 Dyna, mae'n gweithio'n gweithio gwlad yma. A gynnyddio yn y peth oedd yn 100 ysgwrs, sy'n gwahanol yn ddefnyddio ar gyfer a 90 ysgwrs unigol. Felly mae'n gwahanol yn ddefnyddio ar gyfer. So dyna'n ddigon ni'n gweithio'n teimlo'n gwybod. Gweddyn ni'n ddweud i'r cyfnod oherwydd mae'n gweithio ei ddelch yn ei ddigon i'r mynd. Mae'n gweithio'n ddwy'n gweithio'n ddweud i'r gweithio'n gweithio'n ddweud. mae angen i'r cyflog y blaen yn gweithio i'r gheithio a'r wybodaid o'r cyflog. Dwi'n edrych i gael gwahanol sy'n cyflog yng Nghymru yn mesur yn cael ei gŵr. Rwy'n edrych i byd o'r ffrinn iawn i gael gwahanol. Ond iawn i'r gŵr e wedi gwahanol yn y blaen. Mae'r gwahanol mewn eu cyflog i inchynnad ar yr hyn o'r gweithio i g fragrance, nid nesaf, nid nesaf, ddwy dus yn ymweld i'r gwaith, Byddai mae'n ei hollwch ar bwrdd gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio newid gan y gweithio'r gweithio. Rydyn nhw'n gallu gweithio'r cyllígen yn mynd i gael atmosferol a'r cyrthau'r gweithio sy'n wneud dwi'r gychwyn a'r gweithio'r gweithio'r gweithio'n gweithio, neu'n gallu gweld cael yn y pethau yn 1866 yn y cwsianondd y Byddian, rydyn yn gweithio i gael y cyfrifhar amena yn llawr yw jwereld wneud ddwy o'r gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio. ... factories or working-class areas. It was kind of the people who were predominantly taking a lead to begin with. It did develop into a more national movement. The first petition gaining about 1500 signatures. There were later petitions going up to half a million at a time. So it really did pick up pace... ...with the petitioning and the organisation that started this initial... ... kind of petition. And they were quite unfortunate... ...in the fact that women weren't allowed to present to Parliament and Things. Have been on appeal John Stuart Mill, who had previously campaigned to become elected himself on women having the votes. So this was an idea that before organised action took place was already being discussed in society. So he ran on the idea of, you know, getting women the vote and so he was the one chosen to put this forward to parliament. Obviously it failed the first petition. But it meant that 73 MPs voted in favor of it and they showed those MPs and they Rwy'n dod â'r cyhoedd yw mae gen i'n ochr o'r cyhoedd yn hybyddio'r cyhoedd gen i dda gael i g Ground, mae'n gweithio'n aggryffrydeddol erbyn ac oeddwn i'r ghold. Donwch chi'n gweithio'n gweithio arall i� Charlynedd— rwy'n gweithio'n gwybod gan y gwoith, rydw i'r gwrs o'r cyhoedd ac mae'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gwaith. Rydw i'n cael ei f yarddi a'r wale i wneud efallai o'r hyn sy'n deillonol felly'r awrlosio ynhaeth mewn gwirionedd ar ynglynig i'r ffilm sydd rwy'n ei bwysig eu annol And from here on we start to see the events starting to pick up a little bit but we can I think sort of learn from this transition from just people discussing it to organise events starting to happen and that it was activism and campaigning it was a crucial method for people really starting to make a change it wasn't that this idea that you know, conservativeism and these backward views ac yn gallu wythig ar y llogion iawn y gwirio? It wasn't that at all that caused the change, it was people beginning to organise themselves in groups that were active, campaigning and trying to do things to reach out to other people to change their perspectives and to really make a change to society. Of course the material conditions at the time are really important for us to look at and this is really what we started to see with the chartis movement that happened shortly before this. Mae'r cwm yn ychwanegwch i'w ddweud y Cyflau Chartysgol gan y ffordd yn ymddiannol, a mae'n ddweud o bach gael o bach, o ffawr ac o'r llyfr, a'r cyfrifio ar y cyflau cyflau i'r llwyddo ymddiannol, ydych chi fod yn byw o'i weld ymddiannol, oherwydd i fewn i'r cymdeinidol, i fewn i'r cyfrifio i gael i'r cyfrifio? A yn y ddweud o'r cyfrifio cyfrifio cyfrifio cyfrifio, mae'r cyfrifio yn i'r cyfrifio'r gweithio, Y cwestiynau'r oedd y Gweithio yn gwybod i gael mai'r gwaith beth ydych chi'n dweud o'r dweud o'r ddechrau yn sgwrs, ac mae'n ddod o'r prifysgol i'r gorffodd yn gweithio'r ddechrau, ac mae'n gwybod i'r cyfeirio'r ddechrau yn ddysgu'r ddifigion dyn nhw mewn dweud. a dyfodd i'r bwrth yn gweithdoi'r ei wneud o'ch wneud y peth o'r bwysnog hefyd, ac yn ganun o ran bwysnesol, ein bod yn ymwg ar gwrth gyrfa arlau'r fideisiol, economi a blaesio cyfle, o'r cynnod lle o'r gweld o'r amserau a gael ei shodaf oherwydd ym mwynhau, maen nhw mynd yn gysylltu'r grwp ysgol yw i'r 79 maen nhw'n ymryd ac rwy'n efallai yma'r cofasodol am ysgol ymrwythau, maen nhw'n fwy gwybod yn ei bod yn oed yn gwneud o gyrfaen iawn, yw'n gweithio a'r ffwnghysgau sydd yn ôl yn ddweud. Ac yn dweud mae'n gwneud yn ymryd i'w rhaid i'w ddechrau, ond mae'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gwneud â'r ffoto o'r bwysig ymlaen i'r ffoto, byddai'n gweithio. Mae'n gweithio'n gweithio i'w gweithio. Mae'n gwneud ei ffoto, ac yn dweud mae'n gweithio'n gweithio. ac mae'n gweld gwahanol sydd wedi'i'r olygu'r normall pethau'u cyfeiliadol a gwahodd a llun. O'r wyf yn ychydig. Mae'n tynnu'r amplwffyr ymlaen yn gweithio'r gwahanol a mynd i'r hoffi'r wych yn y golygu'r gwahanol a'r oesaf, i'n dweud ymlaen am rai'r ymlu sydd yw'r yn cyfwyno amdano, sydd wedi'u gwahanol yw'r uno мира'r ymlaen o'r wych yn cyfynnig. Mae angen y ddechrau sydd wedi cael y cyfnodau hanf infoed y llywsoedd ac mae'r hyn ac mae'n gwwglu at ystod o'r tyflau ond yn gyffredinol yn y parlydon a bod ein angen sydd yn ei ddyfiio'r ddigon. Felly mae'n recipio yn gweithio'r gwaith yma, sy'n ffost gael gwych yn ddigon o gyflyjuddau sy'n ddigon i'r ddigon y byddio'n cyffredinol. a thosc Talent might lead to real change in society, not just the panacea, it was just that people thought this was the beginning of a step to real change So two years later, after this initial petition, as I said, the petitions that they continued to put to Parliament began to pick up pace, the next going 21,000 signatures and by the end of the 19th century, still are good like 35 years on there was the beginning to get caught over a million signatures ac mae hyn yw yw dweud yn ysgol yn cyfeirio ymriyd gyda gwaith yn teimlo. Dwi'n meddwl i'w gotwch yn lleol gael a'i meddwl i'w meddwl i ddweud yn cyflwyr arall. Aso, dyna'r cefnodau, mae'n meddwl i'w meddwl i'w meddwl i ddweud y gallach i dd nullu dyng nghymru felly mae'n amdano i gŷtau a'i gweithio'r hyn yn y llyfr yn yw i gweithio'r tylko neu ddyn nhw'r cyllid arall. Dwi'n edrych yn sefydlu'r dyfosibl o rhan o gaf, o drafod o ffaith yn y sceisio ynddo i'r ffraith honno, byddai'n gyflwyfyr ar y Swyff workplace yn 1867, oedd unrhyw gwybod arME, oedig yn amser ymphoedd yng Nghyrch o'i gorydd o'r heb, o'r maes o'r rhagol a'r mynyn nhw, Ond ydywch – yn fawr, fel y cyfnodd y cyfnodd antisuffryds. Yn 휴gweithio chi'n gilydd hon yn ffordd ac yn ôl i'r arddangos o'r ffordd jats ymllun. Oherwydd y dyfodd y 80s yn cael ei wneud y ffordd antisuffryd yn ymgyrch. A yn yw'r gyfer y dyma ac mae'n gweithio ar gwrth y trafoedd hynny'n gweithio'r gweithio, ond y cyfrifes gan edrych ar gyfer gweithio ar y troi... ac yn mynd i greu'r ddweud y ddweud y ddweud yn ei wneud yn amlwg ac yn ymweld â'i ddweud yng nghymru itfyniol y ddweud y dyma, ac mae'r ddweud yn angen i'r ddweud, ac mae'r ddweud yn angen i'r ddweud. Fe fyddai gyda'r ffordd pwnion eich ysgol o'r ddweud yr oedd yn ddefnyddio'r ddweud a wedi'u ddweud, ac mae'n ddweud â'r ddweud yn ddweud, ac mae yn ddweud yn ddweud, fe ddim yn dylunio fy yw Llyfridol Llyfridol ac mae gymaint bwysig i'w amser i'w gwneud fy liturau a gyd yn rhaid eich meddwl ifanc ac y dyma gwirionedd yn ddweud mae mae gen i'r meddwl am gweithio'r gwbl ac mae'r tyfu cwymodigol a chynnal ac mae'n gwneud hynny'n chael eu reilig yn oedd y dyma cyhoedd mae'n gweithio'r gwawdd am holl yw gyd, gyda 250,000 cyngorlain sy'n rhan cyhoeddiol, ac mae'n rhan i'n gwneud o'r eu cyfrest, os ydych yn ddod y cyfrest, sy'n ddod y cifredu hyd oherwydd, mae'n cyfrest o'r cifredu hynny, mae'n rhan o'r lim wneud o'r ffrindiau cyfrest o'r ffrindiau. Yn ydych yn fwy o rhan o'r rhan o'r rhain, mae'n rhan o'r lim wneud o'r lim. Mae'n ddod yw'r corff diolch, mae'n ddod i'n rhan o'r cifredu, iawn yn bynnwys phoedd gynhau. Felly mae cymryd yn cynnedig wyeb yn trewyd i'r wych ei wneud ar gyfer supplygiau, wrth gwrs yn ddweud eu cyfrwyngahol yn y cyfrwng pan gynhau. Felly mae'n gweithio iawn yn ystiges gwaith y Caffey ac mae'n casu yng Nghymru yn y sylwg fwy fyrdaeth aethau nid am gymrydau ar gyfer tas y teimlo ac y cyfrwyngh gyda'u yn ystyrtu ac yn ydych chi sefydliadau ystyrfiadu, ac y gallf yn ddych chi'r wych mae gennych beth gynhyrch a phobl, i gyd yn ddigon o gyd yn ei wneud y gael ei ffoteig, ac yn ei gweithio wedi'u gwyblowing sfiolwyddon gyda gWestaf. A'r blwyddyn fwyaf erbyn yn bwysig o'n ffordd gyda'r bwysig, fyddai ei gweithio'r ffôrfau a'r pwysig Mae Gwysig Yn Gweithio Fwysig wedi gweithio yn gweithio, mwy o'ch fwyaf i ddoch i'r fwyaf yw ac yn gweithio'r gweithio'r bobl yn gwahanol iawn, Dwi'n gwybod i fynd i'r ystyried, unrhyw yma, y pwysig i'r pwysig o'r wii'r dplosfyniadau. Dwi'n dod o'r swyddfa i'r rhan o'r mwf��. Dwi'n dod o'r ddefnyddio'r wii'n rhan o'r rhan o'r sydd—— Rwy'n ddweud hynny efo'r ffordd o chwaraeon, oherwydd yn sgriff ac yn bwysig y ddechrau. Mae'r ddraeth i'n bwysig o'r rhan o'r mwybyn sydd bwysig i'r wiyb wnaeth o'u gynchai'r cyfry, Rhaid i'n gofyn arferiaeth ni'n dod yn oed, felly rhaid i ni wedi gwirio i chi'n gweithio'n yn yen o'r yr wrthogol yw. Bydd yn oed yn gweithio'n gweithio i'r ymddangodd hanes a rhywbeth syniadau gwneud yn agellawu a'r llwyddiadau o gweith. Mae hyn yn gwneud yn gweithio i rwydech chi oes o'r ei wneud o'r rwydech. Rwyda'n i'n gweithio i wych yn y stryg a'i ddefnyddio gweithio i gweithio'n dweud fâniadau. Yn gwneud o rhaid oherwydd y bywydio y doctor ffordd, ond yw'r ysgol yn widio ymddugwn furdigol ychydig, a rydym yn cael y bywyddo o'r ymgyrchu lle'r bobl yn y bryd. Ond y bywyddo, mae'r berthynau dylai, mae'n rhaid o'r bywyddu nad oherwydd bywyddownu os yma, dyma'r bywyddu o rhai o sensitive unrhyw o'r clas roedol yn cael ei wneud colledig honno'n cael y bywyddynt y Ministry Unedol yn cael y bywyddu, a mae'r bywyddo ei fod yn cael y bywyddu yn ymwneud o'r tîmhwn ardi'r pwysig, ac yn ystafell, rwy'n mwneud yn fawr i'r gweithio'r byw yn ymwneud. So rydw i gael y ffôr â gweithio yw'r gweithio eich nesaf o chwarae o gwasanaethau gŷt yma. Rydyn ni wedi'i wneud, y pwysig, byw'r asem o'r pwyllgor pohwyeth Aberyddion o Acroeddoch i'r byw, eich cwerddol i gael mi gael gweithio ymwneud, i gael gwybod i gyrrau gwahanol gwirionedd. Roedd y gallwn ffulaen diwethaf o'r meddwl mewn Mhwyr Slyfrgeis yn yw'r meddwl i'r meddwl yn y DU, oedd yma'r bach ffulaen o'r meddwl yn ei ddechrau. Roedd yma'r gaeleg hwn ben popr, neu mae'n fawr yn cael ei bach yng nghyrch, neu rwy'n cael ei ddifethr i gaeleg ei gaeleg hwn yn y mhwy, rwy'n cael ei gaelig, mewn ddaeth i'r meddwl yn gallu ei bach, ond beth ond iddo teis. Ond wedyn bywch wedi cael pethau gydechau'r ddefnyddio amdaint yna, rydych chi'n chyflwyfu'r bwysig, ond maen nhw'n cymryd di'chwyddiant y hefyd i gyd, sy'n ddim yn cymliech i'ch vôl i chi mewn ffordd. A'r pethauio sy'n ddim o bwysig o gweld that na'r effeithio beth yn cael bwysig o'r ffordd. Ond mae'n gweld llei'n gweithio o'r wneud, ac mae'r tarlethau deistrach i'w gweithio fel ei fod yn iawn i'w ddechrau i gael y position i siarad. Rydw i'n dechrau i'n dda hwnnw i ddechrau i 1897, a rydyn ni'n gweithio i'r ddechrau i gael o'r acrynes, ac mae'n dweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud. Rydyn ni'n dweud o'r SS, mae'r ddweud o'r ddechrau i'r ddweud. Mae'r Uniynau National of Women Suffreadess Societies, a rydyn ni'n gweld i'n ddweud o'r ddweud o'r SS, facilities, so this organisation is the military force, the one I just talked about, and their focus is, and their belief is just that they want to lobby for change and that's through petitions and organisation, that's how they will achieve the vote. And this is also partly based on ideology, it's not based on any material conditions, it's not that they've seen this happen earlier and thought, right, this is a good idea. It was based on their belief and their understanding and again I suppose it's internalised oppression that they had to prove that women were sensible, and the only way they could do that is by winning the vote through these calm and measured like methods, and they were like this is, we've got to prove them wrong. And obviously that's proving idiocy wrong really, because they didn't achieve anything and if anything they prove themselves wrong in many ways. The Labour Party, as I mentioned earlier, was more closely linked with the campaign for the votes of women from the earlier days. It was later on that we were going to see a split away, so to begin with there is a strong focus on working women, and the suffragists tried to bring working-class women into the organisations and the groups that they were setting up more so at the beginning of the campaign. It seems to redo and get As you go down the lines and we'll talk a bit about why in a minute. So they believed that parliamentary methods were the way to change. So not just the pacifist methods but through the parliament itself that they had to get in there and they had to use the petitions as a way to just persuade people to their point of view. And they had by 1914 over 500 branches and over 500,000 members right across the country. So obviously that's not just in the main towns, not just in the main cities but wider than that. 500 is a lot of branches and the N-U-W-S-S is the one that includes male campaigners as well. The suffragettes were solely women but this campaign tried to incorporate men as well and there is a kind of picking up of men who are campaigning and want to be involved in women achieving the vote. So whilst this was happening, the W-S-P-U, the suffragettes and it's P because I think they're more political than... Anyway, these acronyms... I'm not helping, am I? Anyway, so as this slow glacier is ongoing, meanwhile the suffragettes begin to establish themselves from 1983 and it begins in Manchester as I'm sure people are aware with the pancoests. And they were aligned to begin with the independent Labour Party, which was a centrist organisation that was incredibly radical in its tone. Later in its days talking about overthrowing capitalism and overthrowing the ruling class. So you can see this very radical beginnings of it. However, it doesn't remain like that because the pancoests have a problem with the independent Labour Party and their campaign for universal suffrage and they believe that it's too heavily focused on men and so you see a split away later. But they begin this really because of the disillusionment with the failure of the suffragettes to make any amount of change in the time that they've been campaigning. And they see it as very limited progress and they think that the answer to that therefore is that we must have more militant means, we must have more action, we must be getting in people's faces and this phrase that I really hate is action like a raising awareness. So a lot of their tactics and their more militancy is based on the idea that they need more awareness of the vote for women. Therefore they're going to cause as big a fuss and make as much of a nuisance of themselves as possible. And in some ways that is a positive thing to do and that is a necessary step. So their kind of motto is deeds not words. So they're saying we've talked enough, it's not got us anywhere, we now need to do something different. And so as I said the earlier is focused on working class women but this begins to dwindle away slightly as their focus shifts from that to this kind of small group terrorism in a way. How far to the way? Thank you. So a lot of their campaigns become quite violent and I'm going to come on to specifically talk about the violence in a minute but they have a lot of arting campaigns, they begin bombing campaigns and they really do cause quite a lot of awareness amongst the public but draw a lot of negative attention to themselves especially because the attention that they're gaining comes through the press and of course the press is an arm of the state and so they don't look upon them favourably. They're not trying to raise the issues of why they're doing this, it's all negative critique. And their aim obviously as I said was to create this kind of spectacle but this garnered a lot of attention from the anti-suffragists who were saying, well you know look this absolutely proves that women are completely hysterical and irrational, how on earth could you consider giving these people a vote? And so their tactics begin to sort of turn people off, turn them away, it's not reaching out and encouraging people to get involved and it doesn't explain why they're doing these tactics. People are starting to look at it and obviously their opinion is twisted by the media as a negative thing that is just proving that women are completely should stay separate from the voting and that men should make those decisions for them. So this militancy increases rapidly from 1909 onwards up to the war essentially in 1914 and causes a lot of split. People become increasingly irritated with the tactics and the lack of political outreach to other groups of people, women and men. In particular Sylvia Pankers famously splits away and forms the East London Federation of Suffragettes which again I want to come on to Sylvia in a bit more detail later because she's an important figure especially when thinking about socialism and how we move forward. So this, I mean I don't want to read a big list of splits but serve to say there are at least five major splits that occurred partly because of this attitude towards the politics and the militancy but also because the Pankers were seen as quite authoritative figures, there was very limited democracy within the suffragettes or well there was democracy but they opposed greater democracy at a few key instances and so many women felt that how can we campaign for democracy when we don't even have, we don't even practice with our own internal democracy in this organisation and so again you got splits as a consequence of that and I got a lot of this information from an online course that I did by the Royal Holloway and I thought it was quite interesting to see that there were a lot of splits away at the time because people were opposed to and on the course there was kind of like this poll that was done which of these reasons do you think is why the women lost all of the support and what are the ways you think women should progress forward and get the vote in the future and I don't have the exact figures but it was well over 70% of people on the course learning about this, reading everything, all of this information about how the campaigns went and they were like oh pacifism is the way forward and so I think like there is a general trend in society, perhaps it still exists today that people like to choose the path of least resistance but also often people think that violent actions are completely to be opposed at all times that it should you know change should be achieved through the most peaceful process possible and whilst that obviously is true I'd much rather have changed through peace it possibly is quite naive and doesn't actually account for the fact that this pacifism existed for so long and these women were exacerbated, they were angry, they wanted change now and so this kind of violence I think is if not justifiable definitely understandable and so let's talk about this violence a little bit more because it is quite extreme and some of it perhaps is not the best thing to do and so the press use this kind of blanket term of suffrage outrages in a way to try and make it sound like it's just hysteria like these women are just outraged and also that had been used as a term historically as well to describe acts of violence and small bombing campaigns and things so the things that they begin to implement are bombs, arson campaigns, they cut telephone wires, they have a lot of events where they collectively smash windows there are threats and there's even an attack on the prime minister and I think you know today we would see these as terrorist attacks, they were at the time and they were completely unprecedented people were understandably quite shocked and surprised by these and there was a sense of panic and terror that they were trying to create especially in the cities like London but it was Christabel, Emily's daughter, who was the most vocal and persuasive, there's loads of accounts of Christabel going round to people's houses, they've just joined at the suffragettes and convincing and persuading them that a bit of action and militancy is the way to go forward and the way that they should be progressing if they want to do anything meaningful for the cause and she views what they're doing as revolutionary, she views these actions as the thing that will cause a real change she obviously doesn't mean that in the sense that we might mean that but she thinks that this is the only way and she's very very public and vocal about the militancy and getting more people involved now as part of the leadership Christabel maintains that the attacks that they carry out and the violence that they carry out is just against the property classes or it's just against property not against people but actually in reality there are a few instances where that isn't the case unfortunately although that I would say is the main trend so we shouldn't move away from that of course there are always like small kind of exceptions that break the rule but I think so on the whole this was against just property but some of it wasn't so as I mentioned they tried to attack the Prime Minister and ask him at the time when he was in Ireland and they threw explosive material into a packed theatre so regardless of who was in there obviously he's not going to be surrounded by members of the working class in a theatre in Ireland in the early 1900s but the point is that like this is an example of how they really kind of stepped up the terrorist actions against people and this was carried out into working class areas as well there were loads of bombing campaigns organised for trains going in and out of London that they tried to time and coordinate and often it was the third class carriages that were most affected by this which would have included more working class people so the tactics are not to be completely dismissed but certainly to be questioned in terms of the lack of outreach and the attempt to connect what they were doing to the actual struggle for the vote and so a working class struggle more broadly so this sense of panic really picks up in 1913 and you can get a real sense of the frustration that people are feeling and this is on a massive scale what happens is all of these women are arrested obviously on massive, massive scales to the extent that the prisons that they have can no longer cope with the number of suffragettes in the prisons and it's also because of the actions of the suffragettes so the suffragettes go on hunger strike repeatedly which leads to the literally torturous treatment of forced feeding of these women and the accounts I'm not going to repeat are horrific of what was done to these women and so what they had to do was they introduced a cat and mouse act which really explains the treatment that these women went through where they had so many women that were at risk of death in their care they had to release them, allow them to go home and heal and also free up a bit of space in the prisons and then come back at a later date to finish their prison sentence I think that tells you what you need to know about the extent of the torturing women they were on the point of death and they released home and they had an act of parliament to establish that oh I should have written down the real name of the cat and mouse act I should know is its nickname so this is happening right up until 1904 in the outbreak of war which really causes a dramatic shift in the events where all of a sudden the outbreak of war happens and the panchists declare a complete cessation of any militancy and they donate all of their funds to the war effort not only do they donate all of their funds to the war effort they rebrand the suffragette paper, their main campaigning newspaper, the way that they take their radical ideas to the people, the Britannia so we have this complete flip-flop of positions from being entirely opposed to a government that is torturing women for campaigning for the right to vote and also for their violence to one that is offering unflinching support to the government and their actions and obviously this isn't all of the groups across the country who are campaigning for the vote that take this on but it is the suffragettes led by the panchists and they get heavily involved in setting up all kinds of support groups of people and organising funds and materials to support the war effort and then of course alongside this kind of shift we begin to see a lot more women being employed for the war effort as doctors and nurses and then later in the munitions factories and so the government seeing this sort of shift reluctantly take these women on board as part of the war effort so I mean kind of negative but positive in some ways that women were involved in the war effort in such an extent negative in the terms of the suffragettes completely abandoning their principled argument against the government and you can kind of see some confusion politically there but in terms of women getting involved in the war effort it led to a huge increase in women in trade unions so women becoming more politicised especially working class women and we see an increase of 160% during the war years of women's membership to trade unions and that's no surprise but I think that's a very large figure to be looking at especially when you think that these women were employed on lower wages than meant to do the exact same jobs and so the politicisation of women is very important at this stage and Sylvia Pancas really is the only one with a class analysis who came out of the Suffragette movement and who has a campaigning group who's working during the war years against the government still and she is really keen to remain active, she agitates for strike action she agitates for a continuation of the militancy that the women had had to continue campaigning for the vote she continued to campaign for safe working conditions for equal pay she wasn't campaigning on the single issue of votes for women she was linking votes for women to the working class struggle to be rid of capitalism in general and she's really campaigning for workers to be striking during the actual war to create as much confusion and as much disruption as is physically possible and she says, I wanted to rouse those women in the submerged masses to be not merely the argument for more fortunate people which is what the Suffragettes were asking but to be fighters on their own account despising mere platitudes and catch cries revolting against the hideous conditions about them and demanding for themselves and their families a full share in the benefits of civilisation and progress so she's really pushing in terms of her rhetoric for women to be engaged not just in the struggle for the vote for women and hope that that will cause for the changes but saying like look don't just campaign for this be entirely political campaign for everything and I think that's really powerful that bit at the end where she says to share in the benefits of civilisation and progress entirely and that's for all people and I think it's kind of important to point out at this point that from here on Sylvia Pankas goes on to be one of the founding members of the Communist Party and Emily Pankas goes on to run as a Conservative candidate and this will be one of their class differences, right? Sylvia is particularly radicalised through her obviously the experiences of the developing revolution in Russia but also she's travelling around the north of England a lot more and is much more aware of the perhaps working class conditions and the situations that working women are in and so she begins to really question the tactics of the suffragettes she sees through the militancy and she sees how it turns off working women and how it doesn't reach out to explain their situation and how this will cause a win for women and it's not because she's got a problem with militancy and it's not because she doesn't want to go on hunger strike she herself is involved in a lot of militancy against the state and is on hunger strike like over 10 times in a year herself but it's because she sees how divisive the actions of the suffragettes on their own were and she saw this lack of outreach and said that what was needed was not more serious militancy by the few but a stronger appeal to their great masses to join in the struggle and that's a much better perspective that's certainly something that we could support and so she continues to campaign for strikes and the strikes do happen between 1911 and 1914 there are many key sections of the working class that go on strike the dockers, transport workers, railway workers, engineers and this has a very profound effect on the mindset of the government which I'll come on in more detail in a minute so obviously the war and everything that's happening that Pancos is observing is greater hardship for the working class women more than anybody else it is always the working class women who face the brunt of any kind of austerity measures and pulling away of reforms so she was seeing this campaign for the vote that ended in the vote for just the women over 30 and the property women and she calls it a fancy franchise because they called the vote the franchise the enfranchisement so she's quite scathing about it and becomes incredibly disillusioned with the parliament and parliamentary methods and the kind of social democracy that exists and she kind of takes on almost quite an ultra left position she says you know parliament is an institution that's been manipulated by the capitalist class and we should have nothing to do with it we could have no illusions in parliament we could have no illusions in the capitalist democracy and we should as communists never participate in it she says we should have nothing to do with it at all it's poisonous and Lenny actually criticised Sylvia Pancos for this because he said that you know the sort of broader perspective I suppose is that you should partake in politics you should partake in the existing social democracies as long as the waving class are looking to those organisations and working within them and campaigning there themselves in order to prove your own perspective and be able to have a platform for that and explain to people why it is that reforming capitalism is not a viable option so she called the 19 extension this fancy franchise and because it was only limited to the property owners and whilst that is true to a certain extent the vote that was given to these women showed the fear that the ruling class had at this time of the working class it shows that they were doing something and that they were scared of but also of course you've got the impact of events around the rest of Europe as well and so they were fearful that women workers in the factories would link up with the male workers on strike and that they could have their own revolution or something that would tabulantly disrupt the social democracy that they were presiding over and of course these I think are the more real pressures that caused the vote to be given in 1918 not this idea that women were given the vote as a reward for their actions during the war like thank goodness the suffragettes gave us all that money and took to our side so some people do believe that this idea that suffragettes had to begin with calm and patient work, showing them that women aren't hysterical was the reason why the vote was given but actually when you look at the material conditions that's just not the case so the 1918 Representation of People Act enfranchised all working class men for the first time and so Conservatives were incredibly scared again if they didn't give women the vote then they would have more of a fight on their hands because of this and they thought that giving the vote to some women would kind of offset that and placate them as is the situation with a lot of reforms reforms aren't granted because governments want to give away more of the state's spending and things they're given to percate the working class to prevent further struggles from occurring at a later date and of course the end of the war saw this revolutionary wave in addition to the 1917 right across Europe with revolutions in Russia, in Germany and the rest of Central Europe and these revolutionary governments were granting women the vote immediately and so again you have the pressure of the actions of the working class around the rest of Europe having an impact on the situation of the working classes in countries where they don't have a socialist revolution happening so when we talk about the need to build for revolutions in countries all around the world revolutions have such a big impact on countries outside of them it's not just for the benefit if they put the workers in that country we can see how that spreads quite widely so I think it's the pressure of all of these events together that led to the vote being granted but as we can see today that still hasn't led to equality and these women, they never saw it as a complete panacea but they did as I said at the beginning of the talk hope that this would lead to large amounts of change and there has been changes, there has been positives obviously women have much more greater equality now than they did in the early 1900s but as I mentioned at the start there are still large inequalities that exist there is a pay gap in gender not because largely women have paid a different amount to do the same job but because women are more likely still today to be in the low paid precarious work they are still the primary caregivers the number of single parents who are women compared to men is something like 80 to 20 I could go on, we are very aware of the situation that we live in though so I think there is still a way to go so what can we learn from the suffragettes well the most important things I think boiled down to three key points really that pacifism against the capitalist state alone does not work we are not going to gradually chip away as a state that has complete control over the working class we are at the beckon call because that is the way class society works secondly violent actions that are disconnected from the working class alienate people if that militancy isn't connected to a strong and clear understanding of how this is going to bring about change then people are turned off by that they are not interested in violence for the sake of violence and it has to be coordinated in such a way that it extends and expands people's understanding people need an alternative not just to see something being smashed they need something to replace that an idea to hold on to and therefore that leads us to the idea that it is the pressure from the working class that leads to the changes that we see in society and it isn't because of this withering away and it isn't because of individual acts of terrorism it's the pressure of coordinated organized working classes in trade unions striking and showing who it really is that controls society who really has the power and it is that that leads to women getting the vote and it is that that will need to be happening again in the future if we are to see any real change capitalism is the enemy it isn't just the fact that we need to tinker around and make a reform it is the entire system that needs to be overthrown if we are to see the real change that the suffragettes and the suffragists were campaigning take a hold and be prevalent in society as a whole and finally I think that has to be done through connecting the struggle for women's emancipation to the struggle for class emancipation only through eradicating class society can we eradicate sexism and gender oppression entirely and that is what we should learn from the suffragettes we should learn about how their tactics were used and how we can use tactics in the future and we should learn most importantly about that pressure that the working class can put on and how it is the working class that are the real people who control society and have therefore the power to change it thank you