your questions. Neither do a lot of other people. There are those of course who argue it's a widespread belief that right and left are now redundant terms and we need to think of something different. That I think is what, certainly that's what Leo Veratka believes from what he says. The campaign was very much run on the cleavage, not left and right, which is very prevalent in French politics. Unlike Irish politics, we're very keen on our left and right. It was very much run on what was called Open France versus Closed France. The Patriots, Mayen Lepen versus the Progressists. It was this divide which had been simmering since the 1992 referendum on mass-fished. Because we saw in 2005 that the Socialist Party was divided, voting yes or no to the European Constitutional Treaty. You have the same divisions within Llanell Publicain. So this line of cleavage has become prevalent, taken primary status compared with the left-right in this particular campaign. I don't know whether it's there to stay, but in this particular campaign I think. Robert, is he right in disguise or left in disguise? I think if we were here a few years ago, the answer to this question would be very easy. He's a Christian Democrat. He's a Christian Democrat but he doesn't come from a traditional French Christian Democratic background. He doesn't have that baggage as it were. But if you think about what Christian Democrats typically believe, Christian Democrats are very pro-European. They had a social element to them and Macron has a certain social element to them in certain ways. They were in favour of market economies, there was not that sort of sense. Education was a big thing. I don't think one in French politics can call on self a Christian Democrat anymore. This is a different way of labelling it. But it is very consistent with what we would think of as a Christian Democrat. Just in response to some of the other points, it's not just the EP where what's going to happen. It's exactly the same in the Senate. In the Senate, there's no Repubigal Marsh group in the Senate. That has to be created in local government. Nobody has really been elected as a Repubigal Marsh at the local level. This is an ongoing process of reform and that's one of the reasons why it could go in various ways as well. I'm less bothered about the turnout issue at the second round of the legislative elections because it was the second round of the legislative elections. I'm much more interested in the turnout at the first round of the presidential election and the second round of the presidential election. That's a bigger issue. I don't think that the low turnout there is particularly problematic. We used to talk about the Taziemtuch. It might now be the Sankiemtuch, but this is not new. Going out on the streets is not new. It doesn't mean to say that it's not consequential either. It's not as if we don't know that this is likely to happen and that presidents don't plan for this either. Maybe the last point is where there could be an issue is precisely on the European question. I talked about honeymoon, ordinances, but you don't reform Europe in the same sort of speed. In one sense, he's potentially creating some problems for himself to the extent that these are things that people are looking for, his ability to deliver. Even if they were deliverable to be delivered in a period of time that was reasonable, that's where I think he is. Domestically, he can do lots of things. Can I add something about the European issue which I didn't mention? I wanted to mention it because we had the social council just recently. One of his target initiatives, and he's not the only one, was to reform the directive on detached workers, the Balkanstein directive. He wants to put a timeline of no more than 12 months, etc. But that will actually play well with the France of the periphery. They are suffering from those workers that are coming and taking the local jobs and working on construction sites and being paid very differently and under different rules than the local French workers. So that, for example, is something part of his social agenda that is important. He's done it, I think it was extremely recently anyway, the social council. Sorry, a quickie. Jeremy Harris, member of the Institute, I'm a British resident in Ireland. We had two recently present in our past Prime Minister. The past one wasn't up to the job. The present one wasn't up to the job interview. So everyone has done the job interview. Is he really up to the job? In a word, both of you. Is he up to the job? I think he's a different type of leader. Leadership matters and I think this is someone who potentially could exercise leadership. I totally agree. I think we love our providential men in French politics. He has really the potential to be our new de Gaulle. He really has, like he can perform. If he does that, that will be fine. With a more pro-European stance, by the way, or more integrationist stance. For my term, je croise, seance, trites table are two speakers, I think you will agree. I have been excellent in questions and answers and indeed in their opening remarks. I'd like to thank them very sincerely.