 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Larry Lusser from the CBS television news staff and Francis W. Carpenter of the Associated Press. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the Honorable Richard G. Casey, Foreign Minister of Australia. Our guest tonight is generally regarded as one of the top diplomats of the Western world. He was the first minister to Washington and during World War II, he was a member of the British War Cabinet under Churchill. And in recent years, he's conducted the foreign policy of Australia, the key power in the Pacific. Mr. Casey, you helped negotiate the recent Manila Pact. Now, is that a scrap of paper or does it have any real and effective meaning? Well, Mr. Wusser, every treaty starts by being a scrap of paper. But we hope and believe, in fact, we're convinced that the Manila Treaty has got to have life breathed into it in the next six months. We're quite certain that's going to happen and that it's going to be the most effective means of restoring some sort of reasonable conditions in Southeast Asia. We believe it's the most valuable thing and we are extremely grateful, we people in Australia, for the initiative that the United States has shown in starting all this business off. Well, Mr. Casey, how is it that the guns are booming now and against Kimoy in the Straits of Formosa and nothing seems to be happening? Well, actually, that's outside the Manila Treaty area. The northern limit is just south of that area. Doesn't come into it. Mr. Casey, do you think that there will be any sort of a general war breaking out there in the Chinese area around Formosa? They seem to be making motions at Formosa. Yes, that is so. It looks rather menacing at the moment. But I can't believe myself that either side there really wants a full-scale war. And that could quite easily come about unless the Communist Chinese, in the first place, show a great deal more restraint than they seem to be doing at the moment. Well, on the point of the Communist Chinese, there is still a great campaign to try to get them admitted to the international councils into the UN. What do you think about that, about letting them in? Well, our situation, our attitude of mind in Australia is that it's too early yet. We cast our minds back quite simply to the last few years. And we see Chinese Communist aggression in Korea. Then again, when that was finished, when that war was brought to an end, we had it in Indochina. And barely has the war been stopped in Indochina, then you get this outbreak of tension in Kamaui. So we don't think that really reflects a peaceful intent. And after all, a peaceful intent is the first criterion for membership of the United Nations. Mr. Casey is one thing, isn't it, to plan against outside aggression by the Communists? But what about the more subtle means of subversion, like Czechoslovakia? Yes, indeed. That is the real menace. Outright aggression, well, you can cope with it or you can't, but you know what it is. But the more subtle thing that the Communists have brought to a fine art is this business of internal subversion. It's very hard to cope with, although we are going definitely to try to cope with it if it breaks out in Southeast Asia. We're going to try and do that by trying to, with the consent of the governments themselves there, try to strengthen those governments, to strengthen their armies and their police forces, to strengthen their economies and to try and improve the standard of living of their peoples. All those things build up into a situation in which internal subversion at ten rates is very much more difficult. Mr. Casey, you'll be partaking in an important conference in Canada. Will that have anything to do with the building up of Southeast Asia? I think so, yes. That is the Colombo Plan conference that we start in a few days' time. Yes, the object of the Colombo Plan is to strengthen the economies, to improve the standard of living of all the peoples of South and Southeast Asia. The people who are trying to do that are, of course, primarily yourselves, the United States, also Great Britain and Canada, New Zealand and ourselves. And the countries that we hope are benefiting by the Colombo Plan are countries like India, Pakistan, Salon, Burma, Indonesia, the countries of Indochina and the Philippines. And, of course, I am, too. Well, that is the one plan that everybody seems to be able to agree on then in that area in Asia. Really so. There's no controversy about the Colombo Plan. It's a means of canalizing in, as you might say, canalizing in economic and technical aid to those countries that very much need it. Mr. Casey, your Australians had a pretty tough time during the war. How do your people feel now about the Japanese? Well, I think that the average Australian would say to you an answer to that, that once the war is finished, well, let's finish. You can't go harboring distrust and dislike forever. I think the sensible thing is to let bygones be bygones and try and help Japan become a useful and cooperative member of the world community. Well, are you going to let them into your Colombo Plan to build up Southeast Asia? Well, that's coming up next week. I don't want to forecast the result of that, but I hope for myself that Japan comes into the Colombo Plan, yes. Well, Mr. Casey, the relations between Australia and the United States have always been very good, but from your recent visit here and everything, what do you think this country can do to make things better with Australia? I mean, what can we do to help out? Well, as you rightly say, we've tried over the years and I think successfully with your great help to keep on the best possible relations with you. Very good. Well, you ask what you could do. Well, I suppose in a minor way, one would say that as we're the, I think the biggest wool producers in the world, I wish you'd use more wool in this country. Mr. Casey, of course Australia is a member of the British Commonwealth, but it always seems to me that you're most firmly behind and supporting American policy. What would happen if you had to choose between the British Commonwealth and the policies of the United States? Well, I'm strangely asked that because I'm sometimes asked that in my own country, but I think the simple answer is that it will never be a matter of choosing. We believe, we people in Australia believe most strongly that for the future security and indeed the survival of the democratic world, you and we, that is the British peoples and the American peoples, have got to march along as close together as one blade of a pair of scissors to the other. And that goes for Australia and this country. It's never, I hope and pray, going to be a matter of choosing. We're very loyal to our mother country, Great Britain, but that doesn't stop us being on the very best possible relations with you. Mr. Casey, some of our people here a little cross these days with some fellow Dominians, like particularly India. Now do you think the rise of neutralism in Asia and for India, Indonesia, Burma, is that an asset or a loss to western world? Well, it's not a policy, of course. I think you'll realize it's not a policy that we agree with. But those countries you mentioned, India and Burma, Indonesia, they are perfectly capable of making their minds up themselves. It just so happens we don't agree with the policy. But there it is. I don't think it's a policy that's going to disturb the world at all. For us in Australia, we believe that you can't be neutral in the world as it is today. We believe the issues are so great and so all embracing and so abnormally important as between communism and democracy that you've got to take sides. We happen to believe that. There are people, of course, who don't. But there it is. I'm not going to criticize their policy because they're good friends of Australia, each one of them. Mr. Cage, I'd like to approach the question of politics from another angle. We hear an awful lot from Australian men around the United States and the United Nations. Are the ladies in politics in Australia? Do we ever hear from them there? Oh, we hear from them right now. Yes. No, there aren't a great many in active politics. We've got three or four women, I suppose, in active politics in Australia. But, of course, behind the scenes they take quite a hand in things. They're quite politically minded. But it doesn't result in many of them being actually members of our various parliaments. Would it be said there are places in the home in Australia or would you say that? Well, I'd probably be torn in half if I would say that myself. But you've said it. Mr. Casey, we're generally familiar here with your tennis players. And that brings us to a political point. In two years, I believe, the Olympics will be held in Australia. And the Soviet Union and Australia seem to have taken back their ambassadors over the case of that chap, that Soviet representative who chose freedom down there. Now, are you going to let the Russians in to play in the Olympic Games? Well, that really hasn't arisen yet, you know. I expect it will arise. I think it's a little problematical whether they'll come. The Russians broke off relations with us. They took the initiative and broke off relations by reason of the discovery of, as you know, of aspiring in Australia. And I think they'd probably have to think a bit before they come out to Australia to take part in the Olympic Games. But I think if they were to apply for visas, I would expect that they'd get them. Mr. Casey, I'd like to ask you a very serious question if we still have enough time. You confer, of course, with the highest authorities in the world on many subjects, particularly foreign policy. Do you feel that the Cold War is intensifying? Are we hastening towards an inexorable conflict between the communist countries? I don't necessarily think that at all. Of course it is a matter, as you rightly say, of more of speculation than of judgment. But I can't bring myself to believe that the world is going to destroy itself in another great war. The Cold War, of course, I think is going to go on. And I think that the other side, the communist side, is much better at the Cold War than we are. They seem to be able to devote more imagination to embarrassing us by one movement after another of the Cold War. As I say, I don't think anything like us will organize to conduct the Cold War as the communist countries are, unfortunately. But you don't think that a conflict is inevitable. If I had to answer yes or no to that, I would say no. I do not think a conflict is inevitable. Thank you very much, Mr. Casey. It was a pleasure to welcome you here to the United States. Thank you very much, Mr. Sir. The opinions expressed on the Longeen Chronoscope were those of the speakers. The editorial board for this edition of the Longeen Chronoscope was Larry Leser and Francis W. Carpenter. Our distinguished guest was the Honorable Richard G. Casey, Foreign Minister of Australia. It's World Series time, the best time of the year for baseball fans. And this year again, as in years past, Longeen times the series. Yes, all on par for the World Series, as for all American and National League baseball games, use Longeen watches exclusively for official timing. The most honored watch in the world of championship sport is Longeen, the world's most honored watch. The only watch in history to win 10 World's Fair Grand Prizes, 28 gold medals, so many honors for accuracy in fields of precise timing. For in truth, Longeen is not only one of the finest watches in all the world, but it's the watch of highest prestige. 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