 Felly rydyn ni'n dweud am ddiffenwydd Cyddiagel a Llywodraeth i'n ddweud fod yn cael gweithio'r cyfrif. Ond y gallwch chi'n ddifen ag yma. Nid yw y cwestiynau ar y Cymru Cymru ar yr atlending Mwysig Mwysig mewn 1449, y cyfrifantigwyr Edryd Hawkins yn adnog. Mae'n ddifen o'r cyfrifantigwyr meddwl yma yn fwy o'r cyfrifantigwyr wedi'u cysylltiadau. Yn hynny, mae'n ddifeniaid aeth yma yn 1400. The subsequent growth and development of the collections of the British Museum bears testimony to the close relationship between the museum and the Society of Antiquities in the late 19th century and early 20th century. The first curator of the newly created Department of British Antiquities, Augustus Wester, France, who we've heard about earlier, was elected a fellow in December 1853, going on to serve as the society's director from 1858 to 67, and again from 1873 to 79, and then as president between 1892 and 1897. France's assistant and later successor of the museum, Charles Herkbyw's reed, was elected a fellow in 1882, serving as the society's secretary under France, and the president himself for two terms between 1908 and 14 in 1919 and 24. The society provided France's reed and their museum colleagues with a critical forum in which to enhance their expertise in medieval relational art, enabling them to examine objects held in private hands and to discuss recent findings with fellow antiquarians. Yet in addition to this scholarly function, the society played an important social role, providing the mechanism through which curators could cultivate relationships with private collectors to generate gifts in the quests at a time when acquisitions were being squeezed by limited budgets and increasingly competitive market. So in this afternoon's paper, I want to consider the role that the society played in the curation of medieval Renaissance collections at British Museum between 1850 and 1913, considering how the society influenced the types of objects being collected, acted as a site for the development of curatorial expertise, and generated crucial curator-collector relationships that enriched the collections we see on this slated day in the Museum's galleries. At the time that France was appointed as a museum officer in 1851, the collections of medieval Renaissance art at the British Museum were still in their infancy, which reflected general antiquity towards such objects for monks and starves and trustees. Shortly before France's arrival, Edward Hawkins had declined the purchase of a gold reliquary on the grounds that it would, quote, frighten the ultra-Pochistan south of their senses. Some of them already begin to fancy that he received hope of learning the intricacies of medieval art. A gallery dedicated to the proper display of such objects had been completed over the previous year. In contrast, the proceedings of the Society of Antiquities demonstrate that interesting collecting, research and discussion of objects was already widespread amongst British collectors and antiquarians. For example, on 8 February 1849, Thomas Winders exhibited Renaissance metalwork on ivory objects, including packs attributed to Cellini, together with a detailed catalogue of the objects for fellows to study. Indeed, it was partly due to pressure from fellows that the museum had actually moved into this area of collecting. In a letter to the Times on 10 January 1854, an unnamed fellow lamented the trustee's lack of enthusiasm in their purchase of objects, commenting that, during the year of the Great Exhibition, many foreigners brought with them from Italy and elsewhere valuable antiques that were compelled to sell them privately or return with them once they came. Fellows were aware that Britain was lagging behind its continental counterparts informing a national collection of medieval renaissance objects for analysis and study. It was not just the subject matter of acquisitions that was influenced by the Society and its approach to medieval renaissance works, however, but also the justification for those purchases. Hawkins had admitted that, prior to the 1850s, the medieval renaissance collections had accumulated at the result of, quote, casual acquisition by gift or by purchase, not regulated, with a view to systematic illustration of historical periods. It's interesting, early on, her France's approach to the library exceeds the British Museum under the principal librarian of the opposite relationship between books and collections. Purchases under France's tenure at the museum, in contrast, reflected the manner in which objects were discussed at society meetings, showing a concern with representing particular styles, signatures or historical developments, or completing existing theories of specimens. By way of example, at the meeting on 25th May 1848, a series of watches together with texts detailing history was exhibited by Octavius Morgan with subsequent exhibits, each shedding a further light on the same theme. Colonel Batty exhibited a sundial, 1850-1944, Joshua Butterworth exhibited a clock, previously owned by Llywetha 14, Captain Smith discussed an old opinion clock in the Society's collection at the earliest in regional tradition, now in England, and today in London. Well, Mr Henry Graves exhibited Hans Holborn's designs for a clock, then with the eight, for further comparison and study. In fact, France saw active participation in the Society of Antiquities as a fundamental aspect of the curator's role. When persuading the museum trustees to allow the directorship of the Society in 1858, he asserted that the post, quote, will enable me to perform my duties more satisfactorily. The opportunity of examining critically the antiquities sent to the Society for Exhibition will add greatly to my knowledge on these subjects and will probably enable me to secure some of the museum. Such advantages he saw as critical for all the museum employees. In 1887, he lobbied the trustees for time of work during work hours for staff to attend meetings at the Society, telling them it is desirable that the officials should take part in them so they may know what is going on amongst those who are occupied in similar subjects. The display handling and discussion of objects at meetings facilitated the development of core assertion and expertise in medieval Renaissance art amongst those of curators and private collectors, which became an increasing concern as the market heated up and forged objects became more prevalent. Indeed, in 1858, Franks delivered a paper at the Society calling his peers' attention to the ubiquity of faith and highlighting the presence of forged emosion mammals on display at the Manchester Art Treasure Exhibition. Presenting museum acquisitions at Society meetings and examining them together with comparative pieces is one means of protecting against forged emosions entering the national collections. A keen private collector, as well as a museum officer, Franks regularly presented pieces from his own collection of meetings sometimes prior to donating them to the museum himself as a trustee meeting report from 1892 describes. Mr Franks mentioned that he had bought himself some very curious and early draftsmen in a very important Italian enamel which he had proposed us to present to the museum after he has had an opportunity of exhibiting them to the Society of Antiquaries of Humi Tent. Curators also encouraged other private collectors to share particular objects from their collections. In March 1877, for example, Franks rated it as a Charles Spencer Percival in relation to objects he had heard would be loaded to South Kensington telling him, I think it would be of great interest to the Society of Antiquaries to see these objects and I would therefore suggest that they might be exhibited at Burlington House in a way to South Kensington. Can you help us in this? I think this note is interesting for highlighting the different purpose that the Society has served and the different audience has attracted in comparison to the displays particularly in South Kensington. Occasionally, private collectors would seek Franks' council prior to presenting their findings to the Society. Henry Howard, for example, rated Franks in 1887 in relation to his research of the authorship of the bronze plate and the possible establishment of a workshop at Bazzaro, writing, quote, I have made some deductions which I hope to put for the Society of Antiquaries. I include you two of my stupid papers. I have marked a passage in which I have London into an opinion. Taking a central role in the Society in this way has provided Franks with a key insight into objects held in private hands and facilitated his network here with potential donors. I really love these drawings by sharks. I think they give a really good sense of how objects become intimate environments in which objects will be presented and handled and passed around by fellows. This brings me on to the next part of my paper which considers the role that fellows played in enriching the collections of the British Museum through gift and donation. The Society provided curators with a ready audience of collectors who had the means of financing museum acquisitions. Curators could present potential acquisitions at meetings to justify purchases and generate support. This tactic seemed to have had mixed results. Prior to his purchase of the Royal Gold Cup in 1892, for example, Franks wrote to Charles Fortland lamenting the fact that I exhibited the cover of the Society of Antiquaries and read a paper thereon which was very well received when they did not fall out. Nonetheless, it was rather in the long term that we see the real impact of fellow support on the museum collections. At a museum board meeting in 1885, Franks drew museum trustees' attention to the fact that since 1866 the total purchase markings department took totally 8,000 pounds. And yet the collection had been enriched by gift or bequest to the value of 50,000 pounds, a trend that continued throughout his tenure. Almost all signifying gifts or bequests of objects were made by fellows of the Society of Antiquaries, the major exception being the Watson-de-Pact. Two key examples are provided by John Henderson and Felix Slade. Henderson bequests his collections of almost a thousand examples of Italian myolica, Spanish lustuaire and Venetian glassware to the British Museum on his death in 1878. Henderson had been elected fellow in 1858, the year that Franks became director and seems to have been in the enthusiastic number, on projects regulating meetings and publishing his research and society publications. Felix Slade was elected fellow in 1866, becoming a regular contributor to meetings, exhibiting examples of his encyclopedic collection of glassware. On his death in 1868 he left the British Museum not only his collection of almost a thousand examples, but also a fund of 3,000 pounds to enable him to expand collections further. The Society's new papers in London in these collecting networks, showing that Helen Henderson and Slade were proposed as fellows by France, illustrating how the Society reinforced these important relationships between collectors and the museum, and Charles Hedley's read continuing this tradition. Franks and Weeds and Milibode supported the election of the wine merchant Henry Funtz in 1892, for example. Funtz had collected a wide range of medieval Renaissance works of art that made his first donation to the museum in 1889. A trustee's report from 1892 reports that Mr Funtz, to his show himself at all times, anxious to improve the museum collection to which he has been at the frequent donor. At the sale of the Homeworth-Maniac collection in 1892, Funtz supplied a 15th-century silver casket by the dealer George Sherlock, but France persuaded him to cede it to the museum across price. Then Funtz, who self-appears on the blue paper, preferred the British Museum donor, the merchant and financier Max Rosenheim, whom, together with his brother Maurice, assembled a large and wide-raging collection of medieval Renaissance objects. He was elected a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in March 1894, like Funtz, to his relation was supported by Franks and Weed. As well as donating objects to the collections, he served as a museum trustee, and, together with Charles Sportnum, we will see also on the blue paper, established the original friends of the British Museum. The dealer Moshe Ovid wrote that Rosenheim wrote interested himself with extraordinary diligence and intensity in antiques, the safe knowledge, and to enrich the British Museum, his home. A Franks, certainly new Rosenheim's collection well, following the burglary at his home in 1896, Rosenheim wrote to the museum the advice for evaluation of a 16th century Jewish wedding ring, which had been stolen and was translated well. As a fellow, Rosenheim was a regular contributor to meetings and collaborated with Charles Hecly to read and his research of objects, especially in relation to heraldry. For example, in his article published in 1982, we'd acknowledged Rosenheim's research in identifying Copes of Arms on a medieval enameled beaker in the British Museum collection. Although the vast majority of his collections were released in 1923, the brothers presented a large number of objects at the museum with a bookplate collection that had finally been presented by Mr Speiddel Rosenheim. It's noeworthy that on the frontices of the cell they refer to both brothers in the Bellows of the Society and I wonder whether that, as a queen, it is a function of the sense of concertion involved. Instances of the question donations by fellows like these, are numerous to detail in this short paper, but I did want to concentrate on one final example which gives a further insight into these collecting networks, and that of the Reverend Arthur Barwell. Barwell had developed a collecting interest in continental renaissance objects, probably decided by his childhood grown-up at the 16th century Chateau Dormand in Normandy. After serving briefly in the army, Barwell joined the church and settled in Sussex, on the territory in the society's proceedings. He lived, quote, an ideal life as a country person. Barwell bought a variety of many renaissance works, but his interests became almost entirely centred on renaissance and emotional annals. By the time of his death in 1913, he had accumulated almost a hundred examples, a collection which Charles had to use to read the third two, as the best, the kind in private hands in Europe. Through his interest in annals, Barwell developed a close relationship with British Museum Curators, and they seem to have advised him both on his purchases and on developing his networks in Britain and France. In 1892, for example, Barwell paid a visit to the collections of the Barwell Peshaw in Paris, the year during which France was an extensive correspondence with the Baron in relation to the purchase of the Royal Gold Cup, and it seems likely that France would have taken his read and suggested Barwell's election to the Society of Antiquaries in 1893. Barwell was a literally hesitant, thinking himself unseasible and telling Reid about the Society of Antiquaries. I should be very glad to be in it, but what about qualifications? I'm always sufficient in these, especially in the matter of learning. In spite of his hesitancy, Barwell secured his election to the Society of Antiquaries in 1894, when he was an archaeologist John Evans, to the Museum Trustee. Reid was Barwell's point of entry to the Antiquaries. He encouraged him to attend meetings and he learned to enter forthcoming votes. Relationships such as these were clearly mutually beneficial. Society meetings provided Barwell with a community of fellow collectors and an environment in which to hone his ministerial skills. He seemed insecure about his expertise. For example, he sought Reid's advice on wondering what to contribute to the voters in the Fine Arts Club Exhibition in 1897, asking Reid, could you not run down and select for them? My difficulty with regard to selection is cheaply my reluctance to send any which might be deacosious or unworthy. Yet, his increasing interest in researching his pieces, tracing artists in their erf and identifying portraits and arms on his pieces, reflect his development as an antiquarian and it's clearly evident in his layman system which also shows an interesting collecting history and provenance. Although there had been a rather new interest in writing about the art of enameling stimulated by the Arts and Crafts movement, Barwell's approach to his pieces was based on the canon according to British Museum Collections and he dismissed me writing on the subject. For example, the writing to Reid. I thought Cunningham's book very unsatisfactory and had to take up Le Barton Le Borde to get the nasty taste out of my mouth. That's a reference point here to Le Borde who had created the lew written extensively on the enamel's collection that he was, of course, a non-read fellow with the Society. On the other hand, these networks galvanised by the Society of Antiquities also drew collectors such as Barwell Ferling into the Museum Circle relationships which were to prove increasingly critical for the development of the National Collections. In 1899, Reid had alerted the trustees to the fact that his annual purchase grant of £1,500 was insufficient to meet the demands of his department due to the enormous rise in the prices of many amounts of objects, principally in medieval objects the prices of which increased 300 or 400% during the last decades. He goes on to express concern at his ability to flow full of gaps in the collection with such limited resources. Barwell's comment in 1904 that I have a small fund which may go to fill up gaps echoes Reid's concerns with the British Museum Collections and indeed, he did often buy it he did often end up buying objects recommended by Reid, including objects directly pertaining to the Museum's collections such as a grizzine pack by John Penicourt II the companion piece to one in the British Museum. I should say that the postcard on the right is black and white which is why it looks a bit different in there. The fruition of this relationship came in 1913 with the request of Barwell's entire collection to the Museum a group of almost 100 of the motion mammals which today still forms over half of the museum's entire collection. His esteem for the antiquities however was reflected in his request to the society of the choice of such books from his library as were needed and as Reid reflected in this way we have considered the image-dash elves. The Barwell example thus provides an insight into the role the society of attributes paid in providing forum for the development of public and private collecting networks. It is also worth noting that these networks were not necessarily limited by restrictions on the society fellowship. Reid had secured an honorary fellowship for the American financier John Kyrdwynt Morgan for example in 1911 and presented papers on objects in Morgan's collection at meetings again using this relationship with a generous donor in London. Lady Charlotte Shriver a major donor of ceramics paying hearts in Leist at the British and South Kennedy meetings was technically barred from fellowship with a woman at this day but nevertheless presented objects at meetings. These relationships held enormous implications for the objectivity on the select of the meeting today. Indeed for the request of the collection of Frederick D.K. Godman a collector in France had elected to the society on the end of the museum collections in 1982 demonstrating that the networks between the society and the museum generating in the 19th century continued to that route almost a century later. Thank you.