 in scores of countries, Israel's story to the world, I-24 News channels. Thanks for watching I-24 News at this hour for the latest live updates from Tel Aviv as the Israel Hamas war goes on. More rocket attacks from Hamas all morning long firing rockets today into several southern Israeli towns. Last night there was a deep garage of Hamas rockets fired at the central Israel sounding off alarms across Tel Aviv and central Israeli suburbs. The Iron Dome intercepted several missiles. The IDF today continues to pound terror targets across the Gaza Strip and the ground offensive in the northern part of the Strip continues. Two more Israeli soldiers have died in battle so far this weekend. Prime Minister Netanyahu is vowing both to do everything possible to bring home the remaining hostages and to destroy Hamas and bring total victory in this war. Let's begin with Jonathan Regev, our defense correspondent live for us near the Israel-Gaza border for an update. Jonathan, the IDF just minutes ago posted an update about some of the terror targets and the tunnels they've uncovered and destroyed. Tell us more about the IDF initiative and the effort still ongoing to root out Hamas terrorists. So the numbers, Jeff, they're astonishing, 800 rocket shafts and this, let's remember as the IDF did not even enter the southern part of the Gaza Strip, it geographically is bigger and we can expect at least similar numbers down there. So it shows you how big this underground infrastructure is, 800 tunnel shafts in the areas where the IDF has come and it shows the complexity of fighting this war because whatever you see on the ground is not the real picture. The real picture is under your legs and the terrorists could come up the shaft at any given minute and that's exactly what they do, not so much face-to-face combat but a lot of terrorists coming from those tunnel shafts, firing anti-tank rockets and quickly disappearing. This is the challenge, the IDF is up to it. We saw that when the ground offensive was on in the northern part of the Gaza Strip then the maneuver did advance and we should now expect to see the same in the southern part. Jonathan, a flurry of activity in recent days, diplomatic activity from the U.S. administration, the White House and Anthony Blinken, also Qatari delegators and negotiators, Mossad representatives in Qatar as well, so much talk about some kind of extended truce, perhaps a permanent ceasefire, perhaps a bigger hostage deal. How do things stand with all of that as the offensive continues? First of all, for the moment there's no ceasefire and the fighting is on. We're hearing it with the very heavy artillery that we're hearing here inside the Gaza Strip and also the other side, firing rockets as far as Tel Aviv last night and to all of the southern communities this morning. Yes, I think on all sides there's an understanding that more hostage deals would be welcome but for Israel there's a certain understanding that Hamas will only be persuaded to these hostage deals through military pressure. Hamas at the beginning of the war said no hostage deal whatsoever, we'll only discuss it after the war and then eventually there was a deal which brought more than 100 Israelis back home, 100 hostages better said back home, some of them are not Israelis. Now Israel believes that this will also be the case in further stages, implement military pressure, hard military pressure on the Gaza Strip until Hamas reaches the moment where they will say they need a ceasefire. The way to buy ceasefire from Israel is of course with hostages. Jonathan, this map and this plan, the IDF has published a bisecting much of Gaza into zones which try saying that we will do everything in our power to warn civilians before an active ground offensive begins in that zone. The plans to save civilian lives, is that going to run into difficulty when the reality hits about the density of this part of the Gaza Strip and the sheer volume of civilians? We're talking millions of civilians. I'm sure it will because let's remember it's not only the one million plus residents living in this area, it's the hundreds of thousands who also came from the north to the south in the previous stage. So yes, it will lead to challenges but this whole campaign is a challenge because it's a campaign that's done in a very small yet densely populated area where the terrorists are hiding right behind or even better for them, underneath civilians. They use these civilians as their shields. Israel has no other choice but to eliminate these terrorists. The way to do it unfortunately at times goes through to civilians because this is where the terrorists hide. So Israel is trying to persuade as much as possible these residents to leave their areas judging by what we saw in the northern Gaza Strip. The majority of them will do but not everybody some residents choose or maybe forced to stay in the battle zones. Jonathan Regiff, thank you so much for that live report. More rocket attacks also now from the north as well from Lebanon into Israel on the northern border. Let's go to I-24 News Middle East correspondent Ariel Ulceran for an update on the security situation there and perhaps what may be expected in the hours to come from the Hezbollah terror group. Ariel? Right Jeff, so as you came to me there were a rocket alert siren sounded in the upper Galilee and Kibbutz Dan and Daphna and still no word of impact or injuries. And it was interesting because this morning I spoke to a resident of Kibbutz Daphna who was evacuated and she's been through a bunch of different border communities or not border communities but communities a little further away from the border saying she doesn't know when she's going to go back given that the situation continues to escalate and this is exactly what we're seeing today. This is the first rocket launch from believed to be from Lebanon towards northern Israel. Hopefully we'll be able to update you with the results of those sirens as soon as possible. Alright Ariel Ulceran for us on the northern border. Thank you so much for that update. So again today another day of rocket attacks from the south and from the north as the war is now in its 58th day. Back here in the studio I'm joined by journalist and analyst Neri Thilber and Avi Pazner former Israeli ambassador to France and Italy. Thank you both gentlemen for being with us on this hour. I want to ask first to you Neri about the press conference last night from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu alone who he said he invited the Defense Minister who had other plans and couldn't be with him. But wanted to ask about the remarks because as we enter now the second month of this war a lot of questions swirling about the specificity of the goal. What winning looks like? What is the ultimate achievement that could end the war? Here's what Netanyahu had to say last night. We'll play that sound bite in just a second but as you know what he said last night we are going to achieve total victory in the war, total victory against Hamas. What does that mean? So Netanyahu and every Israeli official from the top down has been very clear since day one since October 7th and October 8th. Victory in this war will be eliminating the threat of Hamas from Gaza to Israel i.e. destroying the Hamas military capability, destroying Hamas as a governing regime in the Gaza Strip as well as, but as well as now returning all of the hostages seized on October 7th. Is this an attainable role? It's attainable in parts. It also depends on conditions both on the ground how well and how quickly the IDF can get the job done on the ground as well as the overall international environment and climate. As we know Israel and the IDF do not operate in a vacuum. Israel will require time to prosecute this war and achieve those aims. If Israel had unlimited time, I have no doubt it could achieve all those aims. Israel does not have unlimited time as we know. And so what it would look like in practice, harming and degrading a bunch of Hamas's 24 battalions inside the Gaza Strip eliminating the top leadership, especially the top trio of Yahya Sunwar, Muhammad Def and Marwan Isa eliminating Hamas's control, governing control in the Gaza Strip and getting back as many hostages as possible. That in more realistic terms could look like victory for Israel. I want to ask diplomatically some of the pressure from Israel's closest allies. We had President Macron of France say if Israel is committed to its goals as stated this is a war that will last perhaps ten years. That the Israeli stated mission objective might need to adjust in the reality of the humanitarian crisis. We have pressure, increasingly public pressure from the United States who has been a firm and public backer of the Israeli war effort so far through two months which is focused in the northern part of the Strip as a primary focus. It's now going to shift south. Diplomatically, what do you make of the pressures that are going to increase on Israel as the war goes on? You are right, Jeff. Political diplomatic pressure are increasing. Let's take Macron first, okay? I didn't like his tenure prophecy. But it comes in part because of the words we use. When Israel says we want to wipe out Hamas, that's right, that can take ten years. But this is not the aim of the war. The aim of the war is to destroy the control of the Hamas on the Gaza Strip to take it away from the Hamas and maybe to eliminate its leadership if possible. But when we use the word wipe out Hamas, Hamas, it's hundreds of thousands of people. It's an idea. We should choose our words more carefully and it would help us in our diplomatic effort. If we say our aim is to eliminate the control of the Hamas in the Gaza Strip to eliminate the danger from the Hamas in the Gaza Strip, this is more understandable. And then Macron would not say that we need ten years for that. Do you think that the goals of the IDF to eliminate the governing ability, the ability of Hamas to govern, there's still no clear answer for the day after. And how can you have part A of that equation, we will eliminate Hamas's ability to be a governing body in charge of millions of people's daily lives without having some kind of concrete public plan for the day after, the part B of that equation. I think the aim of Israel is to eliminate the control of the Hamas from Gaza so that the Gaza Strip does not constitute a danger in the future for Israel. It is the absolute aim. Plus, of course, not forgetting bringing back all our hostages, which is not less important. But you are right in saying that Israel should also start thinking about the day after. But here, evidently, enters politics. And when the United States believes that the Palestinian Authority or a better-shaped Palestinian Authority should come and take control, and Israel, or Netanyahu yesterday in his press conference, says an absolute no. So we have to ask, then what? I mean, we have, because I hope, and I'm convinced, we will win that war. We will be in control of at least the bigger part of the Gaza Strip. And we will have to deal with it afterwards. And I think we should start asking ourselves the question, yes, what after the victory? Larry, in that press conference last night, Netanyahu making references to both the defeat of Nazi, the Nazism in Nazi Germany, and in Japan, post-Empire in Japan. In both of those examples, the United States took years to eradicate, and they had both diplomatic, bureaucratic, and military presence in those countries. Do you think there was some, was he accidentally hinting at the reality that no one's really willing to talk about publicly at this point? No, I think the parallels to World War II and Germany and Japan don't meet reality here. For a multiple of reasons that you laid out, Israel, in and of itself, Netanyahu and others, have said Israel does not want to re-occupy the Gaza Strip. It wants to do the job in terms of Hamas military and governing control in the Gaza Strip, and then leave. So that's also very different than Germany and Japan. Also the international climate, as we know, is very different. It's a different world now than it was in 1945. So we have to deal with the world as it is and not the world as it was 70 and 80 years ago. Now, to the point of international legitimacy and how long this will take, look, I wrote about this over the weekend, it will take some time. The high intensity part of this campaign, and we should be clear-eyed about what it entails, will take a few more months, likely into January, maybe even February. After that, there will be a transition and stabilization period that may take us into late 2024. Now, again, what that would look like internationally may be very different than what we're seeing now in terms of the civilian casualties and the international pressure that the ambassador laid out. After that, this transition and stabilization period, there will be a day after post-war Gaza scenario. And to your point, Jeff, Israel needs to start talking about this now in order to gain legitimacy for what it's doing in the current situation. Yeah, to gain legitimacy after. And it's not. I want to bring into the conversation Ben Danzig, his father, Alex, and his uncle, Itzig, both still hostages in Gaza today as the war rages on and a truce talks for a further hostage deal have broken down entirely. Thank you so much, Ben, for being with us here in I-24 News. I want to have your message to the government of Israel today. If members of Israel's war cabinet, if the prime minister hears something from you today, what is your message now? Okay, first of all, I will start by saying that the terrorist organization of Hamas should be destroyed completely. If Israeli civilians, innocent children, babies, mothers, fathers like me wants to live in this land, okay? And I don't have to remind people what happened in 1948. Jewish people get this land, you know, by deciding the other countries of the world decide we have this land to live, you know. So that's the first thing I have to say. The second thing I have to say, and this is the reason I'm here, is that there is 13 group of 13 old people, old sick people, okay, that build this land, you know, from scratch. You know, they came here where it had nothing. My kibbutz that have been destroyed, you know, to the ground, those people build that kibbutz. And the other people that been captured build the other kibbutz and so on and so on. So the message is very clear. Stop the war now. Save the people. Save the old people that living now with no water, with no food underneath the ground. Sick old people, you know, grandfathers, et cetera. Ben, what is your message to other Israelis who their heart breaks for you and your family and they cannot imagine the pain and the horror that you're dealing with. But as you know, respectfully have a different view on the idea at this point, continued talks with Hamas, continued dialogue about releasing terrorists and killers from Israeli jails. Listen, listen, listen, listen, please. I'm only here to tell the truth. The truth is that the world is in a situation that the people with the power only understand money, okay? So pay them the price, you know? So I have few suggestions. For example, we have one, four, nine people inside. Take out all the prisoners from Israeli Jail and bring them home. Bring the innocent civilians home by stopping the war now and dealing with Red Cross, dealing with Qatar, dealing with the states, dealing with Great Britain, whoever wants to deal with human life. Human life are at stake now. Human life, okay? I hope that coming up 2024, human life still means nothing, something in this world. So I'm directly talking to Benjamin Netanyahu, my prime minister. Do everything you can to save my father, Chaim Perry, Amiram Cooper, Gadi Moses, all the leaf sheets, 13 old people inside that build this land. About the feelings, let me say, that from where I come from, what used to be Kibbutzny Road, there are situations that my situation become that small, you know? For example, grandfather to eight members inside. Thank God some of them came back, you know? So we're dealing with a very, very traumatic situation all around, all around. It's not only our area, you know? It's all around. It's Jewish people have to defend Jewish people. Full stop. Ben, what is the future? Do you think of Kibbutzny Road as a place that you love your home? Do you think it still has a future at this point? Unfortunately, the future of my Kibbutz, the future of my family, the future of all of us, okay? Is in the hands of governments, is in the hands of people that have power, okay? I don't have power. I'm a musician, okay? So I'm urging the people who have power, please, you know? Because this area is 20 years straight of bombing us all the time. And now this massacre, you know? So let's concentrate on what's important. So what's important now, day 58, is to save my father and time and all the old people that have no water, have no food, okay? And in the hands of monsters, okay? People that came just to kill and rape and do things that I don't even want to talk about. Ben, thank you for being with us today, being with me and I, 24 News. I appreciate your time. Thank you. Thank you. And our hearts continue to pray for the release of the hostages. Back here in studio, Neri, the stated goals that we keep hearing, including from the Prime Minister last night at his press conference, that the war goals of destroying Hamas and getting all of the hostages home, are they increasingly in conflict with each other? They're not in conflict yet. In the beginning, I'd argue they were complementary, and that's what the government was saying from the beginning, that you needed to apply military pressure on Hamas in order to have it come to the table and at least begin to negotiate a good-faith deal, like we saw initially for women and children. Right now, I believe that still holds true. The question is whether in the coming weeks it will still remain true. In other words, that the military pressure you can ramp up. But at a certain point the government here may need to decide and level with the public, are you willing to release thousands of Palestinian prisoners, including convicted murderers and terrorists, from your prison in return for this man's father and other hostages inside Gaza? That's essentially the deal, that's essentially the equation. Avi, can you weigh in here? The price goes up, to use a cold calculus, and the Israeli public knows it, the government knows it, the price for the release of men of all ages, especially the price on the Hamas side goes up, both the number of prisoners and the type of crimes they are convicted of. And that's a cold calculus. It's obvious, and I don't think we have an answer for that right now. Maybe we should more concentrate on categories like Ben Danzig said. First of all, we have not finished the women and children category. There are still about 12 women and a few children in Gaza. Then there are the elderly people that Danzig spoke about. Maybe that could also be a special category, or people who are not in the age of fighting anymore, they don't have to be so elderly, or people who are not soldiers. I mean, we can go by category. But what do we need to do in order to do that? We need to apply military pressure. That's obvious. And this is what we are doing. I don't know whether this is in the thought of liberating the hostages or taking hold of Hamas stronghold, but we can use, and if it is needed, that we have some more, two, three, four more days of truth somewhere in a week or two in order to get part of the hostages back. That would be, in my view, a good thing because we have to save who it is ever possible to save now. Neri, in your column from this weekend, you mentioned both the need for a continued high intensity campaign which would focus on the South, but also the low intensity battles that will come for months and months. This will be through an election year in the United States. This will also possibly be during an Israeli election as well, depending on the stability of this wartime government. How much, I guess, flexibility from the commanders and sources that you're speaking with? I mean, how much flexibility is there in the high intensity phase and the low intensity phase? How much maneuverability is there? So just to be clear, it's not a column. It's a reported piece. It's not my opinion. It's what the Israeli officials, both political and military, are thinking and doing, just to be clear. Look, there's no magic timeline and there's no magic estimate, right? One person said, you know, how many battalions of Hamas do you need to destroy and to figure out whether you've destroyed Hamas militarily? There's no magic number. So it's, in terms of progress on the ground, it will be dictated by that as well as the international environment, depending on how long Israel will have to prosecute this war. In combination, by the way, with the hostage families. The domestic politics of this, as you alluded to, will play a huge role. Will the public still side with the government, proceed and try to destroy Hamas at any cost, or will the tide shift more towards the families and the hostage families and the relatives of the loved ones inside Gaza right now? It's unclear, but right now, at least for the coming month, maybe month and a half, I think it's a high-intensity phase. As the war goes on now into its second month, is world opinion, and especially amongst Israel's allies, are they going to still be focused on this war? Will their attention be diverted to other global, other domestic issues? And will that work in Israel's favor or against Israel's favor as the campaign goes on? For the time being, Jeff, it's still focused very much. I mean, I read all the newspapers, not all. Most of the big newspapers see television outside the theater. It's still very focused, but not as much as it was, let's say, a month ago, okay? This is why, because of this focus right now, Mary, that I'm not sure that we do have months. We may have only weeks, because if there is no other major crisis, which will really ask for the attention of public opinion, I think pressure, international pressure, is going to intensify in the next few weeks. And I think we should think rather in weeks than in months and try to get the job done in weeks and not in months. I'm not sure we do have all that time. We have to go out for a break here. Again, more rockets of short time ago from the south. We are hearing reports of several injuries as well from the Northern Anti-Tank Missile that was fired, as you heard the live report here. We're going to keep you posted as we get more updates here on the damage from this latest round of rocket attacks. We'll be right back as we leave you coming on to this commercial break with the live visuals here inside Gaza. L is in a state of war. Families completely done down in their beds. We have no idea where she is. Our soldiers are fighting on the front line, but the general perception is something that certainly needs to be fought as well. Exclusive reports from the war zone. The reaction of Spanish-speaking countries. News 24, the only Spanish media that keeps you informed and connected with the Latin community in Israel. News 24, only on I-24 News. I-24 News, again, minutes ago, rockets being fired from both Lebanon into Israel in the north and from Gaza into Israel from the south, a big, a larger barrage of rockets from the south. We're going to get an update there in a few minutes, but let's begin our coverage live now on the Israel-Lebanon border with I-24 News correspondent Ariel Osiron, our Middle East correspondent with an update on what is happening there. Ariel. Right, Jeff. Just in the last few minutes, we're talking about a flare-up across the Israel-Lebanon border. First, we're talking about at least two anti-tank missiles that were fired at the border community of Be'Tilell initial reports indicate that four people were lightly wounded in that incident. That also follows the previous rocket fire that we talked about in nearby border communities of Dan, Kibbutz Dan and Dafna. Simultaneously, we're also talking about reports of exchanges of fire in the Mount Dov area, which is on the eastmost part of the Israel-Lebanon border. Still no reports of injuries there, but indeed, all this happening in a span of a few minutes indicates that the Israel-Lebanon border once again is flaring up and it's starting with exchanges of fire. Of course, these two attacks in Be'Tilell and Mount Dov follow a string of Israeli artillery strikes across southern Lebanon. This is according to Lebanese reports, and those strikes, there were no injuries as well. But indeed, we're talking about an incident on the border with Lebanon in the upper Galilee, initially four Israelis wounded lightly in an anti-tank missile attack. Ariel Hezbollah conducting dialogue by fire, as is so often the case here in this war in the North. Ariel, the level of attack just now, the use of anti-tank missile targeted missile towards a very specific area, would this be considered a low-level escalation? Is Hezbollah trying to see what the IDF does now? Is there a chance this grows even more? Well, I mean, we're not seeing now anything that we have not seen in the days leading up to the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza. The dynamic that we saw leading up to the ceasefire was everyday gradual escalation, anti-tank missile attacks, which reached over 10 such attacks on a daily basis on the Israel-Lebanon border in addition to artillery and mortar fire. Yesterday, we saw 11 attacks, most of them were artillery and mortars, rockets fired from southern Lebanon into Israel and as it would appear, this same dynamic of escalation is what's unfolding before our eyes right now. If you ask Israeli leaders what they're planning to do with the threat of Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. So yesterday in a press conference, Prime Minister Netanyahu said that there's an order to things. First, Gaza, he didn't say, next Lebanon, but indeed for the residents of northern Israel who have been evacuated from the border communities, similar to the border communities in southern Israel, they're saying that they're not going to return until the threat of Hezbollah along the border is removed. Alright, Darryl, thanks so much for that update. We're looking actually at images from the attack in the north. You can see the plumes of smoke after the anti-tank missile direct impact there on your screen. Also reports that the recent rocket attack from minutes ago in the south caused damage as well. Rockets landed in Steroat. No reports of injuries that we know of yet, but reports of some damage will keep you posted on those updates. And many Israelis who were kidnapped during the Hamas assault have since been freed are now speaking out about the horrors they endured inside the Gaza Strip. I, 24 News correspondent Erika Jackson, is sharing with us some of those survivor stories. And here's Erika's report. We'll have to, we'll come back to that report in just a minute. Amy, do we have Dr. Mizrachi with us? Okay, so we're going to move on to the next guest here, Dr. Moshe Ashkenazi. He is the deputy director of the Safra Children's Hospital at Shiba Medical Center, where many of these children who were freed from captivity in recent days received critical treatment physically, but more urgently, more importantly, more long-lasting. They're emotional and psychological treatment as well. Dr. Moshe Ashkenazi joining us now at Shiba. Thank you so much, Dr., for being with me. How many children today at this point are still receiving care with you at your facility? So according to this morning, still seven people that were released from captivity were in Shiba Medical Center. One of them is a child. All the rest are adults. Can you share with me, you know, grown-ups versus kids being kids? Because I know at some point you had many children there being treated together. The children, when they're with you, are they able to hang out with each other? Do they talk to each other and do activities together? And is that perhaps even more important to their recovery to get them to open up amongst their peers in a way that you really can't do when there's an adult in the room? So this is a good point. The kids, as being kids, we see that their recovery is relatively fast. Although I must say nobody has recovered from this 50 days or more captivity, but we see that the children can adapt themselves a little bit faster and they did it in the compound that was built in Shiba Medical Center. The advantage of the adults is that many of them were part of the same congregation. The same kibbutz. For example, one day we got the congregation of Baeri and the other day we got from Enile Oz, so they know each other and I'm sure it helped them a lot. And Dr. the kids, they sadly all have, you mentioned they come from the same communities, the same kibbutzim. They have murdered friends, murdered neighbors, in many cases a murdered family member, even a killed parent. Did they know about that at all until they arrived at your facility? And how did you prepare to break the news to them? So many of the children during the captivity didn't have a clue what happened to their family members. Some of them have discovered it only when they were released from the Hamas and they passed the border to Israel and they asked for the first time what about their relatives. And this is the point that many of them got the first announcement. Some of them have gotten this announcement in our facility and we had here a big team of psychologists, psychologists and social workers that are trained in delivering such messages to people and they were preparing themselves in advance to this moment. I would imagine still it's a devastating thing. Something that never leaves you when you have to tell a child that. Yeah, I think it's one of the worst moments in each one of us is a career to tell a child that his father or his mother won't be back. We had to do it here and unfortunately also other hospitals had to do it and that is the situation. Doctor, we know that physically the kids, most of the hostages and the kids physically they're okay in terms of their functioning. There are reports of several children being branded, being burned or marked, or they were cut in some way or they have lice and these kinds of things. That's not an urgent physical health matter but they're indications of torture. Did you see this among several children? Are there burns? Are there marks? Are there conditions with hair that do indicate the horrors they endured? I cannot go into details what were the fine things in the children that were hospitalized in our compound. But I can say that 50 days captivity in conditions that were quite difficult and sometimes extremely difficult had left some markings and some leftovers in the child's body or in the child's soul. And slowly we could discover them, also what happened to their soul and how do they feel psychologically. With the time we could reveal more and more stories and I think also from other hospitals as we all heard it from the family members that were interviewed in the internet websites, the stories are quite difficult to hear. Is there something that's surprising you, Dr. Ashkenazi, about the kids, especially the children, how they're recovering, something that you didn't expect with your journey so far? I was asked this question a few times because we did a very good preparation to this scenario. We trained ourselves with the actors and we wrote some guidelines how to deal with such situations. But for one thing we were not prepared and this is the human spirit. We were surprised sometimes how strong the people were, people that were released, how strong they are and the strength and the spirit were so strong but I'm sure it was difficult to everyone and everyone needs the continuation of the psychological treatment, sometimes psychiatric treatment for the next years and this I'm sure and I know that state of Israel is ready and took it on itself. Dr. Ashkenazi, thank you for spending a few minutes with us today on I-24 News. And here now, Erica Jackson reports on several other hostages who are speaking out about the horrors they endured. Nearly two months after Hamas's brutal attack in Israel on October 7th, freed Israeli hostages are now telling firsthand accounts of what it was like being kidnapped and taken into the Gaza Strip. Among those sharing stories of being taken captive and held under life-threatening conditions are 85-year-old Yolchavid Lipschitz and 84-year-old Dietza Hyman. In the last few days, I didn't have any symptoms. I was in a serious condition and in the last few days, I was in a new state where I was in the last few days. The food wasn't very good but as time passed, the food went bad. It was almost impossible to tell. Those who have been freed also detailing the mental anguish of what it was like to be held against their will, including 44-year-old Danielle Eloni, who was kidnapped, with her 5-year-old daughter, Amelia. Our children and children don't need to be seen. It's a two-part movie. You feel like you want to make your own movie and get rid of this movie. I'm talking and I'm watching. It's a success. It was amazing. It was amazing. It's not easy today. There's no rest. There's no rest. Every day, when it passes, it's a miracle that it doesn't stop. It's a miracle that every day there are a lot of 85-year-old friends and more young people who won't be able to continue their career. And our mother-in-law, from this year, wants to bring them back to home. Those who have been freed echoing the same message that time is running out. Every day is critical because of the hardships and the hardships that are very difficult and the struggle in the past is going on. And people there, in a meeting, people can die because they just have to leave them. I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, I ask, according to reports from much of their time, according to their testimony, stayed in houses for much of the time, or were split between houses and tunnels and moved around to other houses. And we know some of them were being kept in captivity in the northern part of the strip, ostensibly under IDF control, or certainly more than in the south. Is there a chance, we're talking about a deal with Kamas, a negotiation with Kamas, the remaining hostages could some of them be freed or located with IDF's special mission or special operation rather than exclusively relying on diplomatic means? So it's already happened once. We have to remember a few weeks into the war an Israeli soldier, seized on October 7th, was rescued by Israeli forces, and that's all for the good. So in theory it is possible, although it will be very difficult, both in terms of the operation to do it, the protection of the forces going in as well as the intelligence required. What you said is accurate, right? The hostages are coming back, now over 100 of them, and it's a mixed bag in terms of where they were held, whether above ground or below ground, the conditions they were held in, sometimes even which terrorist group was holding them. So it really varies, and it is true that some of them came out of the north. There was one hostage release at least that was done in northern Gaza during the ceasefire, ostensibly around or near IDF forces, and just goes to show that there is more that needs to be done militarily in northern Gaza by the IDF. There are still pockets, major pockets, major Hamas strongholds in northern Gaza that needs to be taken care of as the IDF says. Avi? Yeah. I was listening to these horrific testimonies, and seeing that the condition there get worse and worse and worse, and there is less and less food, for example. And some people have diseases. And so I would like to come back to an idea which I presented to you before. We have 137 hostages still left in Gaza. And my suggestion is to make a category of about 30 hostages, 15 women and children, about 15 elderly people. I mean, those who are most at risk and try against the truth of two or three days, not more than that, try to liberate them. We have to do our utmost to take out of this hell whoever it is possible. It is maybe impossible to take out now all the 137 because the war is going on. But maybe the idea of taking out a part of them can be revived. I don't disagree with the ambassador. They're just one problem. Hamas views some of these women that are still in captivity as IDF soldiers, which they were not. But that's how Hamas views it. And Hamas is also alleging that it doesn't know or can't find a lot of these hostages that are inside, whether in the first or second category. So you're dealing with someone who's not necessarily playing a very honest pool. Yeah. I want to ask in a separate tack now as the war goes on, the humanitarian situation, which is going to play an increasing role in the IDF mission planning and the international public pressure applied on the Israeli government. In the southern part of the Gaza Strip, civilians and civilian families are asked to leave and to move urgently. More and more pressure will be placed towards the extreme south of the Gaza Strip, the areas around Rafa and the Rafa crossing. Increasingly, will there be new pressure or a new tact applied with Egypt as the humanitarian crisis will inevitably worsen? We have to be very careful with our relationship with Egypt. And this is why when we talk about the southern part of the Gaza Strip, we have to talk separately about the problem of Rafa, because the Egyptian, they don't want, for one reason or another, to see an Israeli presence along the Philadelphia route, which separates Gaza from Egypt. And it is a very crowded territory. And so where do we tell the people to go for the time being, we tell them, go to the Muafi. What is the Muafi? This is Gush Katif, which was Gush Katif near the sea. But as much as our offensive progresses, so will the humanitarian aspect get more difficult. And it will be a problem. And we will have to deal with that accordingly with our aims. Because what is again, and I repeated, the most important, we have to break the control of the Hamas on the Gaza Strip if not the war was not worth it. On the humanitarian front and the Israeli decisions, every day there's a decision on how many trucks of aid to let in, how much aid, if fuel will be included in that. Not that there is a direct correlation between the events of last night, but let's say when fuel goes, even last night, fuel trucks went in, there was rockets, a big rocket barrage even on Tel Aviv. Not that that day's fuel delivery was used for rockets. But we know when fuel goes in, Hamas is aware of where the fuel trucks are. They seize fuel that fuel is used for rockets. This was pointed out by the Israeli War Cabinet as a reason to stop fuel deliveries, which are now trickling back in continuation. What about the humanitarian trucks going in and is that a war discussion that will evolve every day? So Prime Minister Netanyahu said it himself in yesterday's press conference, you need international space to give you military space. It's a one-to-one equation, and international space means improving, or at least not worsening, the humanitarian conditions, especially in South Gaza, as well as the civilian casualty toll inside the Gaza Strip. That will give you more international space. We've heard this now for over a week from every senior Biden administration official. Israel has to translate that into actual policy and actual change on the ground. Now whether that one fuel tanker or humanitarian aid truck helps Hamas or not, it definitely helps the Israeli war effort. And that's more important than anything because you need time and time you get by releasing or at least lessening international pressure. Avneri, thank you both so much for being with us here in the studio at this hour. We'll leave before I'll break with this important story. As more survivors and witnesses speak out, Kibbutz Nahalaz, one of the places closest to the Gaza-Israel border, a proud Kibbutz, severely damaged on October 7th, Orish Apirah, I-25 News reporter, brings us the story of this community which suffered horrors and is now looking for a road to recovery. Let's take a look. October 7th caught the entire country by surprise. In Kibbutz Nahalaz, one of the places closest to the Gaza border, the surprise was even bigger. We woke up around 6 a.m. My partner told me that there is a red alert. I wasn't very excited about it. I said, OK, we've experienced these situations. We'll walk it out until we enter the safe room. The first message I got was from a friend who texted me that his wife was injured. Eventually, she died from her wounds. The door was closed, but I suppose that it wouldn't matter to them. I guess that they realized that we are old people. There is not much to do with us. So they went to other places. Yachiel Chelnov is one of the founders of Nahalaz. He is close to his 90s, but still very active. When we established the Kibbutz, we concentrated on agriculture. And indeed, we had very good agriculture. We have one of the best dairy industries. At least it was until the war, but it is still working. It's the first time I'm living the Kibbutz. We had security issues when you evacuated young families with the kids or whoever wanted to go, but never like this. Nahalaz was the first Nahal settlement, a collective community of veterans of the IDF's Nahal Brigade who combined military service and building communities across the country. In the early days, the Kibbutz was considered one of the most famous in Israel, as leaders and officials visited it. One of the most famous incidents occurred in 1956 when a member of the Kibbutz, Roy Rotenberg, was brutally killed by Egyptian forces. The eulogy of Moshe Dayan, then chief of staff, became one of the most iconic speeches in the history of Israel. Early yesterday morning, Roy was murdered. The quiet of the spring morning dazzled him and he did not see those waiting in ambush for him at the edge of the furrow. But let's not cast the blame on the murderers today. Why should we declare their burning hatred for us? For eight years they have been sitting in the refugee camps in Gaza and before their eyes we have been transforming the land and the villages where they and their fathers dwelt into our state. It is not among the Arabs in Gaza, but in our own midst that we must seek Roy's blood. How did we shut our eyes and refuse to look squarely at our fate and see, in all its brutality, the destiny of our generation? Have we forgotten that this group of young people dwelling in Nakhalaz is bearing the heavy gates of Gaza on its shoulders? Beyond the furrow of the border, a sea of hatred and desire for revenge is swelling, awaiting the day when serenity will dull our path, for the day when we will heed the ambassadors of malvalent hypocrisy who call upon us to lay down our arms. Roy's blood is crying out to us and only to us from his torn body. Although we have sworn a thousandfold that our blood shall not flow in vain, yesterday again we were tempted, we listened, we believed. In 2014 another traumatic event happened when four-year-old Daniel Tragman died from a missile sent from Gaza. The Kibbutz was about to celebrate 70 years since its founding with a special ceremony. Ironically, the main show was a play which shows two women's spotters who were cut off from their cameras. We were supposed to have a big celebration marking 70 years of the Kibbutz. On Friday we had rehearsals for the show, the plot where the spotters are disconnected. It seems like a crazy story for me, but this is what happened eventually. 35 people were murdered in Nachalos on October 7th. Today residents of the Kibbutz are staying in another Kibbutz in the north, Mishmar Hayamec, and are waiting to decide on their next step as Nachalos remains a closed military zone. Again, more updates now on the rocket attacks this hour than both the south and the north of Israel. The IDF confirmed that several soldiers in the far north of Israel near the Lebanon border were hurt in this anti-tank missile strike, an attack from Hezbollah, several hurt, but we are told according to the IDF statement the injuries are light to moderate, non-life threatening. Then the attack from Hamas with rockets in the south. There is reports of damage in the city of Steyot, but no reports of injuries in the south. We're going on for a short break with more live updates here on the channel. Stay with us. We'll be right back with more live updates and analysis. Thanks for watching. We'll be right back with more live updates and analysis. We have no idea where is she as our soldiers are fighting on the front line, but the general perception is something that certainly needs to be fought as well. We have no idea where is she as our soldiers are fighting on the front line, but no reports of injuries in the city of Steyot. We have no idea where is she as our soldiers are fighting on the front line, but no reports of injuries in the city of Steyot. We have no idea where is she as our soldiers are fighting on the front line, but no reports of injuries in the city of Steyot. so far this weekend, Prime Minister Netanyahu is vowing both to do everything possible to bring home the remaining hostages and also to destroy Hamas and bring total victory in the war. Meanwhile, minutes ago, anti-tank missiles being fired across the Israel-Lebanon border. The IDF confirming, minutes ago, soldiers were hurt in this most recent attack as the Israel-Lebanon border heats up once again. Let's go live now. Hi, Trevor News. Middle East correspondent Ariel Osiron for an update in the North. Ariel. Yes, Jeff. So the IDF updating that several soldiers have been lightly injured in this anti-tank missile attack on Beitele, the border community in the upper Galilee and the border between Israel and Lebanon, according to the statement, the injuries were a result of fragments from the missile. Now Hezbollah said that they had launched multiple anti-tank missiles at Beitele, but simultaneously Hezbollah claiming responsibility for a separate attack on multiple, at least three, border outposts on the eastmost part of the Israel-Lebanon border in the Mandovin-Shibwa farms area. There are no reports of injuries there, but the Lebanese side reporting widespread IDF artillery shelling on border communities on the Lebanese side, from El-Kiam and Qfar Qila to the east, and to Yerun to the west, and Miseshebel. So you really got pretty much the entire central and eastern sector of Lebanese border communities under Israeli artillery shelling. This is obviously in response to these latest attacks, two attacks by Hezbollah on border communities. And hitting several soldiers, as we said in Beitele, and also additional strikes on border outposts to the east. Ariel, we have comments from Israeli ministers within the war cabinet about the safety of Israeli residents returning to some of the towns and the cities in the south, some of the Kibbutzim, some of the actual cities closer to the Israel-Gaza border being told in the weeks to come, they can return already life coming back to normal, coming businesses opening up towards the south. What's the situation like on the civilian side in the north, near the Lebanon border with regards to civilian businesses, schools, families, is there any sense of return to normal up there? It's a very important issue, Jeff. Now the four kilometer distance from the border, all communities in that area have been evacuated by order of the military. People can go back and get things, pick up stuff if they need personal effects or stuff like that, but they are not allowed to return. And so life and the four kilometer distance from the border has stopped, but a little bit further than that, life continues to carry on, albeit in a tense manner, but residents from these northern border communities that I spoke to this morning, they're concerned because they see the IDF taking action, significant action against Hamas in Gaza, but besides responding to Hezbollah attacks in Lebanon, there is no significant operation against them. Leaders are saying that in time they will eradicate Hezbollah's presence along the border. It's a very subtle terminology, but we do need to take that into account that as of now the understanding is that the plan is not to carry out a similar operation in Lebanon as has been going on in Gaza, but there is an understanding that something needs to be taken in again, some sort of action carried out against Hezbollah's elite Radawan unit, thousands of soldiers right on the border. And so the residents of these northern border communities saying that they are not going to return to their homes until that threat of the Radawan forces along the border is dealt with yesterday Netanyahu, Prime Minister Netanyahu, indicating that that will happen, but only after the operation in Gaza is completed. But as you say, there is no official statement really issuing some sort of timeline for residents of northern Israel that they can plan to get back after the threat is removed. And so a lot of uncertainty here in the northern border as the situation continues to escalate between Hezbollah and IDF forces and cross-border Ariel, thank you so much for that update. Now let's go to the Israel Gaza border in the south where I'm joined by our defense correspondent, Jonathan Regev. Jonathan Rockets fired a short time ago. Give us an update. Yes, all over the area and various places along the Gaza border area. We heard of two or possibly even three rockets making landfall in the city of Zderot with damage, but with no injuries. Let's remember Zderot is practically empty. It's perhaps a little less empty than it was two and three weeks ago. People did use that weak pause to come back and some of them have stayed even if the ceasefire has ended. But still, far from being the city that it usually is, not a lot of people. And therefore in this last barrage, we can report that two or possibly even three places along the city that were hit, but with damage, but no injuries. All right, Jonathan Regev for us along the Israel Gaza border. Thanks so much for that report with us in studio. His eye for new senior correspondent Owen Alderman and also Sherry Fine Grossman, a member of the Forum de Vara Women in Foreign Policy and National Security. Thank you both so much for being with us in studio. A question for you, Sherry. But before we do that, I want to note the importance of this rally. Last night here in Tel Aviv, where many of these hostages are speaking out for more publicly, more forcefully now that they're back home in Israel. In fact, the 85 year old great grandmother who was released days ago, speaking out Yaffa Adar's her name. She's pushing the government to do whatever it takes to make a deal necessary with Hamas to free all remaining women and children in captivity. Her grandson is still in Gaza right now. I'm coming from here and I think that I might have a lot of mothers and sisters who ask for them, for them to feel free to leave the children now. Now I want to see them, not when I'm going to be in jail. Sherry, many hostages speaking out about their desire, their calls for the government to do whatever it takes, make any deal necessary, pay any fee, release any terrorists from jails to free the remaining hostages. Many of these freed hostages are quite explicit in their calls saying the government abandoned us, they left us. Now it's time to, because of that, you need to do whatever, pay any price to free who's left. Now is not the time to leave us abandoned in Gaza anymore. Other Israelis disagree with that policy and it does seem with the presence now of these rallies with the analysis and debates on Israeli television almost a divide between how to proceed from here on out. Yes, it's a very difficult situation that we're facing. It's heartbreaking to see I saw the full video with all the family members and I understand them. They're doing what they're supposed to do. They're fighting for their family. I regret the fact that the categories that were set should have set a different category. It's kind of our chauvinistic society, prefer to release women and not maybe elderly men, injured people. So I regret that category. But nonetheless, what we're facing right now is a barbaric heinous organization who is actually taking the Israeli hostages, civilian hostages as human shields. It's very clear. It's clear that it's doing that. It's been playing the hole throughout the days. It's been playing with the terms and conditions that were set in the initial deal. And I believe the government, they didn't have a choice. And I think what happened on Friday was kind of a crucial point where we are. That's a strategic point because what happened that the ceasefire fell apart first by Hamas. They fired first. And they broke the terms and conditions first. And we immediately heard Blinken, the foreign secretary, say that it's Hamas' fault. And that is a crucial point in the legitimate sea for the Israeli army to continue attacking. And we see it being very, very aggressive in the last couple of days, both in the south and in the north. And I think public attention, Hamas will see now, is fading. We have COPE 28 going on in the UAE. We got the World Attentions elsewhere. We're getting into the holidays, seasons. And so we have the better leverage right now, and I really hope it gets the hostages home as soon as possible. One thing the many of the hostages also have noted in similar corresponding but separate stories is the conditions getting worse consistently as the captivity went on. The food got worse, lower quality. Sickness was spreading, disease was spreading. This adds an extreme urgency in the hours and days to come if there was going to be a deal. Even if, ultimately, Israel was willing to release more prisoners, both in number and severity of crimes, a deal would have to be made in the days to come. It can't be made in weeks ahead. Yeah, I'm going to couple of comments. First of all, in terms of deteriorating conditions, I want to be careful here because the last thing I want to do is defend the war crimes of Hamas. But we have to understand that conditions in the Gaza Strip in general deteriorated or have deteriorated over time. So if hostages, their testimony is that there was wider availability or more food in the first few days, and then over time there was less food available, it may be that's part of Hamas' torture of hostages and abuse of hostages. We certainly wouldn't put it past Hamas. But it's also possible that there was just less food for the population in the Gaza Strip in general, for civilians, for Hamas fighters themselves, and for hostages. In addition, Jeff, to the testimony about civilians, which of course we're all very familiar with from Unitarian organizations, whether when trusts everything they say or they don't, it seems evident and frankly logical that conditions will have deteriorated for civilians. We also testimony from Israeli soldiers, and their reports to Israeli media, their observation of Hamas fighters, that the fighters themselves were hungry, and hungrier as time went by. So it may be Hamas' torture specifically of hostages. It may also just be connected to the overall situation in the Gaza Strip as well. And the same issues of disease and medical care as well. And so you mentioned this point about the world's attention, which is critical because we have, you know, the United States about to enter an election year, but we have critical vocal backing from the United States, also from European allies as the war enters its second month. If public, the public attention, the public consciousness starts to turn elsewhere to whatever the next global crisis is, or diplomatic domestic pressure is, if the world's attention isn't focused on this, is that in Israel's benefit or does it work against Israel as the war goes on, hoping to dismantle Hamas? I think it's against the civilians that are involved in the conflict, right? Because we all suffer from what's going on, from the continuation of the war, both Palestinians and Israeli, the hostages, and the innocent people that are in Gaza, which I think there are not as many as I would hope. But I think, yeah, the situation is not in their favor, in my opinion. I also saw a dramatic decrease in people participation in demonstrations abroad. Canada is just an example. So the Palestinians in Hamas specifically needs to understand this. And this is, I hope they realize it. And they're very, very much sensitive to what's going on. I mean, the whole hopes and dreams was that this will be an organized effort from Lebanon, from Iraq, from elsewhere. They even told they were Khaled Mashal went on Moroccan news and told the people of Morocco to stand up against their leader, the king, which is a catastrophic mistake by Khaled Mashal, not understanding that the king is very much respected. And if you want to address anyone, you should address him. So the whole thing of public opinion is the strategic asset and it's diminishing for Hamas. Yeah, and actually, Pickup and Achir was saying, I talked actually weeks ago about how I disagreed with this idea of the hourglass. The hourglass, right? And I said, I used my hand, regular viewers are familiar with the hand gesture, right? It looks almost like the graph from economics 101 of diminishing marginal returns, diminishing additional pressure, if you will. As again, the public starts to be, for lack of a word of custom to the horrific, let's say, new normal of the war. And this actually impinges on the issue of the hostages because if you believe that Israel has a very limited time to conduct a war and win the war against Hamas, you are more inclined to put more of an emphasis on that goal and less on the hostages. On the other hand, if you believe that there is a longer timeframe, even if the nature of the war needs to change in order to meet it, but there is a longer timeframe to take on Hamas then at least conceptually you're more open to pauses in the fighting in order to free hostages. And on that point, that raises the question here of, we're talking about global pressure. That raises domestic political pressure as well to achieve what you have stated are goals for this war, benchmarks to achieve, even planning for the day after scenario. I wanna play a sound like from the press conference last night from Prime Minister Netanyahu, again reiterating in his mind what is the goal of this military campaign. Here's the Prime Minister. We negotiated very hard, very harshly under fire from morning to night, from night to morning. But we have yet to complete this mission. We will continue to fight with all our might. We have prepared for that. The IDF has prepared for that, for the final and total defeat of Hamas. I just wanna say, I mean, the IDF has been much more aggressive since the end of this ceasefire. Much more aggressive is operating in Chanyunis where we have supposedly two million civilians, one million located from the North. It's moving very quickly, much quicker than we've seen in the last operation. And I think that is to put as much pressure as possible into order to get to a new deal. Okay, I am that press conference last night. Twin points here, which are the corollary points. One is the absence of the Defense Minister who Netanyahu made a point to note. He asked the Defense Minister to be with him to address the Israeli public on the war progress and the Defense Minister didn't accept his invite. And then Netanyahu says the goal is total victory over Hamas. Is total victory for Netanyahu the same as it is for the other members of the war cabinet? And what does that mean for the continuation of this unity government? Right, well, I'm getting into the different goals of the war that Netanyahu laid out, right? Again, it's a separate conversation and connected obviously to our previous one. I am of the opinion and I know a lot of people disagree with me that in broad terms, Netanyahu's personal political interests are well aligned with the country's interests. The best way for Netanyahu to get a good political result for himself is to get a good result in the war. It's not sufficient for Netanyahu. He will need to enhance his political, sort of chance of political survival to do a few other things, right? Which would be more controversial, but it's necessary. He must get a good result from the war to enhance his chance or to, I think, have any real chance of surviving. So I think in broad terms, they're aligned. As for his relationship with Yoav Galant, it's even more than all of that, Jeff, right? He said he invited Galant and Galant didn't come. What was Galant's response? Sometimes we have press conferences together and sometimes we don't. Just about as passive aggressive, I think, as you can get. Again, just to remind our viewers, these are two men with a, at least medium, I was a long and tortured history. It wasn't like a medium and tortured history. They're from the same party. But don't forget that on March 26th, at around 8.40 in the evening, Netanyahu said he was going to fire Mr. Galant, going back to commency and made sort of a climax in the debate over the judicial overhaul. The I alone freeway in Tel Aviv filled with hundreds of thousands of people. I was there almost by accident because I was in the area and went to report for the channel, another story entirely. But these two have a long history. They may not get along, but there may be a silver lining. I am not sure that having a defense minister who is under the thumb politically of the prime minister, Jeff, would necessarily be a better result. I think to have two people among the three voting members of the war cabinet, and for that matter, three voting members of the war cabinet, who each have different political interests, who are not necessarily aligned with each other, who in a sense are checking each other, not just on the substance, but are not beholden to one another, actually could be, you could argue, to Israel's benefit in getting a better result. Maybe better than having a three-man war cabinet where two of the members are so closely politically aligned, they might not be willing to take contrary positions that might not be able to think and vote independently. I'm not sure Sherry agrees with everything. I think the war cabinet is totally monolithical as the cabinet as a whole. There's no pluralism. There's no other opinion. Everybody's saying the same concept that we've seen before that led us to this point. But I think on Netanyahu, I think two things. One is his legacy. How will we be remembered? Right now, the biggest disaster, catastrophe to the human, to do the Jewish people since the Holocaust is under his name. So he's trying to fix that and flip that to a totally new reality. And to that effect is the two-state solution. Netanyahu, you can say whatever you want. He acted against the two-state solution for all of his life, and especially when he's a prime minister. You should read what Trump said to Barak Ravid, an Israeli journalist that he always thought the Palestinians are the one to refuse peace, but he found out that Netanyahu, he doubts that Netanyahu wants the two-state solution and that is a major, major effect. And he even told the Likud party, the members of the Likud, that he will only be the one that can stop the two-state solution. I want to ask about, I mean, we talk about each reading the meaning between the words. We have Netanyahu repeatedly saying things like destroy Hamas, total victory over Hamas, demolish Hamas. We have Benny Gantz saying things like remove Hamas's ability to threaten Israel anymore, which is the difference of opinion, could that, and we're talking now as the war enters its second month, the difference of opinion, however so slight, in the war goals, could that lead to a vote of no confidence, could it lead to a coalition crisis with other members of the government perhaps looking for a political opportunity to best better themselves in the future election? Well, two things, and two separate, but very important points. Number one, the exact language that Israel's leaders use, that our leaders use to describe the goal of the war, it's extremely important. And you're absolutely right, Jeff, something I was saying in the opening week of the war, that broad descriptions of the goals, right? Platitudes, like destroying Hamas, demolishing Hamas. At the end of the day, our empty of content and our empty of meaning, and you're right, subject to a kind of abuse by the leaders. They're not actually committing themselves to a definable goal, but we do have them on record, okay? Maybe not as repeatedly as I would like, but we do have them on record, actually having a more concrete goal of ending Hamas's control over the territory of the Gaza Strip, dramatically reducing Hamas's military capabilities. You're right, and we all should be on the watch for cracks within that war cabinet, however broadly monolithic it may be or seem to be for cracks and differences of opinion on that, because it will affect, it may affect the war's policy. As we're no confidence vote, the dangers, if you will, for Mr. Netanyahu come from a different direction. They don't come from within the war cabinet. They come within the broader coalition, 74 seat coalition. Benny Gantz has been very explicit and no one doubts him. He's here for the war only, right? And after the war, he's going back to normal politics. He'll oppose Netanyahu. He has every political incentive to do so. He's staked out the ground, everyone expects it. But even within the core 64 seat coalition of Mr. Netanyahu, there are so many ways it can fall, right? The most likely one at this point would seem to be Itamar Ben Gavir is taking his Jewish power party, yanking it out of the coalition, saying that Netanyahu, whatever the results of this war, didn't go far enough, didn't do what Ben Gavir had staked out and said from the very beginning Netanyahu should do. Netanyahu didn't go far enough and Ben Gavir challenging Netanyahu from the right, saying that he did not get a good result in the war because the result is not adequate in terms of doing whatever needs to be done to Hamas, destroy, demolish, and you use the verb. And that Ben Gavir then takes that as a way of going to elections. He's someone who has, I think, the credible threat of doing that and the political incentive to do that. There are some other routes to get to the coalition to fall, but to me, that's the shortest route this way. Of course, Ben Gavir's party voting against the hostage deal already laying the groundwork for what he believes is an insufficient right-wing effort. Consistent with this strategy, absolutely. I'm sure your thoughts and your analysis on the impact now, month two of this war, as it stretches on rallies, protests about the hostages, more forceful calls from the government, from civilian hostages who were freed, your thoughts on the political implications, not in the months to come, but in the days, perhaps weeks to come, on perhaps on the political ramifications in this country. Well, I'm not a political expert, but I mean, look, the Israeli people really want to come together into some sort of common ground. The patience for this war. Yeah, the patience for the war, I think people are patient. I think people understand that whatever you would call that verb of Hamas, it needs to be, it needs to be gone. All the threat needs to be removed. People want to go back to their home. There is a massive challenge in the North. People, I have friends that said, I mean, I saw my house in Hezbollah's sketches. I don't want to, I'm really scared to go back. That's a real threat. That's something the government will have to deal with. And I don't think the public will forgive any more lack of, you know, action on that part. So I think the Israeli people are very patient to have the war and to suffer the consequences to get the job done. I mean, we've been in wars for the last decade, every couple of months or years, and people are tired of that. And they're saying, you know, let's take a few months and end this. All right, we're going for a short break-up. Update on the situation within the last hour, again, rocket attacks from the North and from the South. Reports of damage from rockets from Hamas fired into some of the cities and towns near the Israel-Gaza border. Impacts reported in the city of Steyroth, which is largely abandoned at this point. No injuries in Steyroth. Reports from the IDF confirming several injuries of soldiers from an anti-tank missile fire from Hezbollah over the border into Israel. There were the reports of several injuries to soldiers lightly to moderate wounds, not life-threatening injuries. But again, as we look live now at these images, you can still see the smoke plumes from the attack in the distance there on the northern border. We'll keep you posted after the break on the updates as the attacks continue and the war structures on almost now into month two. More live reports from the field and analysis in studio. Stay with us. We'll be right back. Is in a state of war. Families completely done down in their beds. We have no idea where she is. Our soldiers are fighting on the front line, but the general perception is something that certainly needs to be fought as well. There have been countless memorable moments broadcasting with I-24 News in the past six years. But for me, the one that stands out the most was the first time that I had ever personally heard a rocket siren sounding in Tel Aviv. And at that moment, we were live on air in studio. I will never forget the moment our senior producer said to me in my ear, the sirens are sounding in Tel Aviv. The control room is going to the shelter. With me in studio at the time were Michael Herzog, a former Brigadier General. Today, the Israeli ambassador to the United States. And Arsene Ostrovsky, an international human rights lawyer. And their responses were completely different. Michael Herzog was calm and composed. And on the other hand, Arsene Ostrovsky was trying to phone his family and check in to make sure that his loved ones were okay. The camera that normally faces us was hoisted from above. There was an overhead shot of the three of us in the studio. You could see colleagues going to the shelter if you looked at the glass behind the studio. And obviously we lost contact with our team on the ground, our reporters in Ashkelon and all the witnesses that we were speaking to during that time. When rockets are coming towards a residential area, they don't distinguish between race, religion, political views, cultural views. They just intend to harm civilians. And that moment, being in studio, hearing those interceptions overhead was the most real coverage I've ever been involved in. Thanks for watching. And thank you for the news at this hour for the latest live updates from Tel Aviv. As the Israel Hamas war goes on, this is the 58th day of the war. And again, rocket attacks and again, damage and injuries within the last hour. We'll start in the North, where an anti-tank missile from the North fired by Hezbollah at an IDF position at Big Halal in the far Northern territory of Israel has resulted in the injuries of several IDF soldiers. These are live images looking out on the Northern border. The IDF confirms several soldiers were hurt in this attack. The injuries are light to moderate, not life-threatening, but several soldiers injured once again from a Hezbollah attack in an area that has seen dozens of towns and small cities been evacuated in recent weeks because of the Hezbollah escalation. And in the South, the barrage of rockets within the last hour into southern Israel, causing some damage in Steyrout, with no reports of injuries in the South. But again, the attacks continue also last night for the first time in several days, alarms going off across Tel Aviv as Hamas rockets hit central Israel. The Israeli IDF campaign continues in the Northern Gaza Strip and two more Israeli soldiers have died so far this weekend in battle against Hamas terrorists. Last night, Prime Minister Netanyahu vowed to do everything possible, both to bring home the remaining hostages and also to destroy Hamas and bring total victory in this war. Let's go live immediately to I-24 News correspondent, Defense correspondent, Jonathan Regov, along the Israel-Gaza border for an update on this latest rocket attack, and perhaps what it could signify in the hours to come, Jonathan. Probably, yes. I mean, we've seen, I think, up to 10, Red Alert sirens all across southern Israel this day. All of these sirens sounding were on communities right along the Gaza border. Names that we've been hearing a lot in the past two months. Communities like Yisufim, Sderot, Nireem, and so on. All of these communities right on the Gaza border, but Hamas has proven over the weekend that they still have the ability to shoot further north, to Ashdod, even to Tel Aviv as sirens sounded last night. So yes, I would not expect the rocket fire to end. Clearly not today, and not anytime soon. Jonathan, as the war enters week eight now, where you are in Steyroth, it is a city. We talk about Kibbutzim and small farming communities. Steyroth is a proper city of more than 30,000 families. At this point, rocket fire is still regularly happening. Damage reported regularly in Steyroth from Hamas Rockets. Are there families there? Is there a life there? What's the situation like just in that city? The answer is no. The city has not gone back to life. There are more people than they used to be. Say, two weeks ago, people did use the ceasefire to come back into the city. And some of them have decided to stay, despite the fact that the ceasefire is over, and despite the fact that we are seeing many more red alert sirens now than we've seen the week before. But the city is still, I'm not gonna, if it was paralyzed in the first stage of the war, now it's not paralyzed, but it's not much more than that. Most of the businesses are closed. Most of the shops are closed, restaurants and so on. There are a few places that are open. There are a bit more people than they used to be, but the city is still on almost a virtual standstill, I would say. All right, Jonathan Redder, with that live update. Thanks so much for that. Back here in studio with our guests, Sherry Fine Grossman and Owen Alderman. Sherry, a question for you just about the return to life of a country like Israel needs a functioning economy, a growing economy. People need to go to work. People need to have businesses. Kids need to go to school, et cetera, et cetera. These southern cities and towns, places like Steroz, still under rocket fire regularly. There's still damage from these rockets. Ashkelon under rocket fire. These are places that the government has said residents in Ashkelon can go back to. Come on, still under rocket fire. What do you think this means in the months ahead for life in the South and also, of course, in the North, where it is not safe for hundreds of thousands of families in the North to go back to normal at this time? Yeah, so there are about 200,000, 250,000 Israelis that our life has essentially changed dramatically and they can't go back to their routine. The rest of the country, I think, is pretty much doing the normal thing, the normal routine, and people are going back to business, so we're seeing malls. We saw a blue, black Friday. The mall was packed. That was during the ceasefire. But people, we're getting back to the routine. People get used to everything pretty fast, war or peacetime. But I think definitely the government needs to be much more active, proactive in dealing with those families, that immense amount of people that have actually been, you know, uprooted from their homes, from their families, from their communities. Some of the communities like Keachem and Muana, they're not together. It's a huge city. So everyone is scattered all over Israel. So it's a very bad thing for the resilience. We know that a resilience of a person in a community depends on them sticking together and that has been fragmented. It's not a positive thing. I hope the government does much more. But other than that, things are pretty normal in Israel. And we're getting used to the sounds of rocket attacks and alarms and sirens. Most schools are pretty much back to regular. My kids are in regular school again and Tel Aviv. And I think through most of the country. Yeah, and as you mentioned, this is the adjusted reality, the adjusted routine of wartime routine. But these southern communities, and even in the north, some of these towns or cities have 30, 40,000 residents flourishing culture, flourishing proud local life. The reality, I guess, will the families have to plan for a future without being able to return home? Are these areas going to be able to recover even after the rocket stopped firing? Well, listen, we'll start with the short term. And I think distinguishing the south and the north. The north is the more difficult situation, because there's a real and present threat of infiltration, of an October 7th Lebanon style, Hezbollah style, if you will. And that is the fear of that, is I think what's keeping civilians from going back home. And there's no real easy solution in sight. I should have mentioned, your friends, the families can see that their houses, the streets are circled as part of a Hezbollah invasion plan. It's not easy to say I'm going to go back and go back home. And there's no ready solution for that other than the obvious consensus that it's a problem. In the south, again, where we're fighting an act of war, I think it's safe to say that there's no real threat of infiltration across the border. God forbid, like there was. By the way, not only on October 7th, but in the days afterwards, as far north as Ashkelon. I was there in a day when there was a warning of an actual infiltration, actually. So that threat has receded. And what you're left with is the rocket fire, which is it's difficult, painful, emotionally hard. Even in the south, I think over time has been reduced from what it was in the opening days of the war. And maybe a way can be found for people to go back to those communities. I wonder at this point, if the real obstacle is less security-oriented and more psychological. Certainly in the Gaza border, keep it safe. And no one is expecting those people to go back at this point. Many, of course, can't go back. Of course, they're themselves killed or taken hostage. And if not, their houses were destroyed. There, it is no real. But in a place like Steroth, maybe a way can be found. Again, it's a difficult question, but the government and their military are working on it, are working on ways to get people back to those communities. As the wider disruption in the country, there are the evacuees internally displaced. There are also, again, 300 plus thousand people who have been called up on reserve duty. And then you think about their families. So you're getting to wider circles that take in maybe 10% of the population, whose lives have been fundamentally disrupted for almost two months now. Yeah, sure. As I was just going to say about just a couple of what Wen said, that part of what we learn from healing trauma is that you have to go back to routine, go back to work, going back to your daily lives, working on something else, maybe. So that's very important, actually, to the resilience and the psychological situation of many of the people that many of us Israelis. So I think I'm not saying the government should force people to go back, but it might be the healthy thing to do. And as we look live here now at the images of South Gaza, you can see in the distance there is smoke building up in the air, we note that the IDF campaign, the ground campaign, is continuing, as Shiri mentioned. Even after the ceasefire, the IDF, with its list of targets, hundreds of terror targets already destroyed. And the IDF announcing over 800 terror tunnel shafts and entrances discovered. Hundreds of them already pulverized and destroyed, but they identified 800 entrances. The war, the ground offensive continues in the entrance of its new phase in the South with the IDF making great pains, perhaps controversially so, with its marked up map of combat zones to try and limit civilian casualties that raises inevitable questions of the effectiveness of that and how civilians can be filtered from terrorists in these active combat zones. And what of the civilians, where do they go now? Yeah, I think that this map is an attempt to try to meet the concerns of the Biden administration and not have mass civilian displacement, the kind that we saw in the first weeks of the war. Again, telling everyone above a certain line of Anwadi Gaza to go south, here trying to be more piecemeal and to be more specific. But I agree with you, Jeff. Again, as an outsider, someone who doesn't live in Gaza and has never been physically to Gaza, it just looks awfully complicated to understand what each numbered zone means, to understand where to go. Maybe for people on the ground, they're simpler and easier and more intuitive ways to understand it. But you can't help but wonder whether civilians are going to feel that they have the direction they need to be able to go where they'll be safe. One thing to note, when I looked at this, I always looked at this image from several different JPEGs and even a PDF on the phone, which is assuming that the Gaza civilians would access it on their phones. You can't make out the numbers even for some of these marked areas are so densely populated, so on top of each other, the numbers aren't even quite clear. That's the level of complexity we're dealing with. But there's no easy answer in what to do with civilians now. Perhaps as many as 2 million in that area. Yeah, and also Hamas is actually pushing back the civilians the same place. To use the Miss Human Shields, Khan Yunus is the bad rock of Hamas. It was where it was born, Muhammad Def's home. And also Senua's home. And Senua's home, exactly. And other terrorists, and Muhammad Senua, which was his brother. Yeah, it's a very difficult situation, challenging situation. I hope, I mean, the map is OK. I hope we find better ways to deal with it. And we're seeing a lot of usage of precision guided. We've seen entire floors, or some of the rooms. So I think the IDF is doing its best. But it's really an impossible situation, almost. Absolutely. Sheery Fine Grossman, thank you so much for being with us here on the channel at this time. Great to have your analysis, as always, in the studio. Thousands of Israelis last night in Tel Aviv calling for the immediate release of hostages from Gaza. There are still over 130 hostages in Hamas captivity. The family members of hostages, also some former hostages themselves, speaking out, demanding the government negotiate with Hamas and make concessions wherever necessary to bring more home. My own private superheroes survived and returned. According to them, it was the war game Fortnite, a game that has become a reality, a reality that is beyond imagination. Their father, Ophel Calderon, is still there. Sahar wants a father. Erez wants a father. I'm here like every week to show that we are not backing down and we want all the hostages back. I'm all of his brother. We want the government to do whatever they need to do in order to bring him and the other hostages back as soon as possible. And with me now is American Israeli rapper and performer Kosher Dills. He recently released a new single about the Hamas terror attack on October 7th, calling for a return of the hostages. Here's a clip. Making Middlesex County proud. He also uploaded many of his videos to social media, where he famously interviews pro Hamas demonstrators who are, you know, here and here, let's say, uninformed, and clueless to prove they don't really know anything about this conflict at all, except that they hate Israel. Hamas, like, do you think they're a terror organization or is it justified? I see the most freedom fighters in the entire organization. Where? Are you a mother? Yes, I have a daughter and five grandchildren. OK. So if they had two of your grandchildren and one of your daughters, what would you want them to do? I would do everything possibly to have them back. Yeah. So if they stopped firing, then? Do you guys think Hamas is a terrorist organization? They are a political organization. Hamas is one of the organizations of resistance. Yeah. I don't believe so, no. One man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter. I love Hamas. Like, should they take out Hamas? Maybe. I don't know. People's a lot of people to kill. Of course. So it's nice out of people. You have to catch to do that, to kill the acrobat. I love your shirt first. Thank you very much. From the river to the sea, Palestine would be? Free. What would happen to all the Israelis? They would use their second citizenship to whatever country they immigrated from and they would go back. But not everyone in Israel has second citizenship. I think if people picked up their phones and typed things into Google. They have a safe trip to Youngstown. Bring the family home. We got the world changed. As you imagine, these kinds of clips going viral on social media. Tens of thousands of views each and every one. Coach Adil's with us in studio. Thanks for being with us. Man, great to have you. Awesome to be here. All right. He's all by the way, Coach Adil's from the town next over from me in New Jersey. So there you go, representing Jersey. But where are you doing these videos? This is largely New York, it looks like. New York City, D.C. And now, basically anywhere. Just next time I get a camera, we're doing some in Israel right now. Obviously, it's a different tone. And I'm trying to find the lightheartedness and a lot of darkness. For some of these viral videos that we're seeing with people's answers, what is your approach? I mean, you come into a pro Hamas or ceasefire rally. What is your approach? You know, the cool thing that I realize that all of these rallies is that after and before the rally, Jews or Palestinians or supporters of any side, all get coffee from the same places and they just literally bring them in. And so everyone really going, thinking they're doing the right thing and people feel just in their cause, you know? So for me to just go out there and I'm interviewing people that are happy to be there. And so I'm happy to be there, you know? So it's kind of just like, we're having a decent conversation now because we want to be here. You're also, I mean, you ask great questions. You're a great journalist because you're asking just very basic. Do you know that by asking very simple questions, you're going to expose the ignorance of these people? Kind of, and I'm also, I don't know, I guess ignorance is bliss is the saying. I sort of, I'm a little bit ignorant too, you know? I didn't realize that. I took a journalism class in high school, you know? That was about it. I think I wrote an article about the cross country team. And I'm just asking normal questions that you would ask anyone with any relationship. You're like, well, I asked this one guy. I'm like, is that a Hezbollah shirt? And he's like, yeah, you know? And I'm like, all right, this is gonna be lovely. And I'm like, you know, do you think, do you think Hezbollah's wussies that they didn't join the war? And he's like, well, and then he just, you know, goes off in a tangent. And the girl who when you asked about where Jews should go back to where they came from, where they got their second citizenship, let's just, I didn't know, do all, I mean, that's a good question. Do all Israelis have second citizenship? I'm American Israeli, but people from Yemen can't go back to Yemen, especially when she thinks it's all Europe. So we all know, you know, many of us know, not the whole world, but they've expelled Jews out of all the countries in the Middle East and North Africa. I mean, this is a, they hate Israel. They hate, they have a hatred of Israel. We can argue about anti-Semitism if they hate Jews, but they don't, they blame Israel, they hate Israel, they're anti-Israel, but as you point out, I mean, they're nice to you. Like they're nice, like they're off, do you try and be off-putting and friendly? Well, I try to be nice to everybody. Like you're exposing their, let them go back to their other country, you know, Hamas had the guts to do it, good for them. They're saying these things with a smile on your face to you, you know? You know, the one guy says they should stand up for, it was at the end of one of the videos, one woman was responding in Spanish, she goes, standing up, killing the occupier, they should be applauded, and I remember that, and I was like, wow, I really like this guy's shirt. So I was like, you're sure? And he goes, thank you very much. What do you make of that? That they're coming to these rallies, they're chanting the slogans, and they don't. I really try not to pay attention to it because then it kind of takes me off of what I'm trying to do, which is just ask them simple questions. And I want people to talk to me, and I think if I'm angry or mean, then I won't be welcome. And I think it's like any party, if you're the angry guy at a party, no one wants you there, you know what I mean? So I'm trying to go there, have some fun. And my thing is, I want to be there just as much as they do, but I just have a couple more questions than they might have. And I think that's valid for any, why is there a party happening here? Why was it invited as part? What's the cause of it? Okay, cool, and then you get some interesting experiences. Why do you think they're there? I mean, they're not there because of deep knowledge of the situation. What do you think's driving them? I think society as a whole, we all want to feel like we're part of something. And a lot of people have something that's called, I think survivor's guilt maybe, that they feel like I'm too privileged or that they haven't experienced a war in their lifetime. I think that's something that's really common. I think also that people don't like seeing Palestinian kids turn up in bubble and they don't like seeing buildings and then they don't like their friends who they, friends, friends, brothers from East Jerusalem or Ramallah and they're angry and they're just siding with their friends. And as much as I want to have statements about other things, I just really like to go into these places and sympathize with people that feel like they're doing the right thing. Because I also feel like when I go to my places, I feel like I'm doing the right thing too. So you grew up in central Jersey, you grew up in Jewish office, the Kosher Dills are proud of your Jewish heritage. And you incorporate that obviously into your professional life. Did you experience antisemitism? Are you surprised that these kinds of rallies and on college campuses at universities across New Jersey, New York or across America even, but are you surprised what's going on given your personal background, your personal experience? Well, you know, the name Kosher Dills was sort of a Jewish pride thing that I really didn't have. And with the name Rami Matan Evanesh, my first experience was of people saying, Rami, where are you from? And then everyone knows anyone from Israel. When you meet someone in Yosef, Yusef, you know, things of that nature that are like, we're just so similar, but we're obviously different. Rami is a name that people don't know if you're Israeli or not. And but my first experience is when I told people I was Israeli, they go, oh, you know, interesting. They say something that's very condescending and dismissive. Kosher Dills is sort of putting myself out there in the open, that's the real fun thing. And then realize that people are more, they think they're hateful, they think they have a strong opinion, but when someone is in real front with them, their attitude changes, they have a different respect for you, you know? And that's why I'm, that's why I experience anti-Semitism, but I experience more ignorance, I think. And ignorance is way more fun to confront because it's, you know, you're dealing with ignorance. And they're slick, important, funny even, but powerful videos that you're able to put together. I want to make a point just quick because the one woman I asked her about, she goes, I love Hezbollah. And I think, you know, these women were so cute and adorable women that they were very similar to like Masofta or my mother, you know, someone that would cook a meal for you. But, you know, this is how they felt about Hezbollah. This woman, this is how she felt. And I said, what's worse, you know, the guys in Dagestan that come storming the airport looking for, you know, the flight of all the Jews or dealing with someone where it just enters society that is just like, I love Hezbollah. You know, let's get a coffee too. And we're all going to the store, you know? But I do think very much the people that I like to surround myself with are very caring about people. They love Palestinians. They love Israelis. But obviously, we're Israelis, so we're, you know, we're sticking up for the Jews right now. And that's what's happening. I think it's important work what you're doing. Oh, and I'll turn it to you. You mentioned you took one journalism class. Oh, and took quite a few more. I'm going to ask him a question. I'm a quick answer. Maybe you've taken two, actually. You guys, it's quite actual academic work. It's twice as many still. There you go. A quick note, a lot of fans of yours in the control room. We have six members in the control room right now, sound engineers, director, associate director, producer, et cetera, et cetera. Four of the six, just in our little control room of our little show. Four of our six to have no second passport, no second citizenship. They have nowhere to go if Kamas or Hezbollah, you know, would destroy this country. So there you go. Yeah, not a lot of thinking about the day after. Yeah. So I want to ask you about the ignorance that we're talking about in these rallies, you know, but there are so many of them. And they're attended by tens of thousands of people. We've seen the shock and awe on college campuses and on capital cities across America and state capitals. People chanting things, they're chanting slogans, they're so full of anti-Israel messages. Otherwise, pleasant people. What do you make of this movement? Is it something that's just deep-seated? Is it anti-Jewish bias? Is it lack of ignorance? Is there something about this particular conflict? What do you make of it, Owen? I mean, there's been a lot said, but I think a lot of times when we talk about this, Jeff, we forget the obvious, right? There were 1.4 billion Muslims around the world, about 15, 16 million Jews. We just start off with a huge demographic disadvantage, right? There is almost no spot on earth with the exception of New York City where Jews start off with a demographic advantage. And yes, there are other elements. There's the issue of pictures, there's the issue of the perception of David versus Goliath, their opinions about the United States, there are the ramifications of the strong evangelical and then Trumpist support for Israel. But at the end of the day, you can't ignore the demographics. And that has a huge effect because think about how many personal interactions there are, right? With 1.4 billion people versus how many personal interactions there are with 15 million. We start off with a massive, massive disadvantage. And it's very, very hard to overcome it. It's not that it's impossible to do so. There's a lot of work that's constantly done about this. And of course, there are other factors, but we can't lose sight of that, that this is something that has a tremendous impact on public opinion. And more so as there's been more Muslim migration to the West, which is welcome in many ways in Muslim immigrants to make tremendous contributions to Western countries. There's also, of course, political controversies surrounding it. Put that all aside, just as a matter of demographics, we're at where I started a huge disadvantage. I think a lot of people will say, a lot of the frequent questions I was asking in the beginning and when I was shooting and earlier on in the war was like, what do you think of Hamas? And one person said, well, you're asking the wrong questions. And even let's say if it's 10%, right, that's down to 140 million, and that agree. And let's say the Jews, and how many people, I don't feel like coming out or I don't want to boast too much. You know, there's not that many of us in the first place. So that's what I'm personally dealing with. I don't want to say that's what we are, but what I'm personally dealing with is that,