 I have to apologize for my English, it's a bit rusty, so I will be reading my presentation. This text is part of a broader investigation into the transformation of the agriculture imposed by the Castilian conquests in the rural areas of the Sultanate of Granada. This research focuses on populations in the western part of the former Sultanate, the area corresponding to the post-conquest bishopric of Malin. This study allows us to test some of the proposals made by authors such as Andy Watson and the relationship between agricultural models of Muslim Spain and that of the Christian repobladores, the settlers, analyzing the behavior of both groups at the local level. Andy Watson highlighted the differences between traditional and delucian agriculture and that of the colonists in one key aspect, the integration or lack of livestock and agriculture. However, his ideas have been reviewed by other authors recently. The colonization of the Sultanate of Granada is an ideal scenario to measure and value the differences between the activity of the native peasants and that of the settlers. As it is well known, the conquest of the Sultanate of Granada by Castile between 1492-1492 was the beginning of a long and complex process of colonization. In the years following the war, around 40,000 settlers arrived to this land. About the indigenous population, although suffering a significant loss, important communities remain in the mountainous areas. In the case of the bishopric of Malaga in the screen, the inner areas of the region remain largely occupied by indigenous communities, in green in the image. We had chosen the small town of Casarabonela in the western part of the district to carry out detailed research on how that transformation took place. Casarabonela came under control of Castile in the spring of 1485. This town stands out for the permanence of most of the indigenous community with a population of 240 households and for the installation alongside to this native population of a group of Castilian settlers, 68 families, in the last years of the 15th century. Both population groups share spaces in a dual community that was maintained until 1570, when the native population, they called Moriscos, was deported to other regions of Castile. Information on the period previous to the Castilian Conquest is really scarce. We have to preserve mainly to extrapolating data from the end of the 15th century, since the only small part of the large area of Casarabonela was cultivated. Among the fields, the irrigated lands stand out. Most orchards and irrigated fields were located around the village itself, the area in green in there. Other small irrigated areas were located throughout the district, particularly important were the areas of meadows called islands along the river, which could easily be cultivated with cereals like millet, barley or other plants like beans or flasks. Rainfell crops were also present, the cereal fields were scattered throughout the area, in no very extensive fields. Olive trees, ground both on the high and irrigated land were preferably located in the area around the village river. The grapevine, with great commercial importance, was mainly located in the southern part of the district, as we will see later. The rest of the territory, which is particularly rough, was occupied by scrap land and forests. Being suitable for grazing, the arrival of a group of sellers immediately entailed a series of changes in the gradient landscape. First they appropriated all the land houses and other properties that were considered vacant. Those whose owners had disappeared during the war years. Sellers were also granted with uncultivated land, circa 275 hectares, that was considered to be royal property in order to plant cereals, grapevines and olive trees. The crown used this donation to reward services rendered during the conquest of the sultanate. This distribution of land, uncultivated and other yet to be broken, was the basis for the accumulation of land and fields by a few families, especially in the outer area of the village boundaries. Now those lands of Casar Ronella, in the outer area of the district, had the best soil conditions for the extensive cultivation of the staple crops, wheat and barley. In the decades following the conquest, native farmers sold or lost most of their fields in the area such as Montijar or Turón, and indigenous property was also reduced in the area of Hacor and Cacunes. Here is an image of the state of the property of these gay farming lands. In 1570 all the lands are grouped in nine blocks, so we can see that the property was mostly in main on in the hands of the of the new sellers. Only 18.5% of those fields was owned by the native peasants by 1570. Here we get the land in contrast was owned equally between both groups. About the vineyards, the grapevine might be considered the other staple crop of rain-fed agriculture. The export of raisins was key to the Nasrid foreign period. The vineyards in Casar Ronella during the Nasrid period were found mainly in some states in the southern part of the village. Sellers showed their interest in this crop by rapidly expanding the area dedicated to it, both directly and by encouraging native farmers to plant new vines. In 1522, new land was granted to native peasants to be planted with grapevines in the south of the district. That would be the situation of the grapevines in around 1500. That would be the distribution of grapevines around 1570. That shows a clear enrichment of the land esteem for vineyards in the central zone of the municipality in the Mopaga, Carretti, and Casa areas. In the southern part, in the border with Alasina, the so-called matimid and imaged areas. The surface devoted to the vine crops was close to 200 hectares. By 1570, most of the vineyards of the Nasrid period had been appropriated by sellers, while the new vineyards were mainly owned by the native peasants. Although wine was produced, most of the grapes were used for the production of raisins, which were sold to mercants in the city of Malaga. In 1545, for example, one of the few years for which we have records, raising production exceeded 30,000 kilograms. Information on livestock in Nasrid time is rather scarce. The data we have was generated after the conquests. A record from 1489 shows the presence of modest numbers of cattle, oxen and cows, and donkeys. Only in the case of goats, there were six herds that indicate a certain specialization. The options for feeding this livestock were extensive, with a wide area, almost 150 square kilometers, of uncortivated land. In addition to this, there were also day farming fields used for grazing after harvest and during fallow periods. This livestock would have had a limited access to most of the irrigated fields and to the vineyards, especially during the fruit season. The new sellers brought with them their own cattle and their own priorities. The increased pressure on grazing resources with the arrival of large flocks of sheep led to the need to identify areas reserved for the most valuable livestock, graph animals, especially oxen. Two areas can be identified which were especially reserved for this livestock, including within some cereal fields, which could also be used as pasture once the harvest was over. The Martina pasture occupied an area delimited by the Allora and Ronda Road. There were at least 2,000 reserved for oxen only. The other pasture area, the other pasture enclosure, was marked in the northwest area of the municipality on the border with El Burdo. And there, animals could water in the river to run itself. Other types of cattle, as goats or sheep, were not allowed in these pastures. So conflicts between different kinds of livestock, large and animal livestock owners, livestock keepers and farmers, were quite frequent. We have them documented. Cattle access to great farming fields and stables was of great importance and was often reserved by large landowners. This would be roughly the distribution of the fields in Casarabonela at the moment of the expulsion of the Morisco families in 1570, in the spring of 1570. The presence of the Morisco cladences was a turning point in the history of the kingdom of Granada, the expulsion of nearly 80,000 people between 1569 and 1571 completely transformed the social and economic reality of many communities. In Casarabonela, or in our case, about 350 families were expelled in the spring of 1570, about 62% of the population. The grounds project to replace the expel population with sellers, the so-called new sellers, intentionally sought to reduce the number of neighbors in the villages to be reoccupied. Only 70 new families settled in Casarabonela, receiving most of the properties of the expel moriscos, irrigated land, the island, vineyards, olive clothes, etc. This property was distributed into lots, which were allotted to the sellers who initially formed a group of small and medium-sized owners. However, they found quite difficult to leave off the farms they had received. The tax pressure to which they were subjected in the early years, which led to widespread protests in the kingdom, and a change in the regulations of the new population. The difficulty of cultivating the distributed land, lack of livestock, dispersion of the fields, etc. This made some of the new sellers to focus on the most profitable crops, especially silk and vines, leaving many lands and fields uncultivated, especially the rain-fed ones. Pressure from the big cattle owners, the interests of the large landowners who had already settled in Casarabonela years before and nearby were largely based on livestock farming. Because of these difficulties, a significant number of these new sellers left Casarabonela in the years following 1575. Only 30 of the 70 new sellers remained in Casarabonela 15 years after their arrival. As a result of the expulsion of the Natis, the Moriscos, and the failure of the new population, Casarabonela entered in a period of demographic decline that lasted until the very end of the 17th century. There are some questions that may arise from the above and need further research. The role of the work of the native peasants as tenants or baceros, workers for the sellers, the management of fellow land as is possible used by livestock like grazing, the use of mills and granaries as a way to intervene the production of the stepple crops, especially wheat and barley, and the colonies controlled over the racing state. So the local administration of the communal spaces like pasture and forest, the different tax treatment and levels of debt in both groups as conditioning factors of the farming activity, there are questions that will be addressed in the near future likely. To summarize this presentation, I would like to say the changes introduced by colonization in last read agriculture were focused on the farming, especially grain, cereals and vineyards and livestock. The importance of the work of native peasants to fulfill the project of the sellers being tenants or workers. It is necessary to study further peasant work to better understanding the different behavior of both peasant groups. The project of new sedermen was a partial failure as most of the new sellers did not remain in Casablanca. A local studies as the present one allows us to measure the impact of the productivity priorities brought by the new sellers on the agro-pastoral areas to locate the cultivation areas to measure the fields. Thank you very much.