 What I'll be discussing here today is part of my ongoing master's degree dissertation and I will be discussing Sao Paulo under an archaeological, under a perspective of archaeological urbanism. And I'm going to look into the Pius II site that's currently my main focus in my master's degree to observe evidences of urban complexity among the archaeological record. The Pius II site is located in Sao Paulo, in the universal area of Palso, and it's in an event today, it's in a very highly dense urban area as you can see here, here, and it's close to the main river, one of the main rivers that cross through the city, the river Pinhus, that it takes after the name of the, of the site. And this is Sao Paulo today, I mean, when people think of Sao Paulo, it's one of the largest cities in the world and people think of buildings, concrete, glass, and there's no doubt that today this is a city and however, this wasn't always the case. It was, Sao Paulo took a lot of time in developing its urbanity. As you can see here, this is the first map that Sao Paulo appears and it appears right over there. I got a small footnote and this was 80 years after it was founded because the Portuguese arrived in the 1500s and Sao Paulo was founded, its first settlement was founded in 1554, but only in 1631 this map appeared and it's still, you can't tell very little about it because this map is basically of the captaincy of Sao Vicente, that was kind of the state of the time. And during a lot of time, map-wise, Sao Paulo was represented in this form, small footnote very sidelined in the colony. So, as I told you, through historical and archaeological sources, I would contribute to the discussion regarding Sao Paulo and their archaeological perspective. It could be considered a city before its official elevation to the status in 1711 because that's when the Portuguese decided they would finally call Sao Paulo a city. But maybe Sao Paulo was behaving as one before this period. So we made a use of an attribute table elaborated by Michael Smith in 2016 and took under consideration also by Monica Smith, Colin Renfrew, and all these people that you can see here. And I would also verify if some of these aspects that were brought to light could also be seen in the archaeological record in Pinyatis, too. And we took into consideration all these, like population, area, palaces, architecture, craftsmanship, fortifications, you could see if they could be quantified, if they were present or absent, if they could have a scale of intensity. And after an extensive research through articles by archaeologists, architects, geologists, and very interdisciplinary research, we could verify 16 of these attributes, and according to Smith, 12 would be sufficient to be considered a city. However, how many of those we can see in the archaeological record in Pinyatis? Because, as Tino also mentioned, they have this problem usually check. Sao Paulo also has this problem. The modern city completely surpassed over the colonial city. So we don't have so many evidence of this of the first colony. The Pinyatis site was excavated in the context of preventive archaeology, as you can see one of the images of the excavation. And inside, in the site, we also managed to find nine hit kilns, the put kiln number two represented here, and the 3D scan of the same hit kiln, of a total of nine. A total of over 57,000 artifacts were unearthed during these three years of excavation, among which 40,000, about 40,000 were ceramic fragments. And the remainder of those of the other technologies were faeans, glass, porcelain as you can see here. But the ceramic production was our main focus, since there were nine pit kilns and it was apparently a pottery works. We also took 17 samples to be dated through Terminal of Innocence in Pinyatis. Most of them at the average dates ranged from 1546 to 1687. We also highlighted in blue the samples that were taken from within the pit kilns. Therefore, they have a better chance of indicating the period in which the pottery works were in operation. Here is another representation of the same dates, just to better point out the concentration of dates within the 16th and 17th centuries. They were most of them. To understand the pottery works, you also get to understand the production. We got to see several vessels being done using several techniques, not only one. Most of them had presented a molded section in the bottom half and a top section being finished by modeling. This kind of production using several techniques also relates to what Sinopoli calls a workshop industry, which defines as an increasing scale of production, changes in ceramic technology, production using wheel or molding, introduction of kilns, standardized production, specialized craftsmen or craftswomen. We could observe a mercantile intent in what we found in Piedus II. We also got to find some fragments that were rushed and had presented rudimentary and repetitive patterns, showing that people kind of show lack of care in what they had in the final product. As you can see here, in the first image you can see some finger marks on the inside of the pot that were printed just poorly finished, and this happened quite commonly. Poorly finished appliques are also found. For example, this one, they even finished fully attaching it. Large temper was also found in several fragments. I'm not going to bore you with the statistics, but if anyone wants to know statistics, please feel free to ask later. But who was making these pots? We managed to see several European shapes, for example, this cake pan, this frying pan, and these jars, because the indigenous people did not produce these kinds of shapes. However, the indigenous and African patterns could be observed in decoration, since there were several incised patterns that relate to these ethnicities. Some might say it's a Mameluca production, that's the Brazilian term for the social mix between indigenous peoples and Europeans. As you can see here, Simansque, one of the researchers in Brazil that leads with, that's a leading expert in African influences, the note showed that the diamond patterns that can be seen in piñedos over here, they could be related to body's characterizations and ceramic decoration in Central Africa, that can be seen here and here. One of the other interesting aspects that also related to African influence was this only shirt, this was a single child, that did this point out to have a congo cosmogram. This one is especially quite interesting in the story, because the cross within the applied circle represents the daily journey of the sun around the world of the living and the world of the dead, and the water represented by the horizontal line divides both worlds. The circle represents the idea that life is endless, a professional cycle. But this was the only one that was directly related to it. But it's also important to note that almost 5 million enslaved individuals were brought to Brazil from Africa between 1539 and 1856, therefore it's expected to find a lot of African influence in Brazilian material culture. However, it's not that common to be found in Sao Paulo, because Sao Paulo took some more time to receive the enslaved individuals from Africa. We had the predominance of indigenous labor in Sao Paulo, even though there are records of African individuals by 1612 and 1620. So it's more common to associate these diamond patterns to what can be produced by the Guarani and the Tupi also in the region. They also produce similar inside patterns. The presence of a red angle in the ceramics also relates to this indigenous influence, because it was extremely common among the Guarani to use this red paint inside the vessels. And this appeared in several shirts in the years too, as well. This is just a small demonstration of how many ethnicities and languages could be found in Brazil during the year of the colony. There are over 900 references to various ethnicities and languages. This map is actually only from 1981, so there's probably more. And it also shows several of the migration patterns that occurred. So this is just to show how much of indigenous culture the Portuguese encountered when they arrived and how much of their culture can be intertwined with the colonial experience in Brazil. So in conclusion, what we've got so far from this project is that the years too represents an array of influences. And this variety of influences represents much of what Sao Paulo's identity was, especially with the identity related to the Mameloucu. The production was standardized relating to American-style production and economic goals. And the dates we pointed out earlier during our attribute table, they coincide with the dates obtained with the term Lominescent Statings. Therefore, the Pinheiros too is part of this process of urbanization in Sao Paulo. We also were able to conclude through what we saw in the ceramic production that five of the attributes established earlier to identify urbanism could be finding pews, such as craftsmanship, markets and stores, social diversity, identity, and imports with pheas, glass, and porcelain, and much more. References, references, just a few acknowledgments to my scientific advisor who helped me in the project to follow the needs that also happen in the conception. People in the Adobe members of that had patients with me analyzing my materials, the Museum of Archaeology and Copies, and especially today, EAEA, that actually provided me with the BIOS Chai Montelius grant of paramount importance for me to be here and to all of you. Thank you very much.