 So I'm going to sing in Spanish the first time around, and so you know what we're saying. The song begins with, stand up. So letting you know in advance so you can take your effort, and so please sing along. Sometimes we have people who, maybe there are people we know some of yours too, is up here on the wall, 100th birthday, that was done for his 90th birthday. We did a concert right here in the hall for him. He wasn't here, he was in Madison Square Garden on that day. Anyway, but he actually said, he wrote to Mark Greenberg that he would be, he would have been feeling better singing in the old socialist labor hall. People that I've admired and who inspired me over many years. The other guy, I'm afraid died just recently, and he was singing songs like, Down the Way with a Night Sick Day, Sunshine's Daily on the Mountain Top. I took a trip on a sailing ship, when I reached Jamaica, I made a stop, but I'm sad to say I'm on my way. Won't be back for many a day. My heart is down, my head is turning around, at the beginning of a journey in a certain town. He did that on a recording which he made in 1956. And in 1956, I was in a camp, camp Willoway, and Pete Seger came to visit us at the camp in San Francisco. So I had a chance to listen to Harry Belafonte's Calypso music all summer long, and then also Pete Seger came and inspired me as well. So both of those people. Now, Harry Belafonte made a lot of money. He was a very, very famous popular singer. There's a lot of people, well not a lot of people, there's 1% I guess of people who make lots and lots of money. But they don't all spend it the way Harry Belafonte did. He was a friend of Martin Luther King Jr. He paid for bail for people who were jailed down south. He gave a lot of money to that cause and many other causes. He was just an incredible man. So often we hear about his Calypso songs, but he was much, much more than Calypso songs. So I just wanted to recognize him here tonight because he's a guy who should be missed and is missed. This is always kind of an ironic thing after we finished this great dinner for the first line of this to be, Arise, you prisoners of starvation. Arise, you wretched of the earth for justice, funders, condemnation, and the world in birth. No more traditions, chains shall bind you. Arise, you slaves, no more enthroned. The earth shall rise on new foundations. We once would not, we shall be old. Tis the final conflict. Let each stand in their place. The international union shall be the human race. Tis the final conflict. Let each stand in their place. The international union shall be the human race. Arise, you prisoners of starvation. Arise, you wretched of the earth for justice, funders, condemnation, and the world in birth. No more traditions, chains shall bind you. Arise, you slaves, no more enthroned. The earth shall rise on new foundations. We once would not, we shall be old. Tis the final conflict. Let each stand in their place. The international union shall be the human race. The international union shall be the human race. Tis the final conflict. Let each stand in their place. The international union shall be the human race. It's gonna be all of us, right? Shall be the human race. We're doing it remotely for a few years with films, but we're really, really excited, and thank you all so much for being here and making this a celebration again. I want to thank a few people. First and foremost, we need to thank Karen Lane to the point that it is today, and we just owe you a lot of thanks. But we also have thanks to the members of the board. I'm Ruth Rutenberg, my chair of the board, but we have eight other board members that also work very hard in the process. Mark Greenberg, who's just at the mic. Tess Taylor is here tonight. Nick Sivret is here. Nick, you want to just raise your hand? Tess, raise your hand. And Carolyn should throw. Where's Carolyn? Carolyn, raise your hand, too. Carolyn's the one who resurrected Rice at Bakery. Most of you know the hall. I mean, this is a place where for 120 years, social justice and economic justice, now a lot of focus on racial justice and environmental justice as well have been the way of this place. And the likes of Eugene Victor Debs, Mother Jones, Big Bill Haywood, Emma Goldman. I mean, they all were people that were in Barry. I guess maybe Andrew's going to talk about that a little bit. But this is the town that had more unions than any other town in Vermont. It was the only socialist labor hall built in the entire country. And the anarchists had their leaders here and their newspapers. So Barry has a lot of history to be proud of. Paul Heller has written lots of books on stories about the history of Barry. And we owe a lot to you, Paul, for keeping alive a lot of scary Barry stuff. You know, and I mean, it's just ridiculous that people don't honor and cherish the history of this town and of this hall. Anyway, I wanted to just remind you about Rise Up Bakery Wednesday through Friday, 12.30 to 6.00, the windows open. You can call and make reservations for that. Thank you all for those of you who participated in the silent auction. Thank you to the Morrisers for setting up the food hub. And that was a fundraiser that all went to, you know, it's for the labor hall. So thank you guys for that. And thank you to Orca and Chris. These are in the back who is taping this. He also is doing a film that involves Barry and the labor hall. And it will be coming out this summer. So College of Fine Arts doesn't have an important place here. We need to keep that in mind. Okay, so I just need to, a couple of announcements. I guess this one is a little late, but the bathrooms are in the basement. The new lift is working, and you can take it to the basement if you want. At the very end, any of you who are willing to be able to help us with the chairs and tables, that would be great. That would be wonderful. And then other things. We have lots of volunteers to thank. Pete Coleman, Carol Lanchapiro, Paula Emery, Ann Labrugiano, Mary Skinner, Judy Rosenstrike, Ellen Sivrit, Maureen Morton. We have donors from the auction. Greg Farm, Justin Lane Briggs, Juliano Cettinelli, Marianne Cott, Paul Heller, me as well, the Food Hub, and Carol Lanchapiro. Donors in terms of food and financial support, the Mutuo, the Italian Heritage, Northfield Savings Bank, Campodavino, Banking Bakery, AR Market, Hannaford Market, Christchopper Supermarket, Quality Market, Shaw's Supermarket. So that's all, like, a lot of people come together and help us pull this off. I also wanted to mention Hugo Casal Martinez, who did the beautiful Spanish National. He comes from a family of leaders of the Argentinian Socialist Movement. And he mysteriously, for years, left Carnations on our front steps. And we didn't know who it was, and it was him. And again, today he left three Carnations, I think for his grandparents and his mom, on that front porch. So thank you, Hugo. Almost at the end, I promise. We have some special guests here. Our Mayor, Jake Kemmerich, is here. I want to say hello first. Hello. Well, a warm welcome to everybody here tonight. I'm the son of Union Workers, and I'm a union worker, myself, member of the union. And to think that this had been happening for more than 100 years. Wonderful people like you coming together for a good cause. And good causes is a really special thing. So thank you for being here. And wish you well in your new job. I'm so glad to have you here. I just also, one thing that I forgot to mention is that this has been a labor hall for a lot of years. And a lot of unions use it for meetings, but we also now have the United Steel Workers Local 4 and the Vermont American Federation of Teachers that are actually daily in the building. So it's truly a labor hall. And we're hoping as part of a group in Amsterdam to become a group of labor halls for the World Heritage sites, and that's under consideration although it's a long way out. Okay. So before I just speak here, we have one other guest that we need to recognize. Microphone. Yeah, George Varen, George Mana. George last year is part of his middle school and as part of his school in Middlesex, developed this brochure about the Socialist Labor Party Hall. It's on your table. I think it's remarkable. Okay, so there's a signed copy of Bread and Roses 2 from Catherine Patterson, and there's old Labor Hall Socialist Labor Party Hall T-shirt. Hopefully the world will try. The talk that we're about to hear, the Chronica Locale, anarchists as community builders and champions of the Workers of Barrie, is something that we're really very excited about. It may be exactly the reason why many of you came to the hall. And Andrew Hoyt, who's going to give that talk, has flown in from California. I think he's been two hours sleeping on the Seattle airport floor last night, so he's had a hard time coming in. But anyway, he received his doctorate in history in 2018 from the University of Minnesota where he conducted research on the Italian immigrants and their social networks and the early 20th century newspapers as a fellow of the Immigration History Research Center. His dissertation was called, and they called them Gallianista, the rise of the Chronica, sorry, Silver Siva, and the formation of America's most infamous anarchist faction, 1895 to 1912. It was a finalist for the annual Labor History Dissertation Award, and Andrew is currently employed by the California Community College Rising Scholars Program where he teaches incarcerated students in the California prison system. A little bit of the abstract of his dissertation. It was based on his exhausted reading of the Italian-American anarchist press, including the accounting of financial records printed in the Chronica Silver Siva. Dr. White's Primo de Maggio Talk is going to be focused on grassroots organizing conducted by Italian anarchists in Vermont. The discussion will include examples of how anarchists recruited immigrant stone carvers to their black flag, the influence anarchists exerted on local politics, the interpersonal relationships among the immigrant community, and the role of Italian anarchists played in the larger social world of Vermont, including anarchist picnics, theater festivals, and buried. And why Galliani and the publishers of the famous newspaper eventually left Vermont in 1912. It's with great pleasure that I... where are you Andrew? Make sure I speak into this so I don't get yelled at. Wow, what an honor to be here. This storied labor hall, which I've spent a large portion of my life learning about Barry to be here and to get to talk to all of you who know the town much better than me is really an honor and a pleasure, so I wanted to thank you for that. Also, I'm a member of a board of a history center and museum in California where I live, in Coulterville, California. So I know how much work goes into making an operation like this, although we're much more humble in many ways, but in a more Gold Rush era focus. So actually, this photo of me is in front of our museum in California, and I was docenting the Gold Rush Museum hence the outfit. But I wore my Vermont wool to honor you all. So this little bit of my background, I was doing a master's program in California in cultural studies and with a focus on archives, and there was a professor at Pitzer College who had received a large shipment of Italian language anarchist material from the Giuseppe Pinnelli archive in Milano, and he asked me to process it for him and make a finding aid, put it into acid-free folders and boxes and organize it all. And so for a summer, I got to have this collection in my one-room studio apartment and a whole wall of this Italian language radical material. And I didn't really know much about Italian anarchism before this point. I kind of knew about the modern anarchist movement. I cut my teeth in the anti-global movement post-Seattle, but I wanted to find out more. So I started reading some books. Paul Averich, who has come to Berry many years before and I think kind of turned Paul Heller on to the route of the history of the town, wrote a lot of the most important books in the movement. The big one being the Sacco and Vanzetti, the anarchist background, which is the key text to read and really talks a lot about Gagliani, who you see in the middle photo here, and the Chronica Silver Siva, which was the paper that was printed here from 1903 to 1912 and really had a massive impact in the world. And so that's what I'm going to be talking about tonight. Then this is a little bit how I ended up basically falling into a history PhD because of this collection that I got to process. And as I was researching it, I was reading books about it. One book I came across is a book by Donna Gabbaccia called The Italian Workers of the World. So I was like, oh, this is a good book. I'll get it from Amazon. And actually it was recommended to me by Amazon, I think, because I got another book on Italian anarchism. So the old recommendations, the algorithms worked really well. And Donna talks about the way that history being trapped in the container of the nation, we call this methodological nationalism, blinds us to the story of immigrants and particularly radicals who have been forced into exile. So you have Italian history and you have American history and you have German history. But what about the Italians who came to America? How do you draw that connection? So first of all, I contacted her and told her how much I loved her work and how it influenced me. And she ended up inviting me to come study under her in Minnesota. And that's how I ended up getting a history PhD. And she had this huge influence on me and she's kind of my intellectual mother. And can we get the next slide? Oh, I lost my slide. My slide presenter. So I got to go to study in the immigration archives in Minnesota. And when I had the collection in my house, I was processing, I came across a pamphlet that was printed in Berry, Vermont in 1903. And I was like, what were Italian anarchists doing in Vermont in 1903? It seems very random to me, right? And so I started kind of trying to research it. And one of the things that I'm going to try to include this in the lecture throughout, when you start studying anarchism, you get a lot of the history of the big thinkers, right? Pietro Kopotkin and Mikhail Bakunin and Emma Goldman, the big orators, Gagliani is one of the ones. Here we have on the far side here Pietro Gorey, who's kind of the original anarchist character with a stashy old black cape-wearing anarchist bomb thrower. And now you can see me too. And I wanted to dig deeper, right? I wanted to get at the Milton de Basso, as the Italians would call them, the base militants, the people who were giving out of their meager wages every week to support the movement. And it's really hard to get at them. And part of the way you do it is through the newspapers. And that's what I'm going to be talking about, and that's what led me to really trying to uncover the story of what happened in Barrie now 120 years ago. But the first thing I wanted to... There's a couple of goals I have for this talk. And the first one is I wanted to make sure everyone kind of has a deeper understanding of what anarchism is. And this is partially a gesture to Gagliani, who I want to honor and respect by giving a fair accounting of his life, and also of the movement that shaped his life. And there's a lot of myths, right, about anarchism. It's probably the most negatively connotated and described social movement, largely forgotten, largely written out of the history books, social movement. And it was a critical piece of our history as Americans, as a transnational history of the late 19th and early 20th century of the labor movement. You really can't understand how we developed what we call the left today without understanding the role that the anarchists played. They were a minority, but they were a very outspoken and active minority. And it might also seem kind of funny, but they were very organized. But not in a hierarchical way, right? Not in a vertical way. There was a horizontalism that is critical. We started studying and started looking at networks and thinking we now talk about social media as such a basic thing in our lives, right? But the newspapers, and particularly of the anarchists, are kind of the paramount of pre-digital social media movement and network movement and diasporic movement. And so they're really, really fascinating. And this kind of classic cartoon kind of, you have the picture of the anarchists, or the bomb throwers, the nihilists, right? Now a lot of people, I think the anarchists is kind of punk rock, dropout, screw society, burn it all down. But that's not really what the movement was historically. Actually, much more was families raising kids and trying to build communities. And we can remember these kind of spectacular moments of violence, the hay market bombing, or the bomb on Wall Street, or the assassinations I'll talk about. But they were really a small part, a tiny, tiny, tiny percentage of anarchists who did these propaganda, the deed actions, and certainly a tiny part of the activity they went to building the movement. And most of the activity they went to building the movement was building communities. It was having these kind of dinners that we're having tonight. So that's where I really want to bring us back to. Can I get to the next slide? So to really take it back and give you context, I want to take you back to Napoleon's invasion of Italy. So we're going back to the beginning of the 19th century. Italy had been an incredibly fractured and colonized peninsula. The Austro-Hungarians largely controlled it. Metternich, the kind of head of the Austro-Hungarian government, referred to Italy as a geographical expression. It wasn't a place, it wasn't a nation. It certainly wasn't a people. They didn't share language. They were fractured and scattered, as you can see all in the middle map here. But when Napoleon invaded, he unified the peninsula and kind of seeded the idea of a unified Italy as a nation. And this is the beginning of struggles to build nations that are representative of a self-determination of a people. So we have here in the picture in the middle there is Mattzini. Mattzini is considered the father of the modern European map, the post-World War I Europe, right? The post-Imperial Europe. This idea of a people having a government that represents them. And he started a series of political radical groups, started off with the Carbonary, but gives us young Italy, and there's young Europe, there's young Poland, there's young Argentina, there's young Turkey. All these groups are connected to Mattzini. They're fighting against the imperial powers of the day, of Austro-Hungarians, of the Ottomans, et cetera. And so after Napoleon is defeated, right, and after 1915, they have a Congress of Vienna and the old powers come in and replace the old map onto Europe. And reassert all of the old power system. But behind is this republicanism. And out of the republicanism in Italy comes the Risorgimento movement, the resurgence, this idea to unify Italy into one country. And by 1860s, they finally succeed and unify Italy. And it's really finished by 1870, and that was under Garibaldi and these really fabulous leaders. If you ever want to really get some great history, you should really read about Garibaldi's invasion of Sicily and the red shirts and the whole story. But there's this movement to unify Italy, this extended over many, many decades, through 1848 revolutions, et cetera, and it finally succeeds in the 1860s. But part of what happens is it ends up not becoming the republic that they had hoped for. It becomes a monarchy. In the process of unification, the kings of Piedmont take over and run the country. And about 2% of the population is allowed to be involved in the government. And those are called a constitutional monarchy, right? But you have to have property rights to vote or be involved. And part of the process is also a massive exploitation of the southern half of the peninsula, which impoverishes Naples and Sicily through these large land-owning, old absentee landlord systems. And there's massive suffering, there's huge recruitment into a conscripted military to suppress rebels in the south who are fighting against this colonization from the north. And there's a lot of discontent. And that's really going to seed the beginning of a critique, both of the nation-building projects, right, and of nationalism and of the bourgeoisie republicanism. In the next slide. So coming out of the Risorgimento and the kind of the failure of the Risorgimento to benefit the average people or to create a representational government, you get two major movements, right? You have the International Working Men's Association, which is formed, and you also have the Paris Commune. And Matt Zini, while he was a radical anti-colonial thinker, was also very, very religious, and he was opposed to the Paris Commune, which made him kind of lose support of a lot of the people who had been on what we would call the Italian Left. And at the same time, the early Italian state had been constructed in opposition to the Papal States, right? They literally unified it. They had to take the land away from the Papacy. And to be involved with the Italian government in the 19th century, you would be excommunicated from the Catholic Church because it was considered an enemy to the Papacy, right? So the Italian Left immediately was rabidly anti-Catholic, right? And Matt Zini here had his religiosity. So he kind of falls out of the scene. And the Paris Commune, which we have pictures here, and these are all the engravings are coming from the Chronicle Cervicella. A lot of them are done by the local artists. I'm sure many of you are familiar with Carlo Abbate. He ran the school. So you can see here that C.A. of Barry signatures. You see this is the C.A. symbol on a lot of his artwork. This is the Paris Commune. The Paris Commune, I don't know if any of you are familiar with. It was this critical moment in the history of the Left after the Prussian Wars when the Germans had invaded France and the French government fled Paris out to the palace in Versailles and left the Parisians to defend themselves. And they successfully defended themselves and went through starvation and deprivation. And then after the French government signed a treaty with the Germans, the Parisians said, screw you, we don't want you coming back. We can run ourselves. And they created the Commune in Paris. Eventually the French government comes in with the military and massacres thousands and thousands of the Communards and sends the rest into exile. And this is the wall where they were executing them in the Piers-Pliché Cemetery. Can I get the next slide? So at the same time as you're having this kind of collapse of republicanism in Italy, you're having the failure of a belief in the bourgeois republic being able to improve the lives of the people. You also have, starting in the 1860s and 1870s moving forward, industrialization. And the great failure of industrialization and modernization was that while everything was being produced more and faster and bigger, the average lives of the average people were brutally worse. So this created what they called the social question. How do we deal with child labor? How do we deal with mass starvation? How do we deal with maimed bodies who can no longer work and are starving on the streets? And out of the social question comes the socialists. And there's three basic branches of socialism. Oh, first one. At the same time, so this is in 1893, you have a series of revolts that are reacting to the economic destabilization in Italy. You have the Siciliani fasci. Now, this is where the fascists take their name in the 1920s and the Mussolini, but the original fasci in Sicily was workers' collectives organizing against exploitation and they were massively oppressed. And in one of the most kind of politically progressive parts of Italy in Lugiana, in particularly a town named Carrara, there was an uprising in solidarity with what was happening in Sicily and then massive oppression. And Carrara is this amazing marble carving region of Italy. It's where the marble that created the famous David statue comes from, right? If you go to northern Italy, to northern Tuscany, to Carrara, you see these mountains and they look like they're snow capped. But it's not snow, it's marble, right? And it's an incredibly beautiful place. I gave a talk in a hall very similar to this in Carrara about Barry, which was a fabulous experience. And I had one of the guys from Carrara start singing a song in Italian about Barry and how he shouldn't go there because that's where you die. Because of the silicosis that was experienced by the workers which we're going to talk about a little bit more. Can we get a next? So the socialist movement that's developing in the late 19th century ends up fracturing through the politics of the first international into three basic strands, right? You have what we call the authoritarian communists, right? Which become, are the Marxists to really end up growing into the Bolsheviks and the Mintonik and kind of what we consider communists today. You have what they call the reformist socialists or the state socialists, which are the socialist labor party type groups that are looking at creating a political party. They will try to win elections and influence politics to improve the lives of the workers through the political apparatus. And then you have the dreaded and much maligned anarchists who also were known mostly at the time period and the title of Libertarian Socialists. I don't know if you've ever heard that term before. A lot of people in America scratch their head, Libertarian Socialist? Because we have this idea of Libertarians, right? As being radical capitalists, right? People who want to remove government fetters on free market and suddenly everything will be great. And they're a political party, which is kind of confusing. But the anarchists explicitly rejected political solutions to social problems. They did not believe that you could use a political apparatus to solve the economic situation. That the fight had to be on the shock floor, right? That you had to have a social solution. It had to be cultural solution. We had to contract new relationships with each other to change things. You could vote in, right? And indeed, they were critical also of the labor movement, feeling that often unions became self-perpetuating organizations. They were only interested in small labor increases. They would be raised by inflation. And they needed instead to be focusing on seizing the means of production themselves, not just having a smaller slice of the pie. So here we have also one of the early mass heads of the Kronika, which is an image, I don't know if any of you know it, November 1887. What's it significant for? Anyone? Is it Chicago? The Haymarket. So these are the Haymarket martyrs on the cover, on the head of the Kronika, right? The anarchists of Chicago. And then we got Bokunin and Marx. These are both ones again, woodblock engravings from the Kronika. Can you get the next slide? Going into the 1890s, the anarchists entered a period of propaganda of the deed. This is kind of what gives the anarchists their most explosive connotations. They are involved with the most number of assassinations of political leaders throughout the world in world history. But for the anarchists, they understood it not as a terrorism. Not trying to influence politics by scaring the masses, but as autantate, tit for tat. You shoot the workers, we're going to kill you. These are all figures who are autantate, the propaganda of the deed guys. And the top here is Bresci. Bresci is one of the most important Italian-American anarchists. Bresci was a member of the Right to Existence group in Patterson, New Jersey, where they published some of the most important radical papers of the time. And there is the Fato de Maggio that happened in Milan when there were bread riots because people were starving. And a general there gave an order to open up on the crowd with military weapons and kill maybe up to a thousand of the protesters. And then the king of Italy gave this general a medal of honor for defending the republic. And so Bresci left Patterson, traveled to Italy, bought a gun, walked up and killed the king. And this is a picture of him killing him by a bote and on the stand defending himself. The autantaters are very interesting. They didn't run from their crimes. They wanted to be arrested so they could speak their truth at the trials and face the punishment that came with it. They would often write letters, for instance, saying, I'm so sorry that to the wife of the man that they killed. I'm so sorry I killed your husband. I was not aiming at him. I was only aiming at the king. Right? So they were trying to make it a costly for the domination of the working class. Very good. So just to kind of increase this idea, the anarchists were not a holistic group. The Italians have a saying, you get three anarchists in the room and you have five positions. Right? So they rapidly had a diversity of ideas. The Spanish were very known for anarcho-collectivism. They developed the anarcho-communism, which was kind of expanding the idea to each according to their needs, from each according to their ability. And then eventually developed the idea of anarcho-syndicalism, which would be going into the unions, building horizontal unions, such as they built in Spain, and the CNT, the Confederation National de Bajos, which was the union, the FAA against the fascists in the 1930s and the Civil War, and believe that unions could be kind of the body of organization that would allow for a continued organizing of society, a functioning of society without the hierarchy. So the question here was not about really about what we could consider organization. It wasn't about chaos. It wasn't dystrophy. It was about trying to develop a way to organize without hierarchy. Anarchism is no leaders. Not no thinking. And there is a lot of tension. So the anarchists who come to bury end up being on the anarcho-communist side and they end up being very critical of the unions. But that also comes out largely out of an experience of working class organizers seeing unions fail their working class. Also, this is a kind of classic X-Y axis that you see kind of used to map different political ideologies. We often talk about left and right wing in America going back to the French Revolution again. And it's kind of a simplistic way of thinking about politics and often you hear people, oh, if you go far enough left, you end up on the right. Or something like this. This kind of helps break that down. So here you have left and right, there's a community versus private property. And you have authoritarianism versus freedom, libertarianism. And if you plot out different political groups on there, you can get kind of more diversity. In general, if you have full private property rights and full authoritarianism, in the top right corner you get fascism. If you have full community rights but full authoritarianism, that's when you get communism. If you have full freedom and full private property rights, that's where you get like American libertarianism. And if you have a full push towards full freedom and full community rights, that's where the anarchists are at. This is one of the reasons the anarchists say that it's demanding the impossible. Because there's a tension, inherent, between individual freedom and community rights. And they're trying to push the maximum envelope to get the maximum of both of those things. And then within the anarchist circle you get these different groups. The anarchists, the collectivists, the syndicists, the mutualists, et cetera. Next slide. So this brings us to Galliani. Galliani comes out of this post-Resorgimento generation. For instance, the major military mind and inspiring leader of the Resorgimento was this guy Garibaldi. Garibaldi was considered the great military thinker of the 19th century. Abraham Lincoln asked him to lead the Union army in the Civil War at the beginning of the war, right? Before it was really a radical war when it was just to preserve the Union. And Garibaldi's response was, yes, but only if we agree this is to enslavery and not only in America, but afterwards we go on to Brazil. And Lincoln was like, oh yeah, never mind. But it's often interesting to think about if you know anything about the American Civil War, you know that the Union had really shitty generals for most of it. And if you had taken Garibaldi really quick and very differently. But he didn't. But Galliani, Garibaldi's last big battle was his battle of Mentana where he lost. The one battle that he lost as an old man and this is how kind of the king ends up taking over the revolution. And Galliani's one of his pin names is Mentana. So he very directly refers himself back to the kind of far left of the Resorgimento. And as a young man, he first started studying to be a lawyer and he decided, this is for me, I wanted to write a radical newspaper. He started publishing radical newspaper, got persecuted by the Italian state and fled to France where he really ran into the Parisian working class radical Milieu that radicalized him. He worked with Elisair Reclut, you have on the bottom here who was one of the communards. There was a guy who helped lead the Paris commune and ran the art and cultural kind of wing of protecting the museums in Paris during the commune. Reclut was a fascinating character. He was a vegetarian, he was a militant pacifist and when the French army declared that any Parisians caught with a gun would be killed on sight for defending Paris against the government, he marched out under the barricades holding a gun upside down so that if he got caught he would go along with everybody else. And so on the far side here you have another engraving from the chronicle called The Rain of Silence in Italy about the persecution of the left in Italy. Now in Italy the left refers to themselves as soversive, subversives. For a very long time they would get arrested and tried as malfatorie, as malfactors, as criminals. In fact one of the great Italian anarchists, Arrico Malatesta was one of the first people to successfully get himself tried as a subversive, as a political criminal not as an economic criminal. But they were brutally oppressed and so he fled to France he ends up in Switzerland working with Reclut where Reclut was writing the university geography encyclopedia there's like a 20-some volume collection of texts considered now one of the most important radical geographical texts. And eventually he gets back out of France he gets arrested he's part of what they call the the trial of the 30 of these terrible laws or anti-anarchist laws that are passed in France and then he has sent back to Italy where the Italian state sends them in Domitiglio Quattro and this is kind of it's hard to translate sometimes internal exile or forced habitation basically they would send a huge number of prisoners to these desert islands in the middle of the Mediterranean where they would be kept little shacks and this isolated. Galliani was a pretty good looking young guy and he was an incredibly brilliant orator he's considered probably the top Italian orator of his generation you know we have lots of testament to say you know if you heard Galliani speak you wanted to go shoot the first cop you saw you know even people who were not really supportive would say oh any time Galliani came to town I was there to hear him talk and I'll talk about his oratory and his language and what he did but he was on the island in prison he ends up escaping from the island with the help of the warden's wife who escapes with him with their kids and lives the rest of her life with him as a partner and they escaped to North Africa I believe to Tunisia and then he'd go into Alexandria Egypt where he starts anarchist free school eventually he goes to London and then Malatesta requests that he come and help run the paper in Patterson, New Jersey so he comes to help publish the question sociale now the question sociale was being published by the right distance group in Patterson this is the silk weavers the silk dyers in Patterson huge Italian population this is the front of their offices here they are a bunch of the editors in the office and a bunch of the silk workers earlier the paper had had a there was another fight that happened within the Italian anarchist movement between what they called the organizatory and the anti-organizatory the organizationalists and the anti-organizationalists it's really I think better for us to think about it as institutionalists because we understand horizontal organizing is a form of organizing but back then it was people who wanted to form like an anarchist union or anarchist party which was Malatesta and others and people who said you know you can't do that anarchists should only gather in temporary groups for particular functions and then break apart because the group will become this kind of a stagnant thing over time but at this time Galliani was in the camp with Malatesta and the group in Patterson got rid of an anti-organizational editor and for a while Malatesta was there and then they brought in Galliani to be the new editor of the paper and he comes in in 1902 and helps leave the strike in Patterson and the strike basically fails because of lack of solidarity in the working class the silk dyers helpers or the lower paid less skilled workers are on strike and a bunch of the silk weavers and other more highly paid highly skilled workers refuse to support them and it's clear to Galliani that the strike is going to fail and so they end up taking a really mild to action they have a big rally in a park and start having speakers and then immediately turn and march at the factories and end up smashing all the factories that had scabs working at them doing a huge amount of property damage and National Guard is called in and arrest warrant to put out for the leaders Galliani escapes and he ends up going to Montreal and in Montreal he gets a message from a bunch of anarchists in Barrie who are like hey why don't you come here and start a paper so he ends up coming to Barrie 120 years ago to start a paper Barrie at the time I don't need to tell you too much of this history because you all are familiar but for the video audience Barrie is a mecca of granite carving and quarry work 10,000 quarry workers at least were employed in Barrie mostly immigrants there is an early generation of Scottish immigrants and then the Italians particularly from Corrara and from some other regions in Italy started coming over to work in the quarries and those Corrara guys who had been part of that insurrection in solidarity with the fascy in Sicily had brought their whole political culture with them they brought their mutual aid societies with them they brought their the kind of political traditions so the first radical group that I uncovered was the club Daily Apolai the lingua italiana de Barrie e Vicenza the club of workers of the Italian language in Barrie and the region and the founders of this group these are their surnames and I put those in there just because maybe some of you might recognize some of them and side note a historian's dream is someone to walk up and say hey I've got my great grandfather's diary so if any of you have a diary please let me know and I'm not going to read this to you but you can look at it when I'm talking but actually so they start off with this club and the club radically starts turning lefty right it starts hey should we put the Italian flag up and they're like no and instead we're going to raise money to support Luisa Michelle one of the communar so they start making these gestures towards this clear political identity that they had already and eventually they found a paper to be their organ now the newspapers were much more than a paper bringing you the news there are journals publications, regular publications periodicals but they really function and this is one of my major thesis of my dissertation which I would love for you all to read but is that the newspaper was a multi-directional social media platform it allowed for communication across the diaspora in ways that would not have been possible otherwise so you could send in the notes to the paper you know address to someone else you knew who was reading the paper your cousin or a friend of yours you might be in Argentina trying to reach somebody who is working in West Virginia in the coal mines and if you're reading the newspaper you'd get that note you also had a constant dialogue with the editors you had people writing in their own responses you had correspondence compared to most mainstream capitalist papers of the day their ability to have correspondence in the Italian anarchist press was just exceptional because the Italians were really the diasporic population of the era they were scattered all over the place because in Italy you had this massive oppression and economic injustice massive starvation and hunger and lack of work and employment and so people left they came to the United States and they went to Argentina for the two major destinations but in France Switzerland Portugal all over the place and one of the things you see in the chronicle is it's really connected to the hard rock miners and coal miners all over the country the paper is this is from the first edition of the paper some of their their kind of description of what the paper is for so the chronicle in our historic imagination is remembered as this the most partisan of the anti-organizationalist papers they advocated propaganda of the deed they printed and sold bomb making manuals they advocated for assassination of political leaders but when it starts off it's not that so my goal was to try to understand how the chronicle became the chronicle that we remembered and how Galliani became the Galliani we know him as because he started off leading a union strike in Patterson he started off being on the side of Maltesta and the organizationalists so how did he become the firebrand that attacked the socialists and the anti-organizationalists and the unions so this is just to give you a sense that they were conceived as an organ of a particular set of individuals, groups, churches or academies rather they longed to be loyal voices of the truth the fair voice of the proletariat working in suffering and pain without tears and without resignation hardened by the great resurgence of arms, of spirit and of weapons there is these hard-living workers in anarchy and the social revolution the paper is eternally addressed by the Cercolò di Sturri sociali di Berri so that original group that club had evolved into this social studies circle which is a typical name for the anarchist groups can I get the next slide so in Berri the social studies circle starts the newspaper but they do a lot of other things and there is a section in the paper called the chronicle locale local news and the chronicle locale that lists all the events that have gone in Berri so I went through and harvested over 700 notes of what was going on in Berri and I'm not going to go into all the details I would love to share them all with you but you would get tired but I'm saying you can read the dissertation and hopefully a book someday but here you guys sense of the weekly schedule that they would have so on Sundays they would have your reunions your picnics they loved having picnics on Sundays when all of the Protestants were going to church and they would go and they would shoot guns and have races and drink alcohol this is the time that Vermont is very dry so this did not engender them a lot to the kind of Protestant elite in town they also loved to have their theater performances you can see dinner parties like this that they would often have assignment auctions or other things that raise money for all kinds of various social struggles it could be to raise money for the widow someone who died in a coal mine accident it could be to support a union strike it could be to send money to help the oppressed workers in Russia or in Spain but they're constantly having parties every week and all those parties are going to political purposes and this way you would bring the average non-political immigrant worker who'd just come to town young guy, most of them and you'd bring them to the party there's food, there's drink, there's good times and then they got associated with the political thing on Saturday night you have the big party and oh this is to raise money to support the strike going on in the cigar rollers in Florida and oh by the way we're having a meeting today if you want to come to the meeting so they start and they're really competing with the church, the Catholic church and the Protestant churches they're competing with the union and they're competing with the Socialist labor hall for the allegiance of these young workers and when the majors do that they're providing the community with concrete services and this is something that a lot of radicals maybe have lost sight of and I think there's a lesson to begin with they built a movement because they did things that really improved the life of the average immigrant and then also politicized them at the same time here's a over the year you can see how the different events change the major thing you get out of this is that they had picnics in the summertime I guess picnics in the wintertime in Vermont aren't really popular I'm from California so I don't know it's green in the wintertime and so they would have the indoor parties they had raffles and in the theater performances we're at the opera house in town I've done financial calculations, they report in the paper everything every party they report how much they spent on a cake of beer how much they paid the band how much money came in where that money went they tell you we had a theater thing and this much money, tickets were sold for this much so you can figure out how many people went to that event they were often having 500 people at their theater performances other scholars have done work similar to this in New York City find that the New York City anarchists had the same number of people showing up at their theater conference the scene here is really vibrant and things like theater, you got to remember in 1903 there was no TV there was no radio this was entertainment for the community also the theater is really fascinating in terms of gender we'll get to that next slide anarchist parties, they were saying they were raising money for all kinds of events the remembrance of the Paris Commune was a huge one, they had huge parties and gatherings for here is one of these raising money for some arrested union guys in Little Fall New York I think this would be a great cover for a band also I mean just look at the style for the Homestead in Catalonia for the suppression of the Spanish workers so that they had this internationalism they were always pushing against being confined as just Italians they didn't want to identify as Italians they wanted to be workers of the world and they would often have parties with the Spanish as reports of the Catalonians coming and doing great dances at their parties and raising money for events going on in Spain or Russia, those are the two of the major ones there is always this attempt to and you've got to think about it the inner group of the Shirkolo might have been maybe 20 or 30 people but then they're having events with like 500 people at them and they're bringing them in, they're politicizing them they're also getting them the sense of being part of a larger global struggle against capitalism and identifying and pushing against at the same time in which nation is becoming the coherent way of organizing the world in which nation states are becoming the dominant form of societal identity they're really pushing against that they want people to identify as something much bigger and much more universal and this is why we say that anarchists are really the inheritors of the universalist tradition of the Enlightenment right? so then they also had the drawing school which I think probably most of you are familiar with Carlo Abate he was not only the artist, he was that CA on the engravings in the paper but here he is teaching in the school in Berry there's a huge number of articles about the school in Berry mostly complaining that workers are not supporting it enough they're trying to get the parents to be more involved with it complaining that the fathers are not coming to the meetings only the mothers are coming to the meetings and why are the dads not caring about the children's education and really struggling eventually they withdraw and stop supporting the school and then Abate continues on and Carlo Abate is a really fabulously interesting character he came over from Milan where he had studied and been given awards as an artist he taught art, he did sculpture work and then he did the teaching of the youth he was also known for kind of being fearless going into homes with tuberculosis and things taking care of orphans providing shoes and clothing to children so really one of these linchpins that helped connect the anarchist transnational network to the local community and so when we started talking about networks we have to understand that it gets us out of the language of hierarchy so when you talk about like social movements there's leaders and then there's people following them and there's the great orators, the writers like Galliani and then there's kind of a mass of people who are like under their sway but when you talk about network theory you start understanding that you can have a network element like Galliani, we call it a creative element that has a huge amount of connections running through them but you also have bridging nodes and bridging nodes are people who link together different what would otherwise be very distantly connected parts of a network so Abate is kind of a great example of a bridging node but he's deeply embedded in the average community but he's also extremely connected to the he's the major artist for this transnational anarchist newspaper and so there he gets to kind of embody anarchist values the average people and the anarchists always are positioning themselves as being the true champion of the working class and of the immigrant workers and then there is the anarchist theater which you're all familiar with the opera house here in town it's famous because Emma Goldman and Galliani spoke there during the liquor fights I'm going to talk about in a second and I would say the other really interesting the articles about the theater are the place where the most number of women's names appear so you don't hear a lot about the women in terms of organizing the the events although you kind of know that everyone is probably cooking all the food thank you also for the lovely dinner tonight um gender manifests itself but in the theater women really got their names in the paper and made much more of a clear presence and it was really a critical way of raising money for the movement and educating the population so there's a lot of interesting discussions about what plays were good for an anarchist theater trip to perform and what was a frivolous bourgeois romance play and what was a play that had a good working class educational lesson to be taught where there was some corrupt industrial boss who was poisoning the workers killing the whistleblowers and they needed to have people organize against them and they really pushed for these plays and they weren't always the most popular like the bourgeois romances and usually sold more tickets but that wasn't the point the point was not just to provide education it wasn't just to have a party or theater it was to engage with propaganda and in our sense kind of post-Cold War sense of education but in this time period propaganda was propagating your ideas it was just planting seeds it was spreading the idea and so the anarchist had the propaganda of the D tradition which was spreading the idea of revolt through the things you did and propaganda of the word and that was the newspapers that was the plays that was the art that was the poetry that was the songs I wanted to say also like it was so amazing and touching to me I've been at gatherings in Italy of radicals where they just sing songs like that all night and it's always felt so impoverished as an American we don't have that kind of tradition unless we pull on a Pete Seeger you know pull up Rise Up Singing songbook there is that tradition but it's largely been lost we have mostly corporate songs that we can all sing which are great but there is an older tradition of songs that are really amazing in the movement and so the other side the anarchists in the Chronicle locale they constantly publishing report backs from the announcements for parties report backs from the parties the finances and the most bucolic and beautiful language oh the festivities are grand and the flowers are everywhere for the primitimaggio lots of primitimaggio parties that they had everyone had a good time here's the money everyone donated on the other side of it the next entry in the Chronicle locale will be like this blistering attack upon different people in Barry who the anarchists hated so here are the groups the anarchists hated and the number of mentions you know to be fair they did not like the socialist labor hall one of the anarchists was killed in the labor hall when they were trying to the socialist newspaper men had published Galliani's presence here remember he is running from the cops when he came to Barry and he was printing under the pen name in Tana also used the name ilvec was like the old man but yeah Serati publishes in the socialist paper that Galliani's in Barry and he came here to speak in the socialist labor hall and the anarchists all tried to de-platform him calling him a rat and there was a big fight that there is there was a lot of tension also like the there's interesting critiques of the co-op bakery which particularly after it failed and lost the workers a lot of money and the anarchists were critical of this like kind of being callous with the donation from the workers and the socialists not like really protecting the workers enough really a lot of attacks on the union, on the stonecutters union the granite carburs union they for the union tried to pass a lot of the all speaking at union meetings had to be in English right there was a lot of old boy networks there was a guy who was like they I think in charge of roads or something a city government position but was also like working like one hour a month so he could continue collecting his union retirement money there was a lot of this kind of a lot of their time was spent critiquing the established power system in Barry and how it was exploiting the working class the priests the police one of the major ones there a lot of trash on the cops the socialists are the major ones that they're attacking other subversives the liquor fight starts happening and they're in an interesting position there can I get the next slide so yeah this combative language so when they start critiquing Gagliani's language is insane like he's he is very it's like one period per paragraph run on sentences of extremely poetic language you know this is a very slight sampling referring to people with pimps of misophilies, bandits whores deserving of good fuck pirates, mercenaries, mobsters above the law big shots systematic scammers, hypocrites, charlatans thieves, criminals, blackmailers murderers, sewer trash Pharisees, bible thumpers shameless conmen spies and postures, thugs feted carcasses assassins, butchers, slave drivers crows which are the priests pygmies sheep, fools, hermaphrodites idlers, vultures shrews, proselytizing neophytes, tyrants and on and on and on and he does these amazing diction changes he has terms that he'll use that are like I've had to go talk to an Italian linguist who are like oh yeah that word that's like means like that's a neapolitan slaying for like a you know what was it like a small good seller but it really means you're a drug dealer you know and he'll use those while also quoting Dante in the same sentence right and so he hits between these like really high and really like slaying terms which I think for the audience is really empowering because at one point they're being spoken to in their like street language right and at the same time they're being spoken to in this very high intellectual language so it both lifts them up like they're you know they've got a cultural background and speaks to them kind of on their both base level as part of his theatrics but it's really amazing paired with the same the bucolic language about all the you know about the workers and about the gatherings and the parties and the theater which are all very very very positive and beautifully written so it's this real juxtaposition and then the image is the art here you get some of the anti-American American vulture on the wing you have the worker punching the cop I believe and then you have the reign of silence in America which is part of the series with that earlier image of the reign of silence in Italy this is an incredibly powerful image where the slave master is having one slave whipping another slave and if you notice that the rich slave owning woman has her view hidden so she doesn't have to watch the violence and here are some of the major members of the very community who are critiqued kind of goes along with that other list where you get the mayor, the reverend, the police chief different people they really did not like Scampini, Angela Sampini some of these might be relative of yours Goretto, Santa Goretto they hated a lot of these guys also had some of them started off as radicals and kind of transitioned in this part of the anger can I get the next slide so the big fight that really shifts everything and up to this time period up to 1906, 1907 the chronicle is largely a small local paper it's in Vermont and New England and it's really involved with fights in Barrie and really standing up for the local workers in Barrie and the immigrants in Barrie the big fight ends up coming down around liquor licensing this is what Emma Goldman and Galliani spoke together on the opera house stage for now the liquor licensing is a really interesting issue what happened is we know that all these workers are dying from silicosis and that left a lot of widows and the widows would often run boarding houses for the workers they also would often turn their houses into informal bars where they sold alcohol at night to supplant their income and that would have been dead and once again you have all these kind of temperance minded protestants who do not like what's going on with these Italian speaking immigrants who are radical and are drinking at night and they want to shut it down at the same time you also have a kind of capitalist class who wants to control the sale of alcohol and so their solution is to require a license to sell alcohol this way you stop the widows from turning their houses into bars and you allow only a limited number three, four, five people to have bars in town the city council decides who that is so it's going to go into the hands of the old boys and the anarchists hate both sides of this they hate the temperance people for being kind of religious hypocrites but they hate the guys who are fighting for liquor licensing as they call Kamaristi and Mafiosi they want to take the money from the hard working class they want liquor to be unregulated for people to be able to make their own wine and sell their wine from their home and not be controlled by the state but when there's a vote do you support the one side or the other side it becomes very difficult for them and they basically advocate for not as anarchists tend to do not being involved in the vote and my analysis of it showed that they actually had a pretty big influence in Vermont and in most of the towns where there are large number of subscribers got the way that the anarchists kind of wanted it to versus the average in Vermont and you can get a sense here also that the major towns are connected to the very anarchist scene in the region so the liquor fight gets Galliani it gets the locals really mad at Galliani they've kind of had it up to here with this gad fly right and so they contact Patterson New Jersey where he still wanted from five years before from leading the strike and get the Patterson officials to come up and arrest Galliani and take him back to Patterson to face trial and for me this is the critical moment that changes everything there's a saying within the anarchist left that we're like the skin of a drum the harder you hit us the louder we get and that's exactly what happens with the Chronica they take Galliani and arrest him and they make the Chronica a major major paper and his trial and arrest becomes this like a major organizing principle here you can see where most of the subscribers were prior to the arrest and in his defense fund can I get the next slide and here okay so he's a trial he goes on trial here's the lawyer the judge there's the first image of Galliani that's actually printed in the Chronica and then his two defense lawyers and it's really interesting up to this time all these poor features are appearing in the Chronica largely by Abbate or kind of like this it's like a haleography and a martyrology of the movement right it's people who died for the movement or the major leaders Galliani appears for the first time in that same canon during this trial right so it's now lifted him up to being a major player and also given him a huge amount of press there's a defense rally in New York City where Emma Goldman and other people come on the stage and speak about Galliani's trial and gets huge amount of national press for him and it really changes everything and here are the subscribers after the trial it's become a national movement right and so the way I did my dissertation the Chronica is a four page weekly printed from 1903 to 1918 every week on the fourth page is financial information every cent sent in as a subscription or as a donation to a strike fund or a legal defense fund whatever they're raising money for and a location and amount of money and often a tiny little note from the worker who sent in his five cents so I transcribed all of that data into spreadsheets like over 70,000 lines of data and that allows me to basically map the movement so I have maps like this to move and show you movement over time you can talk about all these kind of memes and viral ideas you can see the fund raising for the strike start off one spot and then spread throughout the whole network and then slowly decrease as the strike ends and so you can do this kind of analysis where you can say look concretely the defense really changes everything and here's an example of the money that came in for the different defense stuff one of the things interesting is that they didn't have a professional accountant monitoring the movement moving the paper and so they ended up being a bunch of scandals about where so much money started coming in for the defense fund that years later there are still being fights about where did that money go and accusations thrown around that someone stole this money or that money or not and so they're really trying to have a lot of transparency with their finances and that's why they printed everything in the paper and it's actually remarkable how successfully we're at promoting the reliability today we don't think of anarchists as the ones who you would trust giving money to necessarily but for instance there's a huge earthquake in Calabria and there's all kinds of national, transnational international fundraising to help people sending money to the Red Cross and in Barry they all send money through the anarchists even the Anglo speaking community send money to the anarchists because they trust them they know that the money will most likely end up where they are but when they start getting attacked for not handling the money correctly it's a huge attack on the trust the role that newspaper plays within the network as not just being a newspaper but being this a means of moving money across a whole diaspora you're getting the next slide and so this leads to the decision to leave Barry basically things they push things so far in Barry that they start having a lot of fights with people who used to be anarchists and have kind of class transition have become successful business owners and no longer are radical and this is where they start calling them these traders and there's fights there's punch outs there's shootings at picnics by guys who are sitting by the mafiosi to try to take out the anarchists there's Galiani almost bouncing on his head basically he has to leave town some of his other major lieutenants one of them has a barbershop and the guy busts in the barbershop with a gun and there's like a razor blade knife fight and it's all in the paper it's really action filled stuff but they decide to leave and when they decide to leave and it emphasizes that the paper was not Galiani it was the paper that was owned collectively by a movement that original group that started the paper raised the money for the paper and when they decide to move you have all these groups sending money in and helping decide where the paper should be located to and what should happen so it's really an interesting conversation that shows the kind of like horizontal nature of this movement and so that finally leads us to the end and the paper decides to leave Barry and they move to Lynn, Massachusetts and Lynn they do not move to town to a little farm where they have the printing press in a barn they do not print the chronicle locale news anymore and they kind of stop shitting where they sleep right they stop getting in fights with the local and they become a transnational they get in fights more with the socialists and they start getting in fights around the Mexican Revolution around whether anarchist support World War I around organizationalism anti-organizationalism and they become the chronica that is remembered by Paul Average, by Nunesio Pelicone and other historians who write about the fights between the anarchists and that's really only after he leaves Barry and the chronica has now become this, Galliani has become an iconic figure in the the movement and the chronica has become like the flag bearer for the anti-organizational movement and trying to understand that, you have to understand starting off with Galliani's experience in Patterson with the union, the year is here where he was battling his head against the corrupt union that was treating the workers shitty and some of the 1910 strike was a big one as you know there would be all these strikes in Barry where they would strike to get rid of a grinder that was kicking up dust and killing people and then they banned the six inch grinder and so then the bosses come out with an eight inch grinder and so he ends up being like look at the union it's not the way to fight this fight and that's really his disappointment with the union leads to a new level of radicalism when they move the land you see how Barry, here's the majority of donations coming in from Barry and it drops off after he leaves and donations from Lynn increase a bunch and it kind of moves more into Massachusetts and those factories Lynn has the big strike in 1912, 1913 they get much more involved in national politics basically and it's no longer the local paper that it wasn't Barry so that's what I was able to discover by reading, closely reading the chronicle there's a lot of details in the dissertation, I hope that if you want to find out more about the concrete nature of all the parties and it's every play that they performed you know it's all there so I would I'd love to have you guys read it and talk to me if you need access to it I can help you get it but that's sorry I guess I should take questions yeah so the art school was started in the basement of the Goddard cemetery when it was not cemetery when it was in Barry before they moved and became Goddard College and I think there's a monument over on Blackwell Street I believe where Botte had his school at the school was started in I want to say 1906 it was started but it ran for many years after the chronicle left and Botte continued running for quite a long time and it was the school design and the drawing school depending on how you translate it but it was more than just drawing the whole curriculum is listed in the dissertation but they had quite a range of art classes and it was at first it was totally free for the students and then it becomes a paid gig after the anarchists pulled out because they just can't get the community to support it enough and Botte continues it as his profession and the paper was printed in Talon? it was in Talon, yeah oh there you go there's also locations through First Senior Goddard Seminary was formerly called the constant memorial building it was torn down by the city of Barrett in 1908 and it was a building right next to the Auditorium and my grandfather taught at the B.M. Goite School in 1930s oh wow very cool with the Botte? I'm not sure when the Botte died I think it was after the 30s what? yeah was there any anarchist remnants left here after the chronicle? there was so in that collection I got from Talon, there were Panthers printed in Barrett in 1913 and 1914, they were being circulated through the chronicle still so when the paper left they became a relationship with a lot of people still in Barrett there were still donations and subscriptions from Barrett but radically, as you saw there, that radically decreased involvement but they were still for sure an anarchist present for quite a while so in 1990-1920 when they started doing the Palma Rades and the Red Scare the FBI come to Barrett and they're reviewing a lot of people and it's quite hilarious, there's people who have been subscribing to the paper for 10 years and they're like oh yeah I'm not anarchist I'd like to read the paper and then there's some guys who are like to the FBI, oh yeah I'm an anarchist they're quite impressively not shying away from it but a lot of people kind of say oh I just read it I used to subscribe to lots of papers but yeah to go back to the militancy that emerges after Barrett when the Palma Rades happened that's when the guy in Eastie really started, they do the first mail bombings when they send bombs in the mail to a lot of judges and they blow up the house of Judge Thayer who was the judge who condemned Sockman Benzetti to death they blow up the house of Attorney General Palmer so they really start but it's all again the Palmas Rating the immigrant community deporting all these radicals and stuff so it's seen as a ta ta it's not seen as a terrorism if you think it's an analogous are all the anarchists it's howling it if they reach out to other nationalities it's a very multi-ethnic community that always has there's lots of rallies with the Spanish and other groups that they're working with but they kind of let them have their own papers and it's really interesting question because for me and for like a lot of American scholars we see them as very transnational because you know that I think about math over 2,500 locations that the paper was subscribed to across North America but also in Latin America and in Europe and Australia so it's transnational that's for me transnational when I went and talked about this in Switzerland I had someone object to say it's not transnational they're only speaking in Italian because Europeans, nation is about language more than borders so it's really so this cross-national what we would call a cross-national between different linguistic groups and you're going to remember a lot of these guys spoke a lot of languages and it's one of those things we have a lot of 5,000 3,000 to 5,000 maybe printing every issue but a lot of those are being purchased by different workers groups so they're going to reading rooms so you can't really understand how many people were reading it based by the number of newspapers that were being printed and then there's a lot of like so the pamphlet published in 1913 in Italian which was about Max Netmau's Solidarity in the Worker's Struggle which was originally written in German and then it was translated in Spanish, Argentina and then it was translated into Italian and published in Berry so there's a lot of translation also all the woodblocking bravings are constantly being reprinted so one of the things I would love to do is actually kind of map the reprinting networks and follow some of the images as they move through different newspapers they're very mischievous with their material they don't care about copyright Is there any relationship between the anarchists and the Wallis? Oh, very much so so this Patterson group, the right existence group is one of the founders of the IWW and the end of rallying Patterson that found the movement when it happens, the chronicle they skeptical of it, we'll see if these guys are really radical union and they supported it they supported the Big Stripe in Lynn and in Patterson Gagliani helped organize bringing the children out of the big out of Lynn and a broad bunch of the children up to Berry to support them maybe even this Oh, I don't know Yeah, so yeah they continued to be very much involved Any other questions? I wish I could find a woodblock an original abate woodblock would be like gold, right? Yeah, I don't know what happened to any of them. One of the neat things though is if you look at those abate woodblocks they look very sketched but if you understand woodblock manufacturing all the ink is very very intentional so the Italians have this idea of spettatura of making a really hard art look really really easy and so this is a time period in which a woodblock is competing with photo and grab here in the beginning of photography being able to be printed and so this whole debate do you try to compete with photography for similitude? Do you try to have your image look real? and Abate clearly says no I want you to know that this was made by a human hand and so the sketch nature of it is a piece of masterwork and is incredibly intentional and when the lion said he was outside of the lining he carved that outside part specifically to make it clear that he's not trying to look like a photograph but we have a lecture like this we never serve coffee but there is coffee if you want it on the way out and those of you who bid on the option if you check with me at the table we can settle everything up