 Mae gweithio'n gweithio'r tynfaint o'r gweithio, ac mae'n gweithio'n gweithio, mae'r gweithio ar gyfer inni Gwylion, ac mae'n gweithio yn gwybr. Y Gwylion yw unrhyw gynhyrchu ei ffordd yw'r gweithio, yn ystod o'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'r llyfr yn Brytyn. felly mae'n gyffredig o'r llwylo'n gweithio daf i gyd yn fawr. Mae'n fawr, ond rydyn ni wedi gweld gyda'r gwaith sy'n bryd yn bryd yn ymgyrch. Mae'n bwysigau'n gweld, ond rydyn ni yn y ddechrau iawn. erbyn y cael eich seixelu o'r ddechrau. A yw'r ddechrau'r ddechrau, o'r ddechrau general, yn y cael ei ddefnyddio ar y proses, mae'n ystyried o ffynol o'r ddechrau. Mae'r ddechrau'r ddechrau yn ei ddod y ffynol o'r ddechrau, ac mae'n gweithio'r campain yng Nghymru yn Ysgoled 2014. Mae'n gweithio'r proses oherwydd Jeremy Corbyn wedi'i gweithio'r Llywodraeth Llywodraeth Llywodraeth. Mae'n gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'n gweithio'r Brexit ac mae'n gweithio'r gweithio. Rwy'n gweithio'r llunafol ddau y Prifysgol a'r ddau Ddau Ddau Ddau Ddau, a'r ddau Ddau Ddau Ddau Ddau. Yn gweithio'r gweithio'r phanomoni Britesnig, mae'n ddau'r phanomoni ar y Cyfnod ddaeth. Mae'n gweithio'r ddau'r rhaglen o'r modd ddau'r rydym yn Ysgoled 2014 oherwydd Sirezza, Greece, or Podemos, in Spain, or Melonshaw, and also of Bernie Sanders in the United States. It's part of this huge revolt really against capitalism and the establishment as they see it. And this has been a product, I would say, of the crisis of capitalism, which emerged in 2008. The deepest crisis that capitalism had faced since the 1930s, and the consequences of that crisis, which we are feeling even now, where the capitalist system was bailed out, where the bankers were bailed out, at the expense, obviously, of the working class, where austerity was introduced, and living standards were driven down, not only in Britain, but all capitalist countries. And that resulted in a backlash, in the feeling of opposition, of distrust, of anger, because of the way in which these conditions were imposed on the working class itself. And therefore this is an expression of this anger, this deep alienation against the establishment and of capitalism. And what we can see is that there are abrupt changes in the situation now. It's not a gradual, slow build-up of opposition, but a wild swing of public opinion, above all a polarisation taking place within society, a class polarisation. After all, we've witnessed a huge acceleration in this gulf between rich and poor over the last five or six years, again, not just in Britain, but everywhere else. And this gulf, together with the further pressure on the working class, obviously gives rise to these moods, a search for a way out of the situation in which people find themselves in. So this is part of this process. And, of course, it gave rise to quite an abrupt and unexpected for many change in the political situation. After all, the Tories, and me in particular, believed that they would have this snap election. After all, they were 20, 25 points ahead of Labour. They could consolidate their position, increase their majority, and also at the same time destroy the Labour Party, because they thought that Corbyn's leadership and Corbyn Labour Party would not be electorally successful. And with the campaign in the mass media, campaign to denigrate Jeremy Corbyn, not only the Tories, the mass media, but also the trouble within his own parliamentary Labour Party, where a whole layer of right-wing MPs were constantly plotting and attacking, trying to drag him down, going to the media saying that Corbyn was completely unelectable. And this was the narrative, really, up until the election itself. And, of course, Theresa May and the Conservatives, because they were so far ahead, were clearly overconfident. And, therefore, they made certain mistakes. They will drab a campaign that they undertuck, which they took for granted they were going to win. Also, the manifesto didn't have anything to shout about, so we say. A routine kind of manifesto for the Tories. And they nevertheless believed on the basis of the press and the state of the Labour Party that Theresa May would win a majority, perhaps of 50 or 70 or 100, sub-ean say 150 majority. It would be a landslide victory. And that was replicated in all the stories, all the political pundits in the Guardian, in all the gutter newspapers reiterating all this propaganda that Corbyn could never win. The Labour Party would be finished and that the Tories would gain a massive majority. But, as you see with the outcome, things turned out to be completely different. Rather than a landslide victory, the Tories lost seats. They went back and Labour gained seats, accompanied all the expectations that were built up about the party. If the Labour Party did so well and the camp in the Corbyn did so well, that they managed to take a 40% share of the vote, which is the biggest share that they've had for decades. You can go back actually to at least Blair's best years, if you like, but it shows how the ground has shifted much better than Ed Miliband of Brown and even of Blair in 2005. So this was an unexpected shock and the ruling class, a big business, and the Tory tops were aghast by this particular result. They couldn't believe it because they believed their own propaganda. The left wing ideas in Britain were unpopular, they said. Day in, day out, this was the media angle, and this was the constant propaganda that we're not a left wing country, we're very conservative and therefore a left wing programme could never win the hearts and minds of the people. But clearly a left wing programme has never been put to the country in such a way, in such a manner as in this particular election itself, with great response from layers. After all, you had the collapse of UKIP, I think they gave just over 1% of the vote, and the pundits are saying, well, a collapse of UKIP must mean a growth in support for the Conservatives. That would seal their big majority, their landslide. But that didn't happen, that the UKIP vote divided its split. The section, yes, going to the Tories, but also another section going over to the Labour Party. People who had voted Labour before and moved to UKIP now went back to the Labour Party because it was seen as something different, not the old establishment. Because the reason why UKIP was able to build its support was not simply on the issue of Brexit, but it came over as an anti-establishment party. And that's why it was able to have a certain effect in working class areas, were fed up with what was on offer, whether it be Tories or Labour, right wing Labour, that they had for a long, long period of time, and nothing changed. And therefore you had a protest, you had a big protest, and you took, again, the establishment of how things were moving in Britain. But the fact that Jeremy Corbyn has managed to turn everything round, basically, in a big way, and also that the Tories are on the back foot, rather than be able to form a majority government, they have found themselves in a hung parliament situation. And Theresa May, her reputation was shredded. The start of the campaign, as you recall, she was seen as invincible, and this person was going to carry us into Brexit and so on and so forth. And they basically based all their programme and their agitation of Brexit. And now we had strong and stable leadership in Theresa May who would guarantee the Brexit deal. And as all I did, day in and day out, was to repeat this mantra, and hope that this would be enough to see them through to victory. But, of course, another element in the equation was Jeremy Corbyn's left wing programme and manifesto that was put to the electorate promising a £10 minimum wage of hourly wage of 200,000 and then 500,000 council houses to be built, renationalisation of the railways, renationalisation of the royal mail, of the utilities, of the abolition of tuition fees, of enter zero hour contracts, and many more attractive proposals and policies were now put forward as a package which began to inspire Labour people and above all young people in order to go out and vote and support Corbyn. The other major thing is that Jeremy Corbyn was able to go round the country and speak to hundreds of rallies and to galvanise, if you like, this support, this enthusiasm, whereas Theresa May was able to speak to a handful of Tory supporters in a very narrow environment where she took no questions, and that was her closeted position where Corbyn engaged with the people, engaged with the young people and built this enthusiasm for an idea of fundamental change which again is symptomatic of Bernie Sanders' campaign in the United States and others as well. Another anti-austerity, against austerity, against the Tories, against all that would be what they call neoliberal economics and abandonment of that and therefore he was seen as offering something fundamentally different, something fundamentally new to young people and the electorate and this captured the imagination and however you couldn't see this opinion polls clearly, although these are narrowing in the gap. From this 20% gap in the opinion polls it began to narrow to 10, to 5, but even in the run-up to the day or two before the election the whole press and media were still full of this story that Labour wasn't going to win and that May was going to have a landslide victory. As you know that turned out to be a complete fiction and that May was on the back foot fighting for her political life and the only way she could hopefully save her own skin was to arrange a deal, to negotiate a deal with the DUP, the sectarian party in the north of Ireland, a reactionary party and they hoped on the basis of 10 votes extra because the Tories only won 318 seats. They were short of a majority and extra 10 seats promised by the DUP would then guarantee the government's survival but they would be in hawk to this small reactionary sectarian party that even negotiating now. The deal is likely to be struck if it's already been done and of course there will be a high price to pay. They're not going to do it for nothing. They will be demanding all sorts from May as concessions to them in the north of Ireland. This idea of hard Brexit by the way has also been thrown out the window because of this vote. Everything's been put on the back foot and she could have very easily provoked a challenge to her leadership in the Tory party. It was touch and go. Many people were attacking her, many people were blaming her. After all it was a presidential form of campaign that the Tories were leading therefore you have to blame the leader itself and therefore she was likely to be booted out. But the only reason and you had people like Boris Johnson throwing their kind of hat in the ring unofficially denying of course they were going for the leadership but making it perfectly clear their intentions was if it was available they would be up for it. And of course this would have led to a civil war in the Tory party. Not the Tory party. It opened up a big rift and above all there would have been a huge conflict of different individuals fighting over the leadership of the Tory party at the present time. And therefore it was clearly felt by the men in grey as they call them and the grey suits to say hang on a minute, let's calm things down and of course that's what they've managed to do for a temporary period of time. She's there, she's a lame duck if you like Prime Minister. She's there for a temporary period, cannot last because the instability arising from a coalition with the DUP also the fact that this agreement is as consequences to it because in the north of Ireland there was a power sharing agreement a power sharing executive arising from the Good Friday agreement and the British government were the neutral party in this power sharing deal between Catholics and Protestants in effect Sinn Fein and the DUP but of course now in Ireland because of their election and the activism between the DUP and Sinn Fein that collapsed. The Stormont government has collapsed and hasn't operated for six months and it fell to London to try and patch up a deal. Of course if Theresa May is basically in league with one half of that power sharing agreement then they're not going to be a neutral force and even certain bourgeois commentators, even the ex-Prime Minister like John Major has warned it was involved in this that this can unravel very, very serious repercussions the Good Friday agreement could unravel, you could have the movement towards sectarian violence again in the north and the north and complete instability as you had in the previous period that's the danger you've got at the present time involved in these negotiations but Theresa May is not interested in the consequences she's only aren't interested in votes to keep her as Prime Minister and of course it's even Major said well I guess a bit of a dangerous game to play because it looks very much like votes for seats or rather cash for seats rather in other words you're promising giving money to Northern Ireland through the DUP cash you're promising to give in order that they grant their seats their votes for the Queen's speech and keeping the May government in power so it's a very dirty deal if you like and this has been, we'll have consequences not only people in Britain feeling what the hell you're going into a coalition with this reactionary party against abortion against gay marriages and so on and so forth extremely illiberal government or party and these are the people you're ganging up with it's like a return to the old nasty party that the conservatives were known for in the past so there'd be a lot of unease particularly mungs young people of what this really represents and that is the reason why even now in the recent few days there's been a fall in support for the Tories not only is it from the support they got in the general election this is going down in opinion polls in fact Labour is ahead of the Tories at the present time according to the opinion polls so Corbyn has been in reality is not the loser although he did lose he's the winner and the winner is the loser this is the dialectic of the situation and clearly Corbyn is riding high now because in the past he's been attacked viciously for the last two years particularly by his own side the right wing in the Parliamentary Labour Party and they've done him down attacked him at every particular turn and in the general election even the right wing had a policy of fighting their own local election ignoring the national campaign and just concentrating on local issues and the prominence of their own personality as the Labour candidate in a whole number of areas which you can only classify as Sabadash because they refuse to not just put Corbyn's name on leaflets I'm from one constituency in East London and I exist just a list of individual accomplishment on local issues from the MP and that was it no mention of the manifesto no mention of nationalisation no mention of abolition of attrition fees none of that was pushed out in a mass way that had to be relied on by the TV so therefore they in effect undermined Jeremy Corbyn's position undermined the Labour Party's position and if the Labour Party had been these people hadn't been stabbing Corbyn in the back over the previous two years and there had been a real united campaign by the Labour Party in the way it should have been done then it's quite possible you could have had a Labour government at the present time such as the mood of volatility and how it could have been altered given the perception of a Labour Party which is divided and split you go to any place before the election and you tell him that well Labour's alright but his Corbyn after he's very weak the Labour Party's split is divided amongst themselves and that was the perception which was the correct perception because the way in which the right wing were undermining his particular position all the way along but if that perception had been removed it would have been a different kettle of fish as far as this election is concerned so we have a position now in the stand according to the Guardian that it will only take 1.65% swing in a new election to Labour for Labour to become the majority party in Parliament which will mean it could form a Labour government in other words it's a handful of seats and really a handful of votes really in a number of areas it could not only just throw the Tories out but bring a Labour government to power and clearly Corbyn can see this he's very buoyed up he's more confident now than ever before we saw that on yesterday when he went to the Parliamentary Labour Party and he went there and started instead of the booing and the hissing and the attacks that he had for the last two years he had a stand in evasion they were clapping him they thought this is wonderful he's saved the day he's mobilised the young people and so on this was a big turnaround 45 second stand in evasion I think thatcher and thatcher may got a 25 second stand in evasion as far as the Tories were concerned so that even gives you a bit of an idea of the body language between the two parties the Tory party now he's on the verge of open split civil war as a matter of fact in the next period because how long can she last? George Osbourne was the chancellor and the last Tory government now the editor of the Union Standard of course he's got a bit of a vendetta against May as well and he's smugly put it that she's a dead woman walking and that she's on death row and basically she's unlikely to last beyond the summer which is quite possible it's quite possible of course you have the Brexit negotiations opening up as well they've had to delay certain of the negotiations there's been resignations from the Brexit commission of the government to run the negotiations there's been resignations this week the old thing is very chaotic and she's going to from a very weak position engage in negotiations over the future of Britain in Europe with the European Commission of course she was all thunder and lightning before the election but now she'll be as a lamb I think she's got no authority she's a bit of a walk over in that regard so I don't think these negotiations are rather going to go rather well from her point of view and of course any concession towards a soft Brexit that is a concession about staying within the not the single market but the customs union then that would provoke opposition within the Tory party the Tory party is very very dominated by hard Brexiteers they are very I feel like determined to carry through a break with Europe in the hardest possible way and if Theresa May is going to soft-pedal on that there's going to be big opposition a big opposition from the Tories and the Tory ranks but even when you've got to deal with the DUP it gives you a two vote majority two votes I mean that's going to be the most unstable government that we've seen for many many years and there's going to be a government of crisis because they're going to be challenged at each not only just by the Labour and Corbyn but even when their own ranks they'll have divisions so the whole thing's going to be very chaotic probably over the next few months and that could lead to a challenge to her position after all they've got a Tory party conference coming up in September there could be a challenge to her position and that could open up a kind of worms then for the Tory party because it'll mean an all out bloodbath about who should become leader of the party that could provoke a general election that could bring down the government under those circumstances Corbyn is correct I think he's in the paper I'm ready for election number two I've got youth on my side and he is up for it he's now said he's going to go around 65 constituencies marginal in Britain and put the whole Labour party on a campaign footing for a new election in the autumn and instead of staying in Parliament going around all these marginal constituencies holding rallies and engaging with people to win them over and we saw that on the TV when Parliament was opened and how confident he was in order to and the jokes he made that Theresa May's expense about basically then the Tories trying to prop up a government of chaos and that he was quite prepared to provide a stable and sound opposition if they were going to vacate the scene clearly he's very confident now one of the reasons for that by the way he's facing the Tories of the enemy but behind him the ranks of Labour MPs which in the past were not very friendly towards him were now clapping on and applauding him so therefore he's got that that wind in his sails if you like in order to take on the opposition this has changed things for him the ruling classes in the hell of a dilemma they don't know what to do they've made a mess of it what Theresa May said in the Tory parliamentary faction that she's made a mess she won't get them out of this mess she did make a mess she won't get them out of it it's a permanent mess as far as I can see for them and therefore this complete dislocation of a crisis situation in Britain that's all you can say of enormous instability sharp and sudden changes in the situation this is not normal it's the new normality that's who you've got an unstable government trying to carry through negotiations in Europe with more difficulty which could lead to a train crash actually as they call it Brexit a harder Brexit in other words they have great implications here for a real upset of the whole situation in Britain once again and the emergence of a new general election and if Corbyn is able to pull it off which I think under these circumstances now people go hoping the Labour party and hoping Corbyn will have to build that up because he was slandered he had all the newspapers and all the rest of it he's an apologist for terrorism and all this stuff he was continual filth being poured out against Corbyn he was unprecedented to destroy his credibility and it washed off him because he was able to carry a message and that's what we're talking about here one of the key lessons that a left wing programme a bold programme offering bold reforms is extremely attractive and can win people over enthusiastically to your side including Tories after all look at the seats that Labour has won Canterbury he was Tory for 100 years he was at Westminster of Kensington and also I think I was at Amber Rudd in Hastings she also lost her seat and shows the fragility of the Tory electoral support at the present time and with a bold campaign and a left wing programme Corbyn can win a majority that's the new point but that's the lesson the right wing is in the Labour party but they've always denied that oh yes we've improved wrong and we're amazed by Corbyn's abilities and he's changed things around and he's connected with the youth and more people have voted than ever before we have to give credit with credit due and all this we're prepared to come back now after stabbing him in the back we're coming back now to the shadow cabinet we're all friends now we're all unity and so on very nice at the present time an increase majorities because of Corbyn that's the other factor as well he's accepted if he would come back in although the majority would be the same as before but these right wingers cannot be trusted and anyway I've seen him like Hillary Ben on the television giving compliments to Corbyn and saying yes it's all very good yes a good campaign but of course expand a developer programme now to become more acceptable in other words how to win over more Tories and his view is let's make it more right wing let's make it more like the Tories programme to win over the Tories the only way you're going to win over wavering people and above all the people who don't vote because they're completely in despair about politics and you've even seen that programme on the TV I think it was in Tyneside with this chap he was going to food banks he said I don't know where my next meal is coming from after time and he said well what are you going to vote he said I'm not voting I'm not voting I've had enough he said because every time they voted if someone it's all lies they never carry out their promises it's a large element by the way of a lot of people's thinking because of the way they've been treated in the past where politicians have said one thing and gone into office and done another pretty enormous disillusionment not only in labour areas and that happened in labour areas although they paid the cost of that as well of the growth of the expense of the SNP in Scotland the reason why they won in labour areas is because the labour areas were rotten they were rotten burras and people didn't see the change that was necessary it was all promises and nothing else whereas Corbyn has come forward not with milk and water ideas like Ed Miliband or Brown or the rest of them trying to appease the system at least they're talking about taxing the rich of a radical programme for the electorate which is the most left wing programme we've had for decades there's no doubt about it and it's very attractive and it will enthuse people to come out as it did to vote and the second election on the basis of a crisis in the government and a struggle within the Tory party and they'll be the ones who are split and divided and that Corbyn could wage a campaign and gain a victory and I think there's people in the Parliamentary Labour Party who see that as a possibility now because you've got those people who are in the middle who didn't want Corbyn there but of course Corbyn now can win he's a ticket to win and therefore they prepared to tolerate these ideas as long as they get into government and so on and so forth in other words career politicians who would go wherever the balance is and most of the Parliamentary Labour Party are made up of these types of careerists who went in politics for their own livelihoods their own careers and just became an accident as to which party they would join in order to further their ideas and many of them have got very rowing ideas they would be well suited in the Tory party there's nothing much very little difference and in the past that was a case with Tony Blair that's why people said there isn't any very real difference and it was true of course Parliamentary Labour Party represents also the establishment the status quo of big business many of them layers in there they'd be brought up on the Blair years and these are pro big business pro market and these are the ones who have voted for cuts in the past of course there's good and they've not really changed they've made compliments they talk the good talk but in reality they've not fundamentally changed and that's a danger for the Labour Party because if you could have a Labour Government you could rely on your back benches you could rely on the support that they would carry the programme through and if there's any weak links it will show up because the pressure that would be exerted on that Labour Government and we have to give it and we have to give it you know as Marxists we have to explain the truth to workers we have to explain the lessons Marxism has been told you can define Marxism as the memory of the working class in other words we learn the lessons of the past we learn the lessons of previous Labour Governments because if you don't learn it then you're going to repeat the problems and every attempt by a Labour Government when it's come to power to manage capitalism has always ended in demoralisation and prepared the way for the return of the Tories that's an actual fact and the reason being you know you can have good intentions and you can have a very radical programme it's entirely true Labour in 1945 had a radical programme but the point is it's about if you're going to base yourself on the existence of the capitalist system which is in crisis then how are you going to pay for your programme well we can tax the rich some people say well the problem is the rich are well aversed to avoiding tax they have an army of advisors which can advise them how to hide and remove their liabilities to either countries or whatever to reduce them and at the end of the day a Labour Government will not be faced by an opposition from big business in the city of London they will be out to sabotage a Labour Government the ruling class doesn't want a left wing Labour Government because a left wing government will infuse people will urge them to demand more particularly in a time of crisis and of course that's the other factor in the equation we had a big slump in 2008 when's the next slump well usually it takes about eight, nine years or whatever it's difficult to assess but in today's paper he was an interesting article and a quote from David Cameron first of all he said shouldn't we as a Tory party move away from austerity he was asked and he said absolutely not you mustn't move away from austerity you mustn't risk not balancing the budget in Britain balancing the books within the next parliament because of the dangerous situation that's going to emerge in Britain in the coming period he said basically well I'll give you the full quote should we give up on trying to balance the budget after what is now seven years of economic growth no he says I do not think that I also think that if you had to make difficult decisions and we do even if you put off the date of balancing the budget it's not suddenly going to be the land of milk and honey and he goes on to say if you leave your country with a ratio of debt to GDP which is too high the next storm that comes along and there will be a storm there always is we haven't abolished boom and bust we haven't abolished trade cycles the next storm that comes along will knock you over so he's basically saying we've got to carry through austerity reduce the debts in Britain which is still very very high in comparison to the past which means more austerity and anyway more austerity means living standards of the working class in order to prepare for the next capitalist crisis which is coming in the future he doesn't specify when but it could come 6 months, 12 months, 80 months 2 years but we've reached the limits of this recovery the so-called recovery this is going to be and it will be a deeper slump than 2008 on a world scale it's going to be a devastating slump and under those circumstances if Labour comes to power which we will all fight to get Labour to power we want to get rid of the Tories we want a Labour government but we say a Labour government should carry through bold socialist policies in order for the reforms that are needed and promised that they could be introduced you cannot rely on the capitalist system which is in crisis to deliver reforms because every Labour government in the past that's delivered or attempted to deliver reforms ended up because of economic circumstances in carrying out counter reforms and this was not because that they were personally nasty people or they didn't they relished carrying out these cuts or austerity, no it's because of the economic crisis and they have attempted to manage capitalism and if you attempt to manage capitalism then you have to follow the dictates of the laws of capitalism which is profitability fundamentally of propping up capitalism and so on so if you have a Corbyn Labour Government which we want if it's going to introduce these key reforms which we're in favour of and more we say the only way to sustain that government because it will be met by Sabata I'll just be clear about it by the establishment of London by big business they'll have a strike of capital they've done it in the past, they'll do it again I remember for my sins the Wilson government in 1966 the first time we came involved in politics and that government was very enthusiastically supported by many young people when two or three years people were in despair disillusionment because he went back on all his promises in 1970 when Wilson was the prime minister was kicked out of office he wrote his memoirs and in the memoirs he said just as I won the election I had a visit from the governor of the bank of England and this governor said to me you must abandon your programme you cannot carry it out because it's not in the interest of the economy and if you attempt to carry it out there will be a strike of capital there will be a sabotage by big business and Wilson said well if I do that I'm wringing down the curtains on parliamentary democracy and the governor said well that's your choice and that's what he did because we in the Labour Party at that didn't know anything about this it was all behind the doors and all we say is these are the pressures look what happened with Corbyn when he was the first elected Labour leader in the military coming on the television and in newspapers threatening a coup against a democratic elected government if Corbyn got the power if he threatened the defence of the realm and that sort of thing it shows the sinister class forces that exist under capitalism that is the ruling class and what they will do and believe me they will prepare to do anything to protect their privileges and their profits and if a Corbyn government is in their way then they will attempt to remove that Corbyn government by sabotage and of course they can also have pressure on those right wing MPs who are in the parliamentary Labour Party who are like the centrists and even the economists is talking about a new centre party in the future and they will attempt to split the Labour Party as they did in 1931 with Ramsay MacDonald again facing a world economic slump cutting unemployment benefit in other words introducing austerity causing a backlash in his own ranks resulted in a campaign by the ruling class to split the Labour Party and they formed a national government under those circumstances and the Labour Party was thrown into opposition it moved very far to the left it is true after that but all insane is we have to be realistic on what's going on here and we have to say we fight yes in the Labour Party the challenge the idea of us resting on the basis of capitalism the Labour Party was set up for the interest of working people in 1918 it adopted socialism as an aim that aim was abolished by Tony Blair we say it must be reinstituted because that's the only guarantee a Labour government will be successful in carrying out its policies on a capitalist basis there is no solution on a capitalist basis there's more austerity whatever the government that's the whole point that's the lessons in Greece isn't it of Syriza it was the left wing government came to power they were all yes we're going to do it for the working class and then they capitulated to the pressure and then they carried out the worst austerity compared to the past now those are lessons we need to learn in a friendly way we must challenge capitalism we have to overthrow capitalism there's no middle way here Corbyn should come in front of the television cameras and say they're trying to blackmail me I should say that these interests of big business are carrying out a strike of capital we must have emergency measures to stop this to carry out the will of the people and the emergency measures would be yes the abolition of the house of lords probably the abolition of the monarchy which are reserved weapons for big business and above all a government to take emergency measures to nationalise the top banks, the insurance companies and the big capitalist institutions and bring about workers control, workers management and a socialist plan or production I'm not talking about 500,000 houses you could produce a million houses if you was nationalised and you nationalised the building industry the land and so on and so forth that's the only way as we used to say you cannot plan what you do not control and you do not control what you do not own it's as simple as that it's ABC and the idea you can convince the capitalists to be nice about it and invest a bit here and be friendly let's be cozy together no way they'll be attempting to undermine your labour government and therefore we have to warn if you like of what needs to be done in order to protect the labour government protect the interests of the working class and that means the labour government committed the socialist policies which would have a landslide victory in Britain don't worry about that people will be yearning about yes control of your factory, control of your workplace control of your industry we'll plan everything together we can introduce a 30 hour a 20 hour working week based on the technology that exists the robotics, the automation all those things could be enormous inspiration for people rather than the despair of zero hour contracts insecurity at work and all the other miseries that capitalism has to offer that would inspire millions and therefore that's on the order in my opinion events are going to be shaking up one way or the other and these ideas of changing society of genuine socialism will be more relevant than ever and will attract a large support within the labour movement amongst young people itself and we have to build that tendency of Marxism within the labour movement in order to provide the backbone in order to provide the stamina and the clarity of ideas on programme so we can have a victory not a partial one but one that can overthrow capitalism eliminate the crime of capitalism and this will be the beginning of Brexit, appeal to the workers of Europe appeal to the crisis ridden economies of Europe and the workers there to join us in the fight to overthrow capitalism and establish a socialist united states of Europe as a stepping stone to a world federation of socialist states that can be the future that's what we have to fight for