 Hello again, this is Maya talking. This is our project. A couple names here and there, but mainly mapping displacement in historical Detroit. And of course, as Lauren said, we were using the case studies of Black Bottom and Paradise Valley to kind of pitch a possibility for reparations. So this, the next slide, thank you, Miles, is what our paper ended up looking like. It's 44 pages. We get to the deliverables at the end, but that's the kind of headshot and it's what could reparations look like. And then we jump into it. The next slide gives you a sense of the contents. And so, you know, we start off kind of looking at the M.DOT project, the boulevardization that's coming. Then we go through a pretty extensive, well, I mean, it's limited, of course, because of space, but a pretty, anyway, historical backdrop of some key components of this history that created the situation that we're dealing with now. Then we go to the mapping, the conundrum of mapping displacement literally moving on to assessing loss. So a method, another method, because that is incredibly difficult in certain cases and possible. But we still did what we could. And then the forward thinking was bringing in prospects and potentials for reparations, nonetheless. Right. So then, despite the limitations, what is still possible? And then acknowledgements and we close. So moving to the next slide, our agenda today is, yeah, to go through the highlights of each of the sections of our project, which the three of us kind of divided. And so we'll kind of go in turn mapping through what we ended up being able to achieve in our final project. And then recommendations, concrete recommendations that we were able to get out of this oral history interviews that we did with people in Detroit, prominent figures in Detroit, including Lauren, and then discursive themes. So the ways in which we think our paper is kind of making interventions into specific parts of discourse, as well as future directions. Of course, this was all preliminary. It really only scratched the surface. And so the hope is that, as we're doing right now, it will expand and be taken up further. So to begin with the historical overview, I think I turn it to Danny here. Yeah, thank you, Maya, for that introduction. I, you know, maybe even before, so I'm going to provide just some historical context that for those of you who've done research on Detroit might be some, you know, stuff you already know. But before that, actually, I'll just say we kind of started off hooping to, I guess, sort of try to take a numerical approach. There was a study in the Rondo neighborhood of Minneapolis, St. Paul area that, you know, did kind of take a number from, you know, the destruction of homes. And what we ended up finding was just that the home ownership rates were, you know, so low in these neighborhoods that I think they're around 2000 households in the area that identified for highway removal and there are only 36 that the city actually listed is owner occupied. So I guess maybe just want to start off with that. So people, you know, that might be kind of the initial reaction you want to have to, you know, what we would look at in the operations project. Anyway, just for historical context. So 1946, the Detroit plan under the administration of Mayor Jeffries is released and that's what sort of first talks about what they call the great sheet redevelopment projects. And, you know, highway construction is obviously a huge part of the post war urban planning sort of vision in Detroit, but it's not necessarily the, you know, the only reason why these neighborhoods are targeted. They're close to the downtown area. There's a black-boned paradise valley. There's a concern over, you know, the quote unquote slum that's very racialized. There's these neighborhoods are conceived in pathological terms that there are quote unquote cancers that would spread if not quote unquote eradicated. And so it's the highways who have one consideration that the city wants land to build a highway to the suburbs and that, you know, that's something they're going to do. Anyway, so that was part of the justification for the cost of clearance in these neighborhoods. Yeah, another key moment in 1949, Albert Cobo is elected as mayor, largely based on support from, you know, racist white neighborhood associations that oppose both racial integration and oppose public housing. There was another candidate, the Democrat that year, George Edwards, who was maybe more open to public housing. That's something that we want to sort of think through a little bit to what extent it was public housing, like significant public housing construction really on the table in Detroit, what might that have looked like, you know, even with Jeffries in 46, there's talk of public housing, but, you know, very much ambivalence as well. There, but you know, once Cobo elected there, you know, really the public housing component of this project is really drops there's a kind of significant run in with the housing commissioner at the time he wanted to build them the maximum public housing under the 1954 or 1949 housing act and Cobo wants to build the minimum and housing commission resigns. So, you know, federal policy of course is huge in this 1949 federal housing acts, provides a lot of money for quote unquote slum clearance. 1954 there's more funding for public housing to that, you know, again Detroit does not tap into as much as it can 1950 relocation demolition begin 1956 the federal highway acts. That eventually covers much of the cost of constructing active 75 1964. This highway is complete and open to the public. Miles, can you move it to the next slide please. One thing I'd like to add is I think that the demolition of block bottom for 375 is doubly significant. I'm first a significant because of the sure number of people that were displaced by this project and then adjacent slum clearance slum clearance projects, but also ways in which this infrastructure project kind of accelerates white flight and it really enables white flight by bringing city center in contact with the suburbs. And so it's not just a tool that displaces people but as a tool that actively furthers the spatial pulling apart of black and white neighborhoods in white flight. Thanks for that Miles. Yeah, so just, you know, an organization in this kind of big historical review session of the think like 44 page report that we put together. The first sessions on housing discrimination creation of the coin club slum. Yeah, and that's kind of a narrative intervention that we're trying to make that, you know, the word slum kind of, you know, maybe precedes culture of poverty writing but has that same sort of, I guess blame on people for their own circumstances and what a lot of you know the research shows, you know, people at times agree is that housing discrimination is huge in this restricted covenants not just you know, the ones that say, you know, only white people can live here but things like lot sizes especially after Shelley B Kramer makes those covenants unforceful that things like lot sizes multifamily dwellings they're restricted those are, you know, really do you know, force people to live in the Lower East side and kind of the city's oldest housing where there's huge disinvestment from landlords especially is there's housing shortage in these post year war years that you know they really can say you know we won't take people with a rent that will, you know, just overcharge won't make repairs things like that and there's, you know, at this time very little that renters can do about it. Second big section slum clearance and Detroit's abandonment of public housing trying to get it again those things of, you know, what does. You know, maybe was the possibility of significant new investment in, you know, from these federal monies that were available in the real housing opportunities for black people in Detroit, and displacement in its aftermath so kind of where do people go after displacement. Obviously, there were huge barriers to homeownership discriminatory lending, government says he previously mentioned and there's some, there's some data from the city that I think I'll get to later. And yes, is Miles talking about how a construction and suburbanization so at this point there already is sort of some start of white flight and that's kind of, you know, in the 1946 Detroit plan. I think that that is a reason to build these highways. And, of course, you know that the effect on property values and I think, even at this point, or, you know, later. Really the private market is shifting significantly toward the suburbs, the Detroit Urban League. And in the report we said between 1950 1956, there are around 178,000 new homes build outside Detroit, only 30,000 private units built within the city. And among these 178,000 units outside the city they estimate only 750 have been available to non whites. And even within the city among these 3000 private units, the 3,176 new public housing units they said were basically going to move to its black people in the city. Kevin next slide please Miles. I think I think it's really key that the, that the creation of the highway allows for the movement of not just the people but of wealth outside of Detroit that you've looked at Detroit 1910 or 1920 in the pre auto age. Most of Detroit workers or people in downtown businesses work and live in Detroit and that kind of tax every cycles back into the city. So the key about what the highway does and what red line do is that they start to pull apart that wealth where you can work in the city live in the suburbs, and that kind of pulls that wealth to suburban property tax revenues, majority white neighborhoods and that kind of promise of the egalitarian metropolis is foreclosed on through these kinds of highway projects. That's well put. And yeah just over the key points kind of talk about this that the temporality of loss you know his mouth saying it's not just this one displacement. You know a lot of people coming to Detroit are part of this great migration, fleeing racism in the post reconstruction south, looking for better economic opportunities in Detroit housing discrimination is something they face immediately and public housing is something that you know a lot of people who are displaced you know they do get preference for public housing units but that you know their things like you know the city of course segregates white and black public housing units and for a very long time and even after I think the courts tell them that they have to integrate it they're very slowly do so. So they're excessive wait times for black families compared white families on on these wait list. I forgot the exact numbers but they're they are huge. Yeah, and then you know this is a missed opportunity for investing in black communities while being as I think I'll get to later some there is suggestion that there is some support among black people in Detroit that there's an idea that these neighborhoods are not good housing and that they do want investment in creating something better but that Chris doesn't really come given you know this investment public housing. And yeah face black bottom pair this value or length there's a better black neighborhoods again just you know limited supply of housing that is available to black people in this time. And the last is that highway facilitated the continued growth of the suburban home market and you have a little kind of small case study of some neighborhoods under the kind of 375 75 corridor later that get to that. And next slide please. Yeah so this is what I just previously mentioned and. Yeah so mass and heights for a local on that kind of corridor and between 1969 census the growth of these home values really outpace those in Detroit proper. If you take that to today the gap is is far greater and you know for talking about the winding the racial wealth gap home ownership is get the number I think it's maybe a third to a half of families wealth. It's in our report and I should have pulled it out but did not. But yeah as you can see it's just smiles mentioning the gap widens in in a home ownership and in home values which of course are an opportunity for for building wealth that is foreclosed to black people who are not for the opportunity to get things like federally insured loans to my house in these places if you know they don't already have restrictive governance. Next slide please. I'd also like to just pull out on the right is the redlining map. And it's interesting to kind of look at the interactive redlining maps online to see that the area of black bottom just beneath the team to trade was explicitly signaled out as the redlined area because of its high black population. The majority of green lined and blue lined areas into trade but also nationwide because Detroit story is a national story. The majority of the green line neighbors were outside of the Detroit city limit. And that sets up in the 1930s, the pulling apart of two different trajectories for city and suburb. Thanks Miles and kind of that widening. Those trajectories you know I just pulled up the 2020 census numbers to meeting home value was 137,700 dollars in mass and heights and 236,600 dollars in Royal Oak by 2020. And that's far greater than the $52,700 eating home value in Detroit. So this is a letter from William Price who is the community organization secretary of the Detroit urban lead to the incoming mayor Albert Cobo in 1949, and here, yeah I was, you know as family was really struck by kind of language here. And he says that quote this is a blighted area maintained almost totally by absentee landlords is substantiated also by fact secured from Detroit has commissioned that's not the line. It's that. Yeah, I. I think he calls this a shameful plot on our community. And, you know, obviously the urban league is not representative everyone's perspective in Detroit, but in black communities in Detroit, but there is some suggestion that, you know there. People at least think that this is, you know, not a place where people should be living and that there is you know some hope that with federal investment, or public investment in, you know, public housing constructing, you know, real better housing options that you know maybe clearing these neighborhoods is is is not a thing that you know someone like William Price is opposed to. And yeah, I just, that's me one of the things that kind of I guess calls us in this conversation of like what would maybe real investment have looked like in these, these neighborhoods. Next slide please. Yeah, this just was a snapshot of the Detroit plan in the interest of time maybe I'll just go over the next thing. So let my, my teammates speak. Yeah, this just kind of for, you know, the part on displacement and it's aftermath just sort of shows how few housing options that really were for people at this time. But, you know, rents in Black Bottom Paradise Valley were the lowest by far in the city the median rent was 2682 in the early 40s and 95% of households are paying less than $50 a month. And as you can see here the Detroit Housing Commission itself did the survey which really showed that there were very few options for these families that did not qualify for public housing. And you can see here there are things like landlords saying that they won't take children. Yeah, there are places that don't seem, you know, well maintains and just kind of goes to show what what people were facing as they were displaced to try to find a new place. I think what's also key is that an old current event story too is that homeowners build up home equity and the possibility of using the home as a tool of intergenerational wealth whereas renters do not. And so if you look at the differential rates of homeownership in Detroit that translates into an emerging ratio wealth gap. So I think it's really interesting to look at Black Bottom look at how many just how almost everyone there is a renter almost everyone there is paying pretty high rents relative to the quality of the housing. And furthermore that restrictive covenants and redlining of greenlining of adjacent neighborhoods effectively lock them out out of moving from this neighborhood to other areas. And so this is kind of growth where you see the possibility of intergenerational wealth being forestalled, being closed on you look at just how many renters there are ways in which federal policy provides tax benefits provides economic and financial benefits to homeowners that are not afforded to renters. So this is just what the Detroit housing commission reported in 1955 on where people went for the 11.5% of displaced ratio families had purchased homes. That is, you know, very low number. And yeah, 33.6% moved to public housing and people who wanted to move to public housing did get preference on those wait lists. And that's about 40% found going quote standard rental housing again shows the difficulties of private market but you know 49% they did not have numbers for which is now a huge gap and for trying to figure out where people want that's, you know, the that's half of people who are displaced and. This speaks to some of the challenges we had with in this short time span trying to, you know, identify information for projects but you know that I'll turn it over to I think miles. I mean I'd like to identify the idea and the believe it the fifth amendment the Bill of Rights of no takings without just compensation to think about the idea that the majority of people from black bottom where I believe displaced on without compensation on 30 days notice. And that comes to several thousand people, not just in Detroit, but nationwide. Because I think that the federal 49 housing active 56 federally high act these are both global and local events you know their national events construction of a national highway system urban renewal projects in every city, but also really local ones and so this is kind of a key kind of an entry point I think to look at black bottom as a way to understand larger national currents. So we purchased two photos of black bottom, the area black bottom past and present. What we did is on the upper photo we overlay the buildings and the maps of the lost community and the bottom photo the contemporary geography. I think it's really key to look at how the demolition of the community represents a change of scale a change of land ownership. In the maps you see all these hundreds of parcels of hundreds or thousands of buildings look at the contemporary geography, larger structures that change in urban scale. I think it's interesting to look at these old maps of seed test how many small structures there are in ways in which that small and granular urban fabric represents to me a distributed home ownership distributed property ownership rental ownership, whereas that concentration of, you know, five or six buildings on a city block that's five or six owners, in many cases big owners. So many much on the right shows that area passing present key street kind of cutting through the middle of black bottom was called Hastings Street about three miles from the Detroit River, all the way up into midtown and beyond and so you see on top and bottom that area past and present. And as you'll see from one of the following maps, there's a lot of black owned businesses black owned theaters hotels, all beneath the path of that highway that you see below. There's a map that shows the location of the highway relative to the percentage of black people per census tract. There's two little splotches outside of it on the upper right hand corner that's by the Royal Oak township but the main area is to really key to look at how Hastings Street, the core kind of the Broadway or the main street of the black community in Detroit, who is right parallel right underneath the path of the highway, and the highway really slices through that community. There's not just the removal of people for the highway itself but also the physical fracturing of the community down its central line, and the ways in which you're pulling apart urban spaces and the idea of not just connectivity but even sometimes even the ability to walk to work. One thing I'd like to show you all is this little infographic right here, you can see it all. This is a little table that shows the space businesses by type so across 42 types of businesses, there were at least 756 businesses total in the area clear for the I 375 highway. Obviously there's also not I 375 kind of merges under I 75, as well as the Fisher freeway dozens of other freeways in Detroit and other cities and so this is just the 756 businesses total from the area of the project that will be of I 375 that will be demolished and rebuilt as a boulevard but not any of the other highways in Detroit and so you can kind of multiply this number as a fraction of a fraction of that total. So I wanted to pull out there just did the range of businesses, particularly at the bottom things like furniture, things like furniture stores, grocery stores billiards parlors, and just the sheer numbers of those projects, as well as things like luxury businesses, like car maintenance shops or a tailor or performing arts businesses and so I think this begins a kind of question that rhetoric of slump clearance to think about you know just how many businesses are there are types and ranges and diversity. Another thing I'll pull out is just 240 businesses from Hastings Street alone and that's the fraction of a fraction all these cleared for the highway or if not fear for the highway closed because the highway kind of slices through the community and cut soft businesses from their prospective clients of black customers on either side of that highway project. I'd also like to pull out the kinds of the civil society kind of organizations that were in black bottom. There's a significant number of hotels, particularly if you look at the 1940s and 50s green books. Almost all of the hotels that were listed in the billiards parlors and the kind of black entertainment businesses listed in the black in the green book correspond to areas that are now either beneath Ford Field, or beneath the path of I 375 and the I 75 highway. About 80 to 90% of those addresses from the green book right now beneath the highway. And the last one like to pull out is that you have listed in these are numbers pulled from the city directory in the city directory list the primary breadwinner the householder of the main person of each family. And so just listed within the 20 block area of cleared for I 375 in the 1950s and 60s. The city directory lists about 2174 households, and that's not that's not people that's household and so you can multiply that by however many people are in each household. You appear that number of the 2200 households to the number of people living per room for flamely say five or six people, particularly in black bottom which was the highest density neighborhood in Detroit. And then you have 20 blocks from the most highest density neighborhood in Detroit that easily comes to over 10,000 people for just this small block area and you can multiply that to the length of the section of I 75 within Detroit. And then last statistical pullout is the list of homeowners that among the 2200 households, only 36 homes were listed as owner occupied, and that's in the entirety of the area cleared for the highway and so homeowners will have been compensated at underappreciated rates because of the legacy of redlining and the devaluation of black bottom, but none of the other renters would have been afforded or if they were compensated. They would have had as Danny identified real difficulties finding homes elsewhere in the city and therefore kind of really needing to crowd out neighboring areas. And I saw a statistic that somewhere around two thirds the people displaced from black bottom relocated to within five to 10 blocks of their former home meaning that the crowding from one neighborhood into adjacent neighborhood, and spreading that kind of very high density neighborhood that's not I think either economically or sustainable in terms of health outcomes. So that's when two of the deliverables that we created last last semester. Okay, we're kind of out of time but I'll zoom through my sections. Next slide. So I had the task of doing the narratives and so this is kind of where we got to some of the tangible. So I talked with Lauren was amazing. She gave us some definition frameworks to work with so thinking of operations as a way of thinking. Also as something that exists for a long time she talked about a relationship with citizens and the government so that was important. And then also thought about the potential of Detroiters themselves to be coming up with innovations and solutions for the future so this kind of again longevity and relationship. Next slide. I spoke with Marsha battle feel pot Marsha music, who was skeptical in certain ways and offered a lot of framings for the conundrum of numeration which we already mentioned so kind of like how do you monetize the, you know, how do you innumerate the amount of loss, but then also specifically talked about a black entrepreneurship at the site, and just was looking to have some kind of a black presence after the fact. And next slide. And finally, I sat down and chat with Bert Deering, who was very interested in black ownership talked a lot about agency and ownership that as something that was lost and so that was something that he was suggesting for something at the level of art, as well as keeping the input and the feedback of the community members in real time throughout. And so the next slide, kind of in a bullet point form. A lot of suggestions came from just three people. And so that means a lot, you know that there's like no shortage of ideas and possibilities for that space coming from Detroiters themselves, of course with support and feedback from others. And then there was black home and property ownership practical skill development. Generational wealth was a big idea reeducation as far as history and you know black contributions to American society so thinking of like museums that could pop up down there, you know that kind of mentorship, black psychological rewiring this I'll talk a little bit more about on the next slide but kind of like unlearning the shame that Miles was mentioning before and the blame for the conundrum conundrum that has happened right in this in this space. There was some work that was named family restoration spirituality and fellowship and then repair so there are these like bigger tasks right that also have to do with reparations that the boulevard can speak to or not and so that just is something to name. On the next slide, there were some bigger considerations that I just wanted to mention really quickly. We know that the m dot program as designed is not a reparations project and so that just was important to like think about was like that's the, the confine that we're working with. It's not in itself a reparations reparations project, but what we're trying to do is think about the potential that it has for it to be right and so that's just to name. The interviews there also yeah just was the idea that reparations is complicated. It's not like we were not trying to, you know, no one is speaking on behalf of right the black community or any community like there's, there's complexity in the discourse. Then and now skepticism is the result of unsuccessful urban renewal programs that have happened so just like these are all again just contextual things to keep in mind, going forward. The black community involvement throughout and benefit was important. Guarantee of non recurrences came out of the interview with Lauren so making sure that this kind of thing doesn't happen again so that's the point of actually having a kind of sensitive m dot project so that this is not another, you know, reiteration of previous harms. Accountability systems codified and enforced by institutions was a request. I said that already. So moving on, just to repeat the discursive themes that we have come out of our writing so we're combating the slum language. That's just yet by documenting and remembering the vibrancy and the life of the area and then also documenting the neglect right because these issues. Looking at the issue of highways more largely this is happening in other sites. So this hopefully could be portable and in conversation with other spaces. Then we're talking about the role of the government in urban development. So kind of like, you know, where does policy intersect with equity? Like what is a reparative policy? That's an undertone of our paper. And finally, community involvement and benefit, which I said already, that's the North Star making sure that this doesn't repeat or exacerbate, exacerbate historic harms. Just to close, we already talked about our research outcomes. I did a little bit, but we have the inventory and the data visualization. Our final project was 44 pages. That's a report. And Rita, thank you, sent over a three page summary. We also have the recorded and transcribed interviews working on those, but the videos and or audio are in our drive. And then the future projects are these projects that will launch after this kind of meeting and beyond. And then the next slide talks about kind of future research directions. So these are all the, I guess, archives that were sort of untapped or less pursued. And so Burton has tons. It was closed. So we were working with limited varieties, black bottom archives. We didn't get into as much the arts of citizen oral history projects at UN were being transcribed and digitized in a kind of slow process, but those are very rich and available. Some letters there. And then finally, I got the names of tons of other people in the space of Detroit who could be talked to and who could kind of speak to different angles of this project. So sorry to zoom past that last part so fast, but for the sake of time. And that's a bit, I think that's it.