 CHAPTER XI. PROGRESS DURING THE LAST HALF CENTRITY OF SPANISH RULE We have now come to the last half century and to the last phase of Spanish rule. In many respects, this period was one of economic and social progress, and contained more of a promise than any other in the history of the islands. During this last half century, the Spanish rulers had numerous plans for the development and better administration of the Philippines, and, in spite of a somewhat wavering policy and the continual sore of official speculation, this was a period of wonderful advancement. Revolution and separation from Spain came at last, as revolutions usually do, not because there was no effort nor movement for reform, but because progress was so discouragingly slow and so irritatingly blocked by established interests that desired no change. Effective Opening the Port of Manila to Foreign Trade Increase in Agriculture The opening of the Port of Manila to Foreign Trade in 1837 was followed by a period of rising industry and prosperity. Up to this time the archipelago had been a country producing for export, but the fraying of trade led to the rising of great harvests of foreign export which had made worldwide the fame of certain Philippine productions. Chief among these are, of course, Manila, hemp, and tobacco. These were followed by sugar and coffee culture, the latter plant enriching the province of Batangas, while the planting of new coconut groves yearly made of greater importance the yield of that excellent product, Cobra. These rich merchandises had entered very little into commerce during the early decades of the century. Increase in Exports In 1810 the entire imports of the Philippines amounted in value to $5,329,000, but more than half of this consisted of silver sent from Mexico. From Europe and the United States trade amounted to only $175,000. The exports in the same year amounted to $4,795,000, but a million and a half of this was Mexican silver exported on to China, and the whole amount of exports to Europe and the United States was only $250,000. In 1831 the exportation of hemp amounted to only 346 tons, but the effect upon production of opening manila to foreign trade is seen in the export six years later of 2,585 tons. By 1858 the exportation of hemp had risen to 412,000 pickles, or 27,500 tons. Of this amount nearly two-thirds or 298,000 pickles went to the United States. At this time the North Atlantic Seaboard of America was the center of a most active shipbuilding and ship-carrying trade. The American flag was conspicuous among the vessels that frequented these eastern ports, and manila hemp was largely sought after by American seamen to supply the shipyards at home. Of sugar the export in 1858 amounted to 557,000 pickles, of which more than half went to Great Britain. After 1814 general permission had been given to foreigners to establish trading houses in manila, and by 1858 there were fifteen such establishments, of which seven were English and three American. Other ports opened to foreign commerce. In 1855 three other ports were opened to foreign commerce. Swal, in Pangasinan, on the Gulf of Lingean, Iloilo, and Zambuagna. In 1863 Seaboo likewise was made an open port. The exports of Swal consisted only of rice, and in spite of its exceptional harbor this port never flourished, and is this day no more than an unfrequented village. Iloilo exported leaf tobacco, sugar, sapon, or dyewood, an industry long ago ruined, hemp and hides. Zambuagno, through the Chinese, had a small trade with the Jolo and the Moro Islands, and exported the produce of these seas, sea slug, tripang, shark fins, mother of pearl, tortoise shell, etc. For some years the customs laws in these ports were trying and vexatious, and prevented full advantage being taken of the privileges of export. But in 1869 this service was, by royal decree, greatly liberalized and improved. Since that date the Philippines have steadily continued to grow in importance in the commercial world. The form of government under the Spanish, general improvements. This is perhaps a convenient place to examine the last time the political system which the Spaniards maintained in the country. In 1850 there were 34 provinces and two political-military commandancias. In these provinces the Spanish administration was still vested solely in the Alcalde who until after 1886 was both governor or executive officer, and the judge or court for the trial of provincial cases and crimes. Many of the old abuses which had characterized the government of the Alcaldes had been at least partially remedied. After 1844 they had no longer the much abused monopoly privilege of trade, nor had they as free a hand in controlling the labor of the inhabitants, but opportunities for legal enrichment existed in administration of the treasury and tax system, and these opportunities were not slighted. Up to the very end of Spanish rule the officials high and low are accused of stealing public money. The Pueblo The unit of administration was the Pueblo, or township, which ordinarily embraced many square miles of country and contained numerous villages, or barrios. The center of the town was naturally the site where for centuries had stood the Great Church and the convent of the missionary friars. These locations had always been admirably chosen, and about them grew up the market and trading shops of Chinese and the fine and durable homes of the more prosperous Filipinos and mestizos. About 1860 the government began to concern itself with the construction of public buildings and improvements, and the result is seen in many Pueblos in the finally laid out plazas and well-built municipal edifices grouped about the square of the tribunal, or townhouse, the jail, and the small but significant schoolhouses. The government of the town was vested in a goberno docio and a council, each of the conciologies usually representing a hamlet or barrio. But the Spanish friar, who in nearly every Pueblo was the parish curate, continued to be the paternal guardian and administrator of the Pueblo. In general, no matter was too minute for his dictation. Neither goberno de rilio nor councilors dared act in opposition to his wishes, and the alcaldé of the province was careful to keep on friendly terms and leave town affairs largely to his dictation. The friar was the local inspector of public instruction, and ever vigilant to detect and destroy radical ideas. To the humble Filipino, the friar was the visible and only representative of Spanish authority. The Revolt of 1841. Repression of the people by the friars Unquestionably, in the past, the work of the friars had been of very great value. But men as well as institutions may lose their usefulness as conditions change, and the time was now approaching when the autocratic and paternal regime of the friars no longer satisfied the Filipinos. Their zeal was no longer disinterested, and their work had become materialized by the possession of the vast estates upon which their spiritual charges lived and labored as tenants or dependents. The policy of the religious orders had, in fact, become one of repression. And as the aspirations of the Filipinos increased, the friars, filled with doubt and fear, tried to draw still tighter the bonds of their own authority, and viewed with growing distrust the rising ambition of the people. Apollonario de la Cruz. The unfortunate revolution of 1841 shows the wayward and misdirected enthusiasm of the Filipino, and the unwisdom of the friars. Apollonario de la Cruz, a young Filipino, a native of Lukban Tayabayas, came up to Manila filled with the ambition to lead a monastic life, and engaged high theological studies. By his attendance upon lectures and sermons, and by imitation of the friar preachers of Manila, Apollonario became himself quite an orator, and, as subsequent events showed, was about to arouse great numbers of his own people by his appeals. It was his ambition to enter one of the regular monastic orders, but this religious privilege was never granted to Filipinos, and he was refused. He then entered a brotherhood known as a cofradia, or Brotherhood of San Juan de Dios, composed entirely of Filipinos. After some years in this brotherhood, he returned in 1840 to Tayabayas, and founded the cofridia de San Jose, his aim to being to form a special cult in honor of St. Joseph and the Virgin. For this he requested authorization from Manila. It was here that the lack of foresight of the friars appeared. The opposition of the friars. Instead of sympathizing with these religious aspirations in which, up to this point, there seems to have been nothing heretical, they viewed the rise of the Filipino religious leader with alarm. Their policy never permitted to the Filipino any position that was not wholly subordinate. They believed that the permanence of Spanish power in these islands lay in suppressing any Latin ability for leadership in the Filipino himself. Their influence, consequently, was thrown against Apollonario, and the granting of the authority for his work. They secured not only a condemnation of his plan, but an order for the arrest and imprisonment of all who should attend upon his preaching. Apollonario thereupon took refuge in independent action. His movement had already become a strong one, and his followers numbered several thousand people of Laguna, Tayabas, and Batangas. The governor of Tayabas province, Don Wahin Ortega, organized an expedition to destroy the schism. Accompanied by two Franciscan friars, he attacked Apollonario in the month of October 1840, and was defeated and killed. One account says that Apollonario was assisted by a band of negritos, whose bowmanship was destructive. There are still a very few of these little blacks in the woods in the vicinity of Lucan. Apollonario was now in the position of an open rebel, and he fortified himself in the vicinity of Aleteo, where he built a fort in Chapel. His religious movement became distinctly independent and heretical. A church was formed, of which he was first elected Archbishop, and then Supreme Pontiff. He was also charged with having assumed the title of King of the Tagalogs. Finally, a force under the new Alcalde, Vitao, and General Huot early in November attacked Apollonario stronghold, and after a fierce struggle defeated the revolutionists. About a thousand Filipinos perished in the final battle. Apollonario was captured and executed. He was then twenty-seven years of age. Organization of Municipal Governments In 1844 an able and liberal governor, General Clavaria, arrived and remained until the end of the year, 1849. A better organization of the provincial governments, which we have seen, followed Clavaria's entrance into office, and in October 1847 came the important decree, organizing the municipalities in the form which we have already described, and which remained without substantial modification to the end of the Spanish rule, and which has to a considerable extent been followed in a municipal code framed by the American government. Subjection of the Igarote Tribes Clavaria began a decisive policy of conquest among the Igarote Tribes of northern Luzon, and by the end of Spanish rule these mountains were dotted with quartels and missions for the control of these unruly tribes. The province of Nueva Viscana has been particularly subject to the raids of these headhunting peoples. Year after year the Christian towns of the plains had yielded a distressing sacrifice of life to satisfy the savage ceremonials of the Igarots. In 1847, Clavaria nominated as governor of Nueva Viscana Don Mariano Oscaris, who severe and telling conquest for the first time checked these Nueva Viscana outrages and made possible the development of the great valleys of northern Luzon. Spanish Settlements on Mindanao, Ziquari Buanga With Clavaria's governorship we enter also upon the last phase of Moro piracy. In spite of innumerable expeditions, Spain's occupation of South Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago was limited to the Presidio of Zamboangana. She had occupied this strategic point continuously since the re-establishment of Spanish power in 1763. The Great Stone Fort, which still stands, has proved impregnable to Moro attack, and had long been unmolested. Distributed for a distance of some miles over the rich lands at this end of the Zamboangana Peninsula was a Christian population, which had grown up largely from the descendants of rescued captives of the Moros. Coming originally from all parts of the Biseas, Calamienes, and Luzon, this mixed population had grown to have somewhat different character from that of any other part of the islands. A corrupt Spanish dialect known as the Chabocano has become the common speech, the only instance in the Philippines where the native dialect has been supplanted. This population, loyal and devoutedly Catholic, never failed to sustain the defense of this isolated Spanish outpost and contributed brave volunteers to every expedition against the Moro islands. Activity of other nations. But Spain's maintenance of Zamboangana was insufficient to sustain her claims of sovereignty over the Sulu and Tawitawi groups. Both the Dutch and English planned various moves for their occupation and acquisition. And in 1844 a French fleet entered the Arc de Pelico and concluded a treaty with the Sultan of Sulu for the session of the island of Basilan for the sum of $1 million. Writings of the French minister and historian M. Gousseau show that France hoped by the acquisition of this island to obtain a needed naval joss in the east and found a great commercial port within the sphere of Chinese trade. Conquest of the Gulf of Davao. But this step roused the Spaniards to activity and the occupation of the island. A naval vessel subdued the towns along the north coast and then proceeding to the mouth of the Rio Grande. Secured from the Sultan of Magindaneo, the session of the great Gulf of Davao. Spain took no immediate steps to occupy this Gulf. But in 1847 a Spaniard, Don José Oyangarin proposed to the governor, Cleveria, to conquer the region at his own expense. If he could be furnished with artillery and munitions and granted a 10 years government of Davao with the exclusive privilege of trade. His offer was accepted by the governor and the Audencia and Oyangarin organized the company to secure funds for the undertaking. In two years' time he had subdued the coast region of this Gulf, expelled the pirates who harbored there, and founded the settlement of Nueva Veguerna. He seems to have been making progress toward the conquest and commercial exploitation of this region when jealous attacks and manila induced governor Orbitz Tando to cancel his privilege and to relieve him by an officer of the government. In subsequent years the Jesuits had a few mission stations here and made a few converts among the Bagobos. But the region is still an unsubdued and unutilized country whose inhabitants are mainly pagan tribes and whose rich agricultural possibilities lie undeveloped and unclaimed. The Samal Pirates, the Sulu The piratical inhabitants of the Sulu Archipelago are made of two distinct Malayan peoples, the Sulu, or Suluug, and the Samal, who are known throughout Malaysia as the Baozhao, or Orenglaut, men of the sea. The former appear to be the older inhabitants. They occupy the rich and populist island of Jolo and some islands of the Siasi group, immediately south. The Samal The Samal, or Baozhao, are stated to have come originally from Johore. Many of them live almost exclusively in their boats, passing their lives from birth to death upon the sea. They are found throughout most parts of Malaysia, the position of their little fleets changing with the shifting of the monsoons. In the Sulu Archipelago, and a few points in south Mindanao, many of these Samal have shifted their homes from their boats to the shore. Their villages are built upon piles over the sea, and on many of the low coral reefs south of Siasi and east of Tawi Tawi, there are great towns or settlements which have apparently been in existence a long while. Fifty years ago, the Samal were very numerous in the many islands between Jolo and Baozhao. And this group is still known as the Islas Samales. Like the Sulu and other Malays, the Samal are Mohammedans and scarcely less persistent pirates than their fellow Malays. With the decline of piratical power among the Sulu of Jolo, the focus of piracy shifted to these settlements of the Samal, and in the time of Clavaria the worst centers were the islands of Balanjinji and Tonkul, lying just north of the island of Jolo. From here pirate and slaving raids upon the Visayan islands continued to be made, and nearly every year towns were sacked and burned, and several hundred unfortunate captives carried away. The captives were destined for slavery, and regular marks existed for this traffic at Jolo and on the bay of Sandankin in Borneo. Arrival of Steam Warships In 1848 the Philippines secured the first steam war vessels. These were the Magellanese, the Elcano, and the Riana de Castilla. They were destined to revolutionize moral relations. The Destruction of the Samal Forts Hitherto it had been possible for the great moral war prows, manned by many oarsmen, to drop their mass on the approach of an armed sailing vessel, and turning toward the eye of the wind, where no sailing ship could pursue, row calmly away from danger. Steam alone was effective in combating these sea wolves. It took these newly arrived ships, and with a strong force of infantry, which was increased by Zamboagano volunteers, he entered the Samal group in February 1848 and landed on the island of Balangingi. There were four fortresses situated in the mangrove marshes of the island. These, in spite of a desperate resistance, were carried by the infantry, and Zamboagnoes, and the pirates gathered. The conduct of the campaign appears to have been admirable and the fighting heroic. The morows were completely overwhelmed. Four hundred and fifty dead were burned or interred. One hundred and twenty-four pieces of artillery, for the most part, the small brass cannon called the Intakas, were captured. And one hundred and fifty morrow boats were destroyed. The Spaniards cut down the coconut groves, and with spoil that included such rich pirate loot as silks, silver bases, ornaments, and weapons of war, and with over two hundred prisoners and three hundred rescued captives, returned to Zamboagno. This was the most signaled victory ever won by Europeans in conflict with Malay piracy. The effectiveness of this campaign is shown by the fact that while in the preceding year four hundred and fifty Filipinos had suffered capture at the hands of moral pirates, in 1848 and the succeeding year there was scarcely a depredation. But in 1850, a pirate squadron from Tonkul, an island adjacent to Balangingi, fell upon Samar and Kamajin. Fortunately Governor Urbiz Tondo, who had succeeded Cleveria, vigorously continued the policy of his predecessor, and an expedition was promptly dispatched which destroyed the settlements and strongholds on Tonkul. A year later war broke out again with Jolo, and after a varied interchange of negotiations and hostilities the Spaniards stormed and took the town in February 1851. The question of permanent occupation of this important site was debated by a council of war, but their forces appearing unequal to the task the force of the morals were destroyed, and the expedition returned. Jolo is described at this tune as a very strongly guarded situation. Five forts and a double line of trenches faced the shore. The Moro town is said to have contained about seven thousand souls, and there was a barrio of Chinese traders who numbered about five hundred. Treaty Irrigid the Sultan of Sulu A few months later the Governor of Zambuagna concluded a treaty with the Sultan of Sulu by which the Archipelago was to be considered an incorporated part of the Panist possessions. The Sultan bound himself to make no further treaties with or sessions to foreign powers, to suppress piracy and to fly the Spanish flag. Moros were guaranteed the practice of their religion, the secession of the Sultan and his descendants in the established order. Boats of Jolo were to enjoy the same trading privileges in Spanish ports as other Filipino vessels, and the Sultan retained the right to all customs duties on foreign trading vessels. Finally, in compensation for the damages of war, the Sultan was to be paid an annual subsidy of fifteen hundred pesos and six hundred pesos each to three dottos and three hundred and sixty pesos to a sheriff. The End of Malay Piracy In these very years that Malay piracy was receiving such severe blows from the recuperating power and activity of the Spanish government on the north, it was crushed also from the south by the merciless warfare of a great Englishman, the Raja James Brooks of Saralak. The sources of pirate depredation were Mangindanao, the Sulu Archipelago, and a north and west coast of the great island of Borneo. We have seen how these fleets, century after century, swept northward and wasted with fire and murder the fair islands of the Philippines. But this archipelago was not alone in suffering these ravages. The peaceful trading inhabitants of the great island groups to the south were persistently visited and despoiled. Moreover, as the Chinese trade by the Cape of Good Hope Rock became established in the first half of the nineteenth century, these pirates became a great menace to European shipping. They swarmed the China Sea, and luckless indeed was the ship carried too far eastward on its course. Every American schoolboy is familiar with the stories of fierce hand-to-hand struggles with Malay pirates, which have come down from those years when the American flag was seen everywhere in the ports of the Far East. About 1839, a young English officer who had been in the Indian service, James Brooke, having armed and equipped a yacht of about 140 tons set sail for the coast of Borneo, with the avowed intent of destroying Malay piracy and founding an independent state. In all the romantic stories of the East, there is no career of greater daring than that of this man. In 1841, having engaged in several bloody exploits, Brooke forced from the Sultan of Borneo the session of Sarawak, with the government vested in himself as an independent raja. Brooke now devoted himself with merciless severity to the destruction of the pirates in the deep bays and swampy rivers, since they had so long made their excursions. Later he was assisted by the presence of the English man of war Dito, and in 1847 the Sultan of Brunei ceded to Great Britain the island of Labuan. In 1849, Brooke visited Zamboagna in the English man of war Mo Sander and concluded a treaty with the Sultan of Suhu, which greatly alarmed the Spaniards. Brooke's private correspondence shows that he was ambitious and hopeful of acquiring for England parts of the Dutch possessions in the south and the Spanish Philippines in the north, but his plans were never followed up by England, although in 1887 North Borneo was ceded to an English company and all the northern and eastern portions of this great island are now under English protection. Liberal Ideas Among the Filipinos The release from moral piracy, the opening of foreign commerce and the development of agricultural production were rapidly bringing about a great change in the aspirations of the Filipino people themselves. Nearly up to the middle of the 19th century, the Filipinos had felt the full effect of isolation from the life and thought of the modern world. But the revolutionary changes in Europe and the struggles for constitutional government in Spain had their influence, even in these faraway Spanish possessions. Spaniards of Liberal Ideas, some of them in official positions, found their way to the islands, and an agitation began originating among Spaniards themselves against the paternal powers of the friars. Influence of the Press The growth of periodic literature accelerated this liberalizing movement. The press, though suffering a severe censorship, had played a large part in shaping recent thought in these islands and in communicating to the Filipino people those ideas and purposes which ever inspire and elevate men. The first newspaper to make its appearance in the Philippines was in 1822, El Filantrobo, but journalism assumed no real importance until the forties, when there were founded Seminario Filipino 1843, and almost immediately after several others, El Amigo de Paris, 1845, La Estrela, 1846, and La Esperanza, 1847, the first daily. These were followed by Diario di Manila, 1848, and 1858 El Comercio appeared, the oldest of the papers still in existence. Papers conducted by Filipinos and in the Filipino tongues are of more recent origin. But these early Spanish periodicals had a real effect upon the Filipinos themselves, training up a class familiar with the conduct of journalism and preparing away for the very influential work of the Filipino press in recent years. CHAPTER XII. In 1852, a royal decree authorized the Jesuits to return to the Philippines. The conditions under which they came back were that they should devote themselves solely to missions in the unoccupied fields of Mendena and to the higher education of the Filipinos. In 1863, Cancha, the Spanish minister of war and colonies, Ultramar, decreed the system of public primary instruction. A primary school for boys and one for girls was to be established in each pueblo of the islands. In these schools instruction was to be given in the Spanish language. A superior commission of education was formed, which consisted of the governor, the archbishop, and seven other members added by the governor himself. The system was not secular, for it primarily was devoted to the teaching of religious doctrine. The Spanish friar, the pueblo curate, was the local inspector of schools and practically directed their conduct. It was not wholly a free system, because tuition was required of all but the poorest children, nor was it an adequate system, because even when the most complete it reached only a small proportion of the children of a parish. And these very largely were of the well-to-do families, and yet this system, for what it accomplished, is deserving of praise. Besides the church, the convent, and the tribunal, nearly every town in the Philippines, toward the close of Spanish rule, had also, in the public plaza, its public school buildings for boys and for girls. In these towns, a number of Filipinos were taught to converse in the Spanish language, and at least the rudiments of Spanish education. But this system did not give opportunity for education to the little child of the humble fisherman and the husbandman. The Manila Normal School To prepare Filipino teachers to do this work of primary instruction, a decree of 1863 established the Manila Normal School. In charge of the Jesuits, this school was inaugurated January 1865. And about the same date, the government decreed the foundation of the Jesuit at Tenao Municipal for higher instruction in the classics and sciences that should conduct the student to the degree of Bachelor of Arts. The influence of these institutions upon the development of the Filipino has been remarkable. In one or the other of them has been trained nearly all those young men who in recent years have stirred the Filipino people to wide ambitions and demands. At the same time, the excellent Jesuit Observatory, which has done such important work in meteorology, was established in charge of Padre Juara. Increase in Spanish Population The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 brought immense changes to the islands. As to this date, Spanish residents had been few. Almost the only class deeply interested in the islands and permanently established here had been the Friars. But with communication by steamer in thirty days from Barcelona to Manila, a new interest was felt by Spaniards in the Philippines. Though, unfortunately, this interest was greatest among the politicians. Some of the projects planned and decreed can only be regarded as visionary and beyond the point of serviceability. And others, more unfortunately still, had for their purpose the creation of offices and annulments of Peninsula politicians. But they all contributed to bring to an end the paternal government under which there was no prospect of further enlightenment or progress for the Filipino. Increase in the number of wealthy educated Filipinos. The Filipino had now become embarked upon a new current of intellectual experience. A course of enlightenment which had been so full of unexpected development and which has already carried him far from his ancestor of one hundred years ago, that we cannot say what advance another generation or two may bring. Throughout all the towns of the islands a class was rapidly growing, up to which the new industries had brought wealth. Their means enabled them to build spacious and splendid homes of the fine hardwoods of the Philippines, and to surround themselves with such luxuries as the life of the islands permitted. This class was rapidly gaining education. It acquired a knowledge of the Spanish language and easily assumed a graceful courtesy which distinguishes the Spaniard. The only misfortune, as regards this class, was that it was very small. It could embrace but a few families in each populist town. Some of these had Chinese and Spanish blood in their veins, but other notable families were pure Filipinos. The great mistake committed by the Spaniard was that he rarely welcomed the further progress of the native population, and the center of this opposition to the general enlightenment of the race was the Friars. Thus those who had been the early protectors and educators little by little, because of their extreme conservatism, and their fear of loosening the ties that bound the Filipino to the church and to Spain, changed into opponents of his progress and enemies of his enlightenment. But the education which the church itself had given to the Filipino, and which had been fostered by the state and especially in recent times by the Jesuits, had made the Filipino passionately ambitious for more enlightenment and freedom. The Rule of Governor Torre, Liberal Reforms In 1868 Queen Isabella II of Spain was deposed, and a little later a revolutionary government the Republic of Spain was founded. It was a brief triumph of that reforming and liberal spirit which for so many years had been struggling to free Spain from the burdens of aristocracy and ecclesiasticism. The natural consequence was ascending of a liberal governor to the Philippines and the publication of liberal principles and reforms. This governor was General de la Torre. He was a brave and experienced soldier, and a thorough Democrat at heart. He dispensed with the formality and petty pomp with which the governors of Vanilla had surrounded themselves. He dismissed the escort of albediers with their medieval uniforms and weapons, which had surrounded the governor's generals since 1581, and rode out in civilians' clothes and without ostentation. These efforts were directed to encouraging the Filipinos and to attaching them to Spain. In the eyes of the Spanish law for a brief period, Spaniard and colonists had become equal, and la Torre tried to enforce this principle and make no distinction of race or birth. While Filipinos were encouraged and delighted, it is impossible to describe the disgust of the Spanish population and the opposition of the friars. La Torre was attacked and opposed, and the entire course of his governorship was filled with trouble, in which naturally liberal ideas gained wider and wider currency among the Filipinos. Effect of the opposition of the friars. The friars, being the most influential opponents of the Filipino, naturally came to be regarded by the Filipinos as their greatest enemies. When the anti-friar spirit daily spread and intensified, a party was formed which demanded that friars vacate the parishes and that their places be filled by secular priests in accordance with the statutes of the Council of Trent. This party was headed by the native priests, Dr. Jose Burgos and Father Gomez. A Filipino movement for reform. After the fall of the republic in Spain, and the restoration of the monarchy, the administration in the Philippines attempted to extirpate the rising tide of liberal thought. But these ideas had taken root and could not be suppressed. The Filipino party, if so we may call it. Continued to plan and work for reform. It numbered not only those of Filipino blood, but many of Spanish descent born in the Philippines. There is no certain evidence that they were at this time plotting for independence, or that their actions were treasonable. But the fear and hatred felt by the Spaniards resulted frequently in the exiled punishment of known advocates of reform. The Cavite Revolt. In 1872 there occurred an important outbreak known as the Cavite Revolt. Two hundred native soldiers at the Cavite arsenal rose, killed their officers, and shouted, Death to Spain! They had fellow conspirators among the troops in Manila. But, owing to mistakes in their plans, these failed to rise with them, and the revolt was easily suppressed. It was immediately followed by the arrest of a large number of Filipinos, who had been conspicuous in Latorre's time, and who were advocates of reform. These number included the three priests, Father Burgos, Zamora and Gomez, besides Dr. Antonio Regidor, Don Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Don Puello-Carol, and others. A Council of War condemned to death forty-one of the participants in the Cavite riot. And these were shot on the morning of the twenty-seventh of January, 1872, on the field of Begumbien. On the 6th of February a Council of War condemned to death eleven more soldiers of the regiment of artillery. But this sentence was commuted by the Governor to life imprisoned. On the 15th of February, the same Council of War sentenced to death upon the Gero, the priests Burgos, Zamora, Gomez, and a countryman, Saldua, and this sentence was executed on the morning of the seventeenth. The Spread of Secret Organizations, Masonry. New Ground for Fear was now found in the Spread of Secret Organizations, which were denounced as Free Masonry. This is a very ancient institution which, in Protestant countries like England and America, has a very large membership. And in these countries its aims are wholly respectable. It has never in any way been connected with sedition or other unworthy movements. Its services are, in fact, largely of a religious character, and it possesses a beautiful and elaborate Christian ritual. But in Latin countries Masonry has been charged with political intrigue and the encouragement of infidelity. This has resulted in clerical opposition to the order wherever found. The first Masonic Lodge in the Philippines was established about 1861, and was composed entirely of Spaniards. It was succeeded by others with Filipino membership, and in one way or another seems to have inspired many secret organizations, which were formed some years later. The Association Hispano, Filipina. Large numbers of Filipinos were now working, if not for independence, at least for the expulsion of the friars. And while this feeling should have been met by a statement like and liberal policy of reform, the government constantly resorted to measures of repression, which little by little changed the movement for a reformation into revolution. In 1888 the Association Hispano, Filipina was formed by a number of the younger Filipino patriots and students in Spain. Their object was Philippine reform. The most famous of this group, who gained a supreme place in the hearts of Filipinos and in the history of the islands, was Dr. Jose Rizal Yamacardo. He was born in 1861 at Calamba, on Laguna de Be, and even as a child he was affected with sadness at the memory of the events of 1872 and with the backward and unhappy condition of his countrymen. He was educated by the Jesuits at the Atino Municipale in Manila, and his family having means he was unable to study in Spain, where he took a degree in medicine, and later to travel and study in France, England, and Germany. It was in this latter country he produced his first novel, Noli Metangere. He was also a contributor to the Filipino paper published in Spain, La Solgiardidad. It was to bring the conditions and needs of his country to public notice that he wrote this novel dealing with Tagalog life as represented at his old home on Laguna de Be and in the city of Manila. Later he published a sequel, El filibusterismo, in which even more courageously and significantly are set forth his ideas for reform. His work made him many enemies, and on his return to Manila he found himself in danger and was obliged to leave. He returned again in 1892. He studied La Liga Filipina, and was immediately arrested and sentenced to deportation to Dapitan Mindanao. Here he remained quietly in exile for some years. THE CATI PUNAN Meanwhile, the ideas which had been agitated by the wealthy and educated Filipinos had worked their way down to the poor and humble classes. They were now shared by the peasant and the fishermen, especially in those provinces where the religious orders owned the states and took as rental a portion of the tenants' crop. There was growing hatred and hostility to the friars. The Liga Filipina had been composed of cultivated and moderate men, who while pressing for reform were not inclined to radical extremes, nor to obtain their ends by violent means. But there now grew up and gradually spread, until it had branches and members in all the provinces surrounding Manila, a secret association composed largely of the uneducated classes whose object was independence of Spain and whose members, having little to lose, were willing to risk all. This was the society which had since become famous under the name of Catipunan. This secret association was organized in Manila about 1892. Its president and founder was Andrés Bonifacio. His objects were frankly to expel the friars and if possible to destroy the Spanish government. Rebellion of 1896. A general attack and slaughter of the Spaniards was planned for the end of the year, 1896. The plot was discovered by the priest of Binado, Padre Gil, who had learned of the movement through a sister of one of the conspirators, and within a few hours the government had seized several hundred persons who were supposed to be implicated. The arrests included many rich and prominent Filipinos, and at the end of some weeks the Spanish prisons contained several thousand suspects. Over one thousand of these were almost immediately exiled to far distant Spanish prisons, Fernando Poe, on the west coast of Africa, and the fortress of Ciuta on the Mediterranean. Meanwhile the Catipunan was organizing its forces for struggle. On the 26th of August, a force of insurgents attacked Calucán, and four days later a pitched battle was fought at San Juan Del Monte. In this last fight the insurgents suffered a great loss. Their leader, Valenzuela, was captured, with three companions shot on the Campo de Bagumbien. The rising continued, however, and the provinces of Pampanga, Balacán, and Nueva Isca, were soon in full rebellion. The center of revolt, however, proved to be Cavite. This province was almost immediately cleared of Spaniards, except the long neck of land containing the town of Cavite and protected by the fleet. Here the insurgents received some organization under a young man, who had been prominent in the Catipunan, Emilio Aguinaldo. The Governor General Blanco, a humane man, who afterwards for a short time commanded in Cuba was recalled, and General Poloveya replaced him. The Spanish army, at the beginning of the revolt, had consisted of but fifteen hundred troops. But so serious was the revolt regarded that Spain, although straining every energy at the moment to end the rebellion in Cuba, strengthened the forces in the Philippines. General Poloveya had an army of twenty-eight thousand Spaniards assisted by several loyal Filipino regiments. With this army, a fierce campaign in Cavite province was conducted, which after fifty-two days' hard fighting ended in the defeat of the insurgents and the scattering of their forces. Death of Dr. Rizal. For the moment it looked as though the rebellion might pass. Then the Spanish government of Poloveya disgraced itself by an act as wanton and cruel as it was inhuman and impolitic. Four years Dr. Rizal had spent in exile at Depetán. He had lived quietly and under surveillance, and it was impossible that he could have had any share in this rebellion of eighteen ninety-eight. We read, however, with his inactivity. He solicited permission to go as an army doctor to the dreadful Spanish hospitals in Cuba. This request was granted in July, and Rizal had the misfortune to arrive in Manila at the very moment of discovery of the rebellion in August. Governor Blanco hastened to send him to Spain with a most kindly letter to the Minister of War, in which he vouched for his independence of the events which were taking place in Manila. His enemies, however, could not see him escape. Their persecution followed him to the peninsula. And upon his arrival in Spain, Rizal was at once arrested and sent back to Manila, a prisoner. His friend Blanco had gone. Polajeva, the friend and tool of his reactionary party, was busy punishing by imprisonment, banishment, or death all Filipinos who could be shown to have had the slightest part or association in the movement for reform. And by this click Dr. Rizal was sentenced to execution. He was shot early on the morning of December 30, 1896. At his death the insurrection flamed out afresh. It now spread from Pangasin and Zambales and El Ocos. End of the revolt by promises of reform. Polavigia returned to Spain and was succeeded by General Primo de Rivera, who arrived in the spring of 1897. The Spanish troops had suffered several recent reverses, and the country swarmed with insurgents. The policy of Primo de Rivera was to gain by diplomacy where the energy of his predecessor had failed. In July 1897 an amnesty proclamation was issued, and in August the Governor General opened negotiations with Aguinaldo, whose headquarters were now in the mountains of Angot in Bolacan. Primo de Rivera urged the home government to make some reforms which would greatly lessen the political importance of the friars. He was vehemently opposed by the latter, but it was probably in the hope of some reform that Aguinaldo and his fellow insurgents agree for the payment of 600,000 pesos to surrender their arms, dismiss the insurgent forces, and themselves retire from the islands. This agreement was made, and on December 27, 1897, Aguinaldo left the port of Swal for Hong Kong. The Spanish misrule ended. Conditions in the provinces still continued very unsatisfactory, and in its very last hours the Spanish government lost the remnant of its prestige with the people by a massacre in Calaicamba, Benando, of a company of Bessayan sailors. Ten days after this occurrence a revolt blazed out on the island of Cebu. The events taken their course, what would have been the final conclusion of the struggle between Spaniards and Filipinos it is impossible to say. In the month of April war was declared between Spain and the United States. On the first day of May an American fleet reached Manila Harbour, and in a naval fight off Cavite, Spanish Dominion, which had lasted with only one brief interruption for three hundred and thirty-three years, was ended. CHAPTER XIII. America and the Philippines. Beginning of a new era. With the passing of the Spanish sovereignty to the Americans a new era began in the Philippines. Already the old Spanish rule seems so far removed that we can begin to think of it without feeling and study it without prejudice. Development of the United States of America. The American nation is the type of the new world, beginning in a group of colonies, planted half a century later than the settlement of the Philippines, it has had a development unparalleled in the history of states. Although people by emigrants from Europe who rigidly preserved both their purity of race and pride of ancestry, the American colonists at the end of a century were far separated in spirit and institutions from the old world. Struggle with the wilderness and with the savage produced among them a society more democratic and more independent than Europe had ever known, while their profound religious convictions saved the colonists from barbarism and intellectual decline. It can truthfully be said that in 1775 at the outbreak of the American Revolution the colonists had abler men and greater political ability than the mother country of England. It was these men who at the close of the revolution framed the American Constitution the greatest achievement in the history of public law. This nation, endowed at its commencement with so precious an inheritance of political genius, felt its civil superiority to the illiberal or ineffective governments of Europe, and this feeling has produced in Americans a supreme and traditional confidence in their own forms of government and democratic standards of life. Certainly their history contains much to justify the choice of their institutions. 125 years ago these colonies were a small nation of 2,500,000 people occupying no more than the Atlantic coast of the continent. Great mountain chains divided them from the interior which was overrun by the fiercest and most warlike type of man that the races have produced, the American Indian. With an energy which has shown no diminishing from generation to generation, the American broke through these mountain chains, subdued the wilderness, conquered the Indian tribes, and in the space of three generations was master of the continent of North America. Even while engaged in the war for independence, the American frontiersmen crossed the Appalachians and secured Kentucky and the Northwest Territory, and with them the richest and most productive regions of the temperate zone, the Mississippi Valley. In 1803 the great empire of Louisiana, falling from the hand of France, was added to the American nation. In 1818, Florida was seated by Spain, and in 1848, as a result of war with Mexico, came the greater West and the Pacific Seaboard. This vast dominion, nearly 3,000 miles in width from East to West, has been peopled by natural increase and by immigration from Europe, until, at the end of the 19th century, the American nation numbered 76 million souls. This development has taken place without fundamental change in the Constitution or form of government, without loss of individual liberty, and with ever increasing national prosperity. Moreover, the states have survived the Civil War, the most bloody and persistently fought war of all modern centuries, a war in which a million soldiers fell, and to sustain which three and a half billion dollars in gold were expended out of the national treasury. This war accomplished the abolition of Negro slavery, the greatest economic revolution ever affected by a single blow. Such in brief is the history of the American nation, so gifted with political intelligence, so driven by sleepless energy, so proud of its achievements, and inwardly so contemptuous of the more polished but less liberal life of the old world. Europe has never understood this nation, and not until a few years ago did Europeans dream of its progress and its power. Relation of the United States to South American Republics Toward the Republics of Spanish America, the United States has always stood in a peculiar relation. These countries achieved their independence of Spain under the inspiration of the success of the United States. Their governments were framed in imitation of the American, and in spite of the turbulence and disorder of their political life, the United States has always felt and manifested a strong sympathy for these states as fellow republics. She has moreover pledged herself to the maintenance of their integrity against the attacks of European powers. This position of the United States in threatening with resistance the attempt of any European power to seize American territory is known as the Monroe Doctrine, because it was first declared by President Monroe in 1823. Sympathy of American people for the oppressed Cubans the fact that the American nation attained its own independence by revolution has made the American people give ready sympathy to the cause of the revolutionist. The people of Cuba who made repeated ineffective struggles against Spanish sovereignty always had the good wishes of the American people. By international law however one nation may not recognize or assist revolutionists against a friendly power until their independence is practically effected. Thus when rebellion broke out afresh in Cuba in 1894 the United States government actively suppressed the lending of assistance to the Cubans as was its duty, although the American people themselves heartily wished Cuba free. The war in Cuba dragged along for years and became more and more merciless. The passions of Cubans and Spaniards were so inflamed that quarter was seldom given and prisoners were not spared. Spain poured her troops into the island until there were 120,000 on Cuban soil but the rebellion continued. The Spanish have always been merciless in dealing with revolutionists. Americans on the other hand have always conceded the moral right of a people to resist oppressive government and in the entire history of the United States there has scarcely been a single punishment for political crime. Although probably the fiercest war in history was the American Civil War from 1861 to 1865 there was not a single execution for treason. Thus the stories of the constant executions of political prisoners on an island in sight of its own shores greatly exasperated America as did the policy of Governor General Wailer which was excessive in its severity. War with Spain. Destruction of the Main. As the contest proceeded without sign of termination the patience of the American people grew less. Then February 15th, 1898 occurred one of the most deplorable events of recent times. The American battleship Main, lying in the harbor of Havana, was in the night blown to destruction by mine or torpedo killing 266 American officers and sailors. It is impossible to believe that so dastardly an act was done with the knowledge of the higher Spanish officials but the American people rightly demanded that a government such as Spain maintained in Cuba unable to prevent such an outrage upon the vessel of a friendly power and that could neither suppress its rebellion nor wage war humanely should cease. Declaration of War. On April 20th the American Congress demanded that Spain withdraw from the island and recognize the independence of Cuba. This was practically a declaration of war. Spain indignantly refused and resolved upon resistance. Unfortunately the ignorant European press claimed for Spain military and naval superiority. The war was brief and was an overwhelming disaster to Spain. Every vessel of her proud navy that came under the fire of American guns was destroyed. For a few months battle raged along the coasts of Cuba and then Spain sued for peace. Dewey's victory in Manila Bay. But meanwhile the war begun without the slightest reference to the Philippine islands had brought about surprising consequences here. At the opening of the war both Spain and the United States had squadrons in Asiatic waters. The Spanish fleet lay at Cavite. The American ships gathered at Hong Kong. Immediately on the declaration of war the American naval commander Dewey was ordered to destroy the Spanish fleet which was feared on the Pacific coast of America. Dewey entered the Bay of Manila in darkness on the morning of May 1st and made direct for the Spanish vessels at Cavite. His fleet was the more powerful and immeasurably the more efficient. In a few hours the Spanish navy was utterly destroyed and Manila lay at the mercy of his guns. A new insurrection under Aguinaldo. At this signal catastrophe to Spain the smoldering insurrection in the islands broke out afresh. The Spanish troops not in Manila were driven in upon their posts and placed in a position of siege. The friars so hated by the revolutionists were captured in large numbers and were in some cases killed. With the permission and assistance of the American authorities Aguinaldo returned from Singapore and landed at Cavite. Here he immediately headed anew the Philippine insurrection. Capture of Manila. Troops were dispatched from San Francisco for the capture of Manila. By the end of July 8,500 men lay in the transports of Cavite. They were landed at the little estuary of Baranyake and advanced northwards upon Fort San Antonio and the defenses of Malate. The Spaniards behind the city's defenses, although outnumbering the Americans, were sick and dispirited. One attempt was made to drive back the invading army, but on the following day the Americans swept through the defenses and line of blockhouses and Manila capitulated. August 13, 1898. The Filipinos had scarcely participated in the attack on the city and they were excluded from occupying it after its surrender. This act was justified because the Filipino forces had been very recently raised, the soldiers were undisciplined, and had they entered the city with passions inflamed as they were, it was feared by the Americans that their officers might not be able to keep them from looting and crime. Misunderstanding between Americans and Filipinos. Up to this point the relations between the American and Filipino armies had been friendly, but here began that misunderstanding and distrust which for so many months were to alienate these two peoples and embitter their intercourse. Provisional government of the Filipinos. In the interval between the destruction of the Spanish fleet and the capture of Manila the Filipinos in Cavite had organized a provisional government and proclaimed the independence of the archipelago. American ideas in regard to the Philippines. The idea of returning these islands to the Spanish power was exceedingly repugnant to American sentiment. Spain's attitude toward revolutionists was well understood in America and the Filipinos had acted as America's friends and allies. On the other hand the American government was unwilling to turn over to the newly organized Filipino Republic the government of the archipelago. It was felt in America and with reason that this Filipino government was not truly representative of all the people in the Philippines, that the Filipino leaders were untried men, and that the people themselves had not had political training and experience. The United States having overthrown the Spanish government here was under obligation to see that the government established in its place would represent all and do injustice to none. The Filipinos were very slightly known to Americans but their educated class was believed to be small and their political ability unproven. Thus no assurances were given to the Filipino leaders that their government would be recognized or that their wishes would be consulted in the future of the islands. In fact these matters could be settled only by action of the American Congress which was late in assembling and slow to act. The terms of peace. Spain and America were now negotiating terms of peace. These negotiations were conducted at Paris and dragged on during many critical weeks. The Filipinos were naturally very much concerned over the outcome. Finally the American government demanded of Spain that she seed the islands to the United States and accept the sum of 20 million dollars gold for public works and improvements which she had made. Suspicions of the Filipino leaders. These terms became known in November 1898. They served to awaken the worst suspicions of the Filipino leaders. Many believed that they were about to exchange the oppressive domination of Spain for the selfish and equally oppressive domination of America. There is reason to believe that some leaders counseled patience and during the succeeding months made a constant effort to maintain the peace. But the radical party among the Filipinos was led by a man of real gifts and fiery disposition, Antonio Luna. He had received an education in Europe, had had some instruction in military affairs, and when in September the Filipino government was transferred to Malolos, Luna became the general-in-chief of the military forces. He was also editor of the most radical Filipino newspaper La Independencia, new Filipino government. On January 4th, 1899 President McKinley issued a special message to General Otis, commanding the armies of the United States in the Philippines, declaring that American sovereignty must be recognized without conditions. It was thought in the United States that a firm declaration of this kind would be accepted by the Filipinos and they would not dare to make resistance. The intentions of the American president and nation, as subsequent events have proven, were to deal with the Filipinos with great liberality. But the president's professions were not trusted by the Filipinos, and the result of Mr. McKinley's message was to move them at once to frame an independent government and to decide on war. This new government was framed at Malolos, Bulacan, by a Congress with representatives from most of the provinces of central Luzon. The Malolos Constitution was proclaimed January 23, 1899, and Don Emilio Aguinaldo was elected president. The cabinet or ministry included Don Apolinario Mabini, Secretary of State, Don Teodoro Sandico, Secretary of Interior, General Baldomero Aguinaldo, Secretary of War, General Mariano Trias, Secretary of Treasury, Don Ingrasio Gonzaga, Secretary of Public Instruction and Agriculture, War with the Americans, Battle of Manila. The Filipino forces were impatient for fighting, and attack on the American line surrounding Manila began on the night of February 4th. It is certain that battle had been decided upon and in preparation for some time, and that fighting would have been begun in any case before the arrival of reinforcements from America. But the attack was precipitated a little early by the killing at San Juan Bridge of a Filipino officer who refused to halt when challenged by an American sentry. On that memorable and dreadful night, the battle raged with great fury along the entire circle of defenses surrounding the city, from Tondo on the north to Fort San Antonio de Abad, south of the suburb of Malate. Along three main avenues from the north, east, and south, the Filipinos attempted to storm and enter the capital, but although they charged with reckless bravery, and for hours sustained a bloody combat, they had fatally underestimated the fighting qualities of the American soldier. The volunteer regiments of the American army came almost entirely from the western United States, where young men are naturally trained to the use of arms, and are imbued by inheritance with the powerful and aggressive qualities of the American frontier. When morning broke, the Filipino line of attack had, at every point, been shattered and thrown back, and the Americans had advanced their positions on the north to Kalaokan, on the east to the waterworks and the Marikina Valley, and on the south to Pasai. Declaration of War Unfortunately, during the night attack, and before the disaster to Filipino arms was apparent, a yinaldo had launched against the United States a declaration of war. This declaration prevented the Americans from trusting the overtures of certain Filipinos made after this battle, and peace was not achieved. The Malolos Campaign On March 25th began the American advance upon the Filipino capital of Malolos. This Malolos campaign, as it is usually called, occupied six days and ended in the driving of the Filipino army and government from their capital. The Filipino army was pursued in its retreat as far as Kalumpit, where on the southern bank of the Rio Grande de Pampanga, the American line rested during the height of the rainy season. During this interval, the volunteer regiments whose terms of service had long expired were returned to the States, and their places taken by regiments of the regular army. Some hard fighting had taken place during this campaign, and two extremely worthy American officers were killed, Colonel's Edward and Stotzenberg. The American Army The American army at that time, besides the artillery, consisted of 25 regiments of infantry and 10 of cavalry. Congress now authorized the organization of 24 new regiments of infantry to be known as the 26th to the 49th regiments of U.S. volunteers, and one volunteer regiment of cavalry, the 11th, for a service of two years. These regiments were largely officered by men from civil life, familiar with a great variety of callings and professions. Men for the most part of fine character, whose services in the months that followed were very great, not only in the field, but in gaining the friendship of the Filipino people, and in representing the character and intentions of the American government. Anti-war agitators in America Through the summer of 1899, the war was not pressed by the American general, nor were the negotiations with the Filipino leaders conducted with success. The Filipinos were by no means dismayed. In spite of their reverses, they believed the conquest of the islands impossible to foreign troops. Furthermore, the war had met with tremendous opposition in America. Many Americans believed that the war was against the fundamental rights of the Filipino people. They attacked the administration with unspeakable bitterness. They openly expressed sympathy for the Filipino revolutionary cause, and for the space of two years, their encouragement was an important factor in sustaining the rebellion. Spread of the insurrection In these same summer months, the revolutionary leaders spread their cause among the surrounding provinces and islands. The spirit of resistance was prominent at first, only among the Tagalogs, but gradually nearly all the Christianized population was united in resistance to the American occupation. Occupation of Negros The Americans had meanwhile occupied Ilo Ilo and the Visayas, and shortly afterwards the Presidios in Mindanao surrendered by the Spaniards. In Negros, also, exceptional circumstances had taken place. The people in this island invited American sovereignty, and General James Smith, sent to the island in March as governor, assisted the people in forming a liberal government, through which insurrection and disorder in that island were largely avoided. Death of General Luna With a cessation of heavy rains, the fighting was begun again in northern Luzon. The Filipino army had its headquarters in Tarlac, and its lines occupied the towns of the provinces of Pangasinan and Nueva Esija, stretching in a long line of posts from the Zambales Mountains, almost to the upper waters of the Rio Pampanga. It was still well armed, provisioned, and resolute, but the brilliant, though wayward, organizer of this army was dead. The nationalist Tunta, which had directed the Philippine government and army, had not been able to reconcile its differences. It is reported that Luna aspired to a dictatorship. He was killed by soldiers of Aguinaldo at Cabana-Tuan. The Campaign in Northern Luzon The American generals now determined upon a strategic campaign. General MacArthur was to command and advance up the railroad from Kalumpit upon Tarlac. General Lawton, with a flying column of Swift Infantry and Cavalry, was to make a flanking movement eastward through Nueva Esija and ham the Filipino forces in upon the east. Meanwhile, General Wheaton was to convey a force by transport to the Gulf of Ligayan to throw a cordon across the Ilocano coast that should cut off the retreat of the Filipino army northward. As a strategic movement, this campaign was only partially successful. MacArthur swept northward, crushing the Filipino line on his front, his advance being led by the active regiment of General J. Franklin Bell. Lawton's column scoured the country eastward, marching with great rapidity and tremendous exertions. Swollen rivers were crossed with great loss of life, and the column cutting loose from its supplies was frequently in need of food. It was in this column that the Filipino first saw with amazement the great American Cavalry horse so large beside the small pony of the Philippines. Lawton's dissent was so swift that the Philippine government and staff narrowly escaped capture. On the night of November 11th, the Filipino generals held their last council of war at Bayambang on the Rio Agno and resolved upon dispersal. Meanwhile, Wheaton had landed at San Fabian upon the southern Ilocano coast, but his force was insufficient to establish an effective cordon, and on the night of November 15th, Aguinaldo, with a small party of ministers and officers closely pursued by the Cavalry of Lawton under the command of General Young, slipped past through the mountains of Pozorubio and Rosario, and escaped up the Ilocano coast. Then began one of the most exciting pursuits in recent wars. The chase never slackened, except in those repeated instances when for the moment the trail of the Filipino general was lost. From Candon, Aguinaldo turned eastward through the commandancias of Lepanto and Bontoc into the wild Igorot country of the Cordillera Central. The trail into Lepanto leads over the lofty mountains through the precipitous Tila Pass. Near the summit, in what was regarded as an impregnable position, Gregorio del Pilar, little more than a boy but a brigadier general, with a small force of soldiers, the remnant of his command, attempted to cover the retreat of his president. But a battalion of the 33rd Infantry, under Major March, carried the pass with a total destruction of Pilar's command, he himself falling amid the slain. Capture of Aguinaldo. Major March then pursued Aguinaldo into Bontoc and then southward into the wild and mountainous territory of Guyangan. On Christmas night, 1899, the American soldiers camped on the crest of the Cordillera, within a few miles of the Igorot village where the Filipino force was sleeping. Both parties were broken down and in dire distress through the fierceness of the fight and pursuit. But for several weeks longer, Aguinaldo's party was able to remain in these mountains and elude its pursuers. A month later, his trail was finally lost in the valley of the Cagayan. He and his small party finally passed over the exceedingly difficult trail through the Sierra Madre mountains, to the little Tagalog town of Palanan near the Pacific coast. Here, almost entirely cut off from active participation in the insurrection, Aguinaldo remained until March of 1901, when he was captured by the party of General Funston. For some weeks following the disintegration of the Filipino army, the country appeared to be pacified and the insurrection over. The new regiments arriving from the United States, an expedition was formed under General Xuan, which in December and January marched southward through Cavite and Laguna provinces and occupied Batangas, Dayabas, and the Camarines. Other regiments were sent to the Visayas and to northern Luzon until every portion of the archipelago, except the islands of Mindoro and Palawan, contained large forces of American troops. Reorganization of the Filipino army. The Filipinos had, by no means however, abandoned the contest, and this period of quiet was simply a calm while the insurgent forces were perfecting their organization and preparing for a renewal of the conflict under a different form. It being found impossible for a Filipino army to keep the field, there was effected a secret organization for the purpose of maintaining irregular warfare through every portion of the archipelago. The islands were partitioned into a great number of districts or zones. At the head of each was a zone commander, usually with a rank of general. The operations of these men were, to a certain extent, guided by the council or directions of the secret revolutionary juntas in Manila or Hong Kong, but in fact they were practically absolute and independent, and they exercised extraordinary powers. They recruited their own forces and commissioned subordinate commanders. They levied contributions upon towns, owners of haciendas, and individuals of every class, and there was a secret civil or municipal organization for collecting these revenues. The zone commanders, moreover, exercised the terrible power of execution by administrative order. End of Chapter 13 Part 1 Recording by Alma Molina Chapter 13 Part 2 of a History of the Philippines This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Alma Molina A History of the Philippines by David Barrows Chapter 13 Part 2 Assassination of Filipinos Many of the Filipino leaders were necessarily not well instructed in those rules for the conduct of warfare which civilized peoples have agreed upon as being humane and honorable. Many of them tried, especially in the latter months of the war, when understanding was more widely diffused, to make their conduct conform to international usage. But the revolutionary junta had committed the great crime of ordering the punishment by assassination of all Filipinos who failed to support the insurgent cause. No possible justification in the light of modern morality can be found for such a step as this. The very worst passions were let loose in carrying out this policy. Scores of unfortunate men were assassinated, many of them as the results of private enmity. Endless blackmail was extorted and communities were terrorized from one end of the archipelago to the other. Irregular warfare of the Filipinos. Through the surrender of Spanish forces, the capture of the arsenals of Cavite and Olongapo, and by purchase through Hong Kong, the revolutionary government possessed between 30,000 and 40,000 rifles. These arms were distributed to the different military zones and the secret organization which existed in each municipality received its proportion. These guns were secreted by the different members of the command, except when occasion arose for effecting a surprise or making an attack. There were no general engagements, but in some towns there was almost nightly shooting. Pickets and small detachments were cut off, and roads became so unsafe throughout most of the archipelago that there was no travel by Americans except under heavy escort. For a long time also, the orders of the commanding general were so lenient that it was impossible properly to punish as conduct when it was discovered. Death of General Lawton. The American army, in its attempt to garrison every important town in the islands, was cut up into as many as 550 small detachments of post-garrisons. Thus, while there were finally over 70,000 American soldiers in the islands, it was rare for as many as 500 to take the field, and most of the engagements of the year 1900 were by small detachments of fifty to one hundred men. It was in one of these small expeditions that the American army suffered the greatest single loss of the war. A few miles east of Manila is the beautiful Maraquina Valley from which is derived the city's supply of water, and the headwaters of this pretty stream lie in the wild and picturesque fastness of San Mateo and Vandalban. Although scarce a dozen miles from the capital and the headquarters of a Filipino brigade, San Mateo was not permanently occupied by the Americans until after the 18th of December, 1899, when a force under General Lawton was led around through the hills to surprise the town. Early in the morning the American force came pouring down over the hills that lie across the river from the village. They were met by a brisk fire from the insurgent command scattered along the banks of the river and in a sugar hacienda close to the stream. Here Lawton conspicuous in light clothing and helmet, accompanying, as was his custom, the front line of skirmishers was struck by a bullet and instantly killed. Filipino leaders sent to Guam. In November 1900, after the re-election in the United States of President McKinley, a much more vigorous policy of war was inaugurated. In this month, General MacArthur, commanding the division, issued a notable general order defining and explaining the laws of war which were being violated and threatening punishment by imprisonment of those guilty of such conduct. Some thousands of Filipinos under this order were arrested and imprisoned. Thirty-nine leaders, among them the high-minded but irreconcilable Mabini, were in December 1900, sent to a military prison on the island of Guam. Campanning was much more vigorously prosecuted in all military districts. By this time, all the American officers had become familiar with the insurgent leaders, and these were now obliged to leave the towns and establish quartels in remote Barrios and in the mountains. These measures, pursued through the winter of 1900 to 01, broke the fighting strength of the revolutionists. The Philippine Civil Commission. Probably the most influential factor in producing peace resulted from the presence and labors of the Civil Philippine Commission. These gentlemen, Judge William H. Taft, Judge Luke E. Wright, Judge Henry C. Ide, Professor Dean C. Worcester, and Professor Bernard Moses, were appointed by the President in the spring of 1900 to legislate for the islands and to prepare the way for the establishment of civil government. President McKinley's letter of instructions to this commission will probably be ranked as one of the ablest and most notable public papers in American history. The commission reached the islands in June and began their legislative work on September 1st. This body of men, remarkable for their high character, was able at last to bring about an understanding with the Filipino leaders, and to assure them of the unselfish and honorable purposes of the American government. Thus, by the early winter of 1900 to 01, many Filipino gentlemen became convinced that the best interests of the island lay in accepting American sovereignty, and that they could honorably advocate the surrender of the insurgent forces. These men represented the highest attainments at most influential positions in the islands. In December they formed an association known as the Federal Party for the purpose of inducing the surrender of military leaders, obedience to the American government, and the acceptance of peace. End of the insurrection Under these influences the insurrection in the spring of 1901 went rapidly to pieces. Leader after leader surrendered his forces and arms and took the oath of allegiance and quietly returned home. By the end of June there were but two zone commanders who had not surrendered, General Malvar in Patangas and General Lukban in Samar. The First Civil Governor Peaceful conditions and security almost immediately followed these surrenders and determined the president to establish civil government at once. On July 4th 1901 this important step was taken. Judge Taft, the president of the Philippine Commission, taking office on that date as the first American civil governor of the Philippines. On September 1st the Philippine commission was increased by the appointment of three Filipino members, the Honorable T. H. Pardo de Tavera, M.D., the Honorable Benito Legarda, and the Honorable Jose Lasoriaga of Negros. The Philippine Commission has achieved a remarkable amount of legislation of a very high order. From September 1900 to the end of December 1902 the commission passed no less than 571 acts of legislation. Some of these were very great importance and involved long preparation and labour. Few administrative bodies have ever worked harder and with greater results than the Philippine Commission during the first two years of its activity. The frame of government in all its branches had to be organized and set in motion, the civil and criminal law liberalized, revenue provided, and public instruction remodeled on a very extensive scale. The New Government The government is a very liberal one and one which gives an increasing opportunity for participation to the Filipinos. It includes what is called local self-government. There are in the islands about 1,132 municipalities. In these, the residents practically manage their own affairs. There are 38 organized provinces in the archipelago in which the administration rests with a provincial board composed of the governor, treasurer, and supervisor or engineer. The governor is elected for the term of two years by the counselors of all the towns united in assembly. The treasurer and supervisor are appointed by the governor of the Philippine Archipelago under the rules of the civil service board. The civil service is a subject which has commanded the special consideration of the commission. It gives equal opportunity to the Filipino and to the American to enter the public service and to gain public promotion, and the Filipino is by law even given the preference where possessed of the requisite ability. The insular government For the purposes of administration, the insular or central government of the islands is divided into four branches called departments, each directed by a secretary who is also a member of the Philippine commission. These departments are Interior Secretary Wooster, Finance and Justice Secretary Ide, Commerce and Police Secretary Wright, and Public Instruction Secretary Moses until January 1st, 1903 and since that date Secretary Smith. Under each of these departments are a large number of bureaus by which the many important activities of the government are performed. We have only to examine a list of these bureaus to see how many-sided is the work which the government is performing. It is a veritable commonwealth complete in all the branches which demand the attention of modern governments. Thus under the Department of the Interior there is the Bureau of Public Health with its extremely important duties of combating epidemic diseases and improving public sanitation with its public hospitals, sanitariums, and charities. The Bureau of Government Laboratories for making Bacteriological and Chemical Investigations, a Bureau of Forestry, a Bureau of Mining, the Philippine Weather Bureau, a Bureau of Agriculture, a Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes for conducting the government work in ethnology and for framing legislation for Pagan and Mohamedan tribes, and a Bureau of Public Lands. Under the Department of Commerce and Police are the Bureau of Posts, Signal Service, the Philippines Constabulary, really an insular army with its force of some 6,500 officers and men, Prisons, the Coast Guard and Transportation Service, with a fleet of about 20 beautiful little steamers, nearly all of them newly built for this service and named for Islands of the Archipelago, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, doing the much needed work of charting the dangerous coasts and treacherous waters of the Archipelago, and the Bureau of Engineering, which has in its charge great public works, many of which are already underway. Under the Department of Finance and Justice are the Insular Treasurer, the Insular Auditor, the Bureau of Customs and Immigration, the Bureau of Internal Revenue, the Insular Cold Storage and Ice Plant, and the Great Bureau of Justice. Under the Department of Public Instruction there is the Bureau of Education in charge of the System of Public Schools, a Bureau of Printing and Engraving, with a new and fully equipped plant, a Bureau of Architecture, a Bureau of Archives, a Bureau of Statistics, and the Philippine Museum. Revenues and Expenditures The maintenance of these numerous activities calls for an expenditure of large sums of money, but the Insular Government and the Filipino people are fortunate in having had their finances managed with exceptional ability. The revenues of the islands for the past fiscal year have amounted to about ten million six hundred and thirty eight thousand dollars gold. Public expenditures, including the purchase of equipment such as the Coast Guard Fleet and the forwarding of great public works such as the improving of the Harbor of Manila, amounted during fiscal year of 1903 to about nine million one hundred and fifty thousand dollars gold. The government has at all times preserved a good balance in its treasury, but the past year has seen some diminution in the amount of revenues, owing to the great depreciation of silver money, the falling off of imports, the wide prevalence of cholera, and the poverty of many parts of the country as a result of war and the loss of livestock through past. To assist the government of the Philippines, the Congress of the United States in February 1903 with great and characteristic generosity appropriated the sum of three million dollars gold as a free gift to the people and government of the Philippines. The judicial system. Especially fortunate also have been the labors of the commission in establishing a judicial system and revising the Spanish law. The legal ability of the commission is unusually high. As at present constituted the judicial system consists of a Supreme Court composed of seven justices three of whom at the present time are Filipinos. Besides trying cases over which it has original jurisdiction this court decides cases of appeal from the courts of first instance fifteen a number which sit in different parts of the islands. Each town more over has its justices of the peace for the trial of small cases and for holding preliminary examinations in cases of crimes. By the new code of civil procedure the administration of justice has been so simplified that there are probably no courts in the world where justice can be more quickly secured than here. System of public schools. Probably no feature of the American government in the islands has attracted more attention than the system of public schools. Popular education while by no means wholly neglected under the Spanish government was inadequate and was continually opposed by the clerical and conservative Spanish forces who feared that the liberalizing of the Filipino people would be the loosening of the control of both Spanish state and church. On the contrary the success of the American government as of any government in which the people participate depends upon the intelligence and education of the people. Thus the American government is as anxious to destroy ignorance and poverty as the Spanish government and the Spanish church were desirous of preserving these deeply unfortunate conditions. Americans believe that if knowledge is generally spread among the Filipino people, if there can be a real understanding of the genius and purpose of our American institutions, there will come increasing content and satisfaction to dwell under American law. Thus education was early encouraged by the American army and it received the first attention of the commission. The widespread system of public schools which now exists in these islands was organized by the first general superintendent of public instruction Dr. Fred W. Atkinson and by Professor Bernard Moses of the Philippine Commission. Instruction in the English language. The basis of this public instruction is the English language. This was early decided upon in view of the great number of Filipino dialects, the absence of a common native language or literature, and the very moderate acquaintance with Spanish by any except the educated class. It is fortunate for the Filipino people that English has been introduced here and that its knowledge is rapidly spreading. Knowledge of language's power and the more widely spoken the tongue the greater the possession of the individual who acquires it. Of all the languages of the world English is today the most widely spoken and is most rapidly spreading. Moreover English is preeminently the language of the Far East. From Yokohama to Australia and from Manila to the Isthmus of Suez English is a common medium of communication. It is the language alike of business and of diplomacy. The Filipino people so eager to participate in all the busy life of eastern Asia, so ambitious to make their influence felt and their councils regarded, will be debarred from all this unless they master this mighty English tongue. The Filipino assembly. Thus after four and a half years of American occupation the sovereignty of the United States has been established in the archipelago and a form of government unique in the history of colonial administration inaugurated. One other step in the contemplation of Congress which will still further make the government a government of the Filipino people remains to be taken. This is the formation of a Filipino assembly of delegates or representatives chosen by popular vote from all the Christianized provinces of the archipelago. The recent census of the Philippines will form the basis for the apportionment of this representation. This assembly will share the legislative power on all matters pertaining to the Christian people of the Philippines and those parts of the islands inhabited by them. When this step shall have been taken the government of the Philippine islands will be like the typical and peculiarly American form of government known as territorial. Territorial form of government in the United States. The American union is composed of a number of states or commonwealths which while differing vastly in wealth and population are an absolutely equal footing in the union. The inhabitants of these states form politically the American sovereignty. They elect the president and congress and through their state legislatures may change or amend the form of the American state itself. Besides these states there have always been large possessions of the nation called territories. These territories are extensive countries to sparsely inhabited or to undeveloped politically to be admitted in the judgment of the American congress to statehood in the union. Their inhabitants do not have the right to vote for the president. Neither have they representation in the American congress. These territories are governed by congress through territorial governments and over them congress has full sovereign powers. That is as the supreme court of the united states has decided and explained while congress when legislating for the states in the union has only those powers of legislation which have been specifically granted by the constitution. In legislating for the territories it has all the powers which the constitution has not specifically denied. The only limitations on congress are those which under the american system of public law guarantee the liberty of the individual, his freedom of religious belief and worship, his right to just open and speedy trial, his right to the possession of his property, and other precious privileges the result of centuries of development in the english-speaking race which make up civil liberty. These priceless securities which no power of the government can take away a bridge or infringe are as much the possession of the inhabitants of a territory as of a state. The government of these territories has varied greatly in form and may be changed at any time by congress but it usually consists of a governor and supreme court appointed by the president of the united states and the legislature elected by the people. Since 1783 there has always been territories so held and governed by the united states and if we may judge from the remarkable history of these regions this form of government of dependent possessions is the most successful and most advantageous to the territory itself that has ever been devised. At the present time the territories of the united states are Oklahoma, the Indian territory, New Mexico, Arizona, Alaska, the Hawaiian islands, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam. The territorial form of government has frequently been regarded by american statesmen as a temporary condition to be followed at a comparatively early date by statehood but after more than a century of development territorial government as shaped by congress and as defined by the supreme court shows itself so flexible and advantageous that there is no reason why it should not be regarded as a permanent and final form whether it will long prevail in the Philippines depends very largely upon the political development and ultimate desires of the Filipino people themselves. For the present it is the only suitable form of government and the only form which it is statesmen like to contemplate. Filipino independence The events of the last few years seem to indicate that the american nation will not entrust the philippines with independence until they have immeasurably gained in political experience and social self-control. The question is too great to be discussed here but this much may be said. The rapid march of international politics in this coming century will not be favorable to the independence of the small and imperfectly developed state. Independence while it may fascinate the popular leader may not be the most advantageous for this people. Independence under present tendencies of international trade means economic isolation. Independence in the present age compels preparedness for war. Preparedness for war necessitates the maintenance of strong armies, the building of great navies and the great economic burdens required to sustain these armaments. Especially would this be true of an archipelago so exposed to attack, so surrounded by ambitious powers, and so near the center of coming struggle as are the philippines. Japan, with a population of 46 million, wonderful for their industry and economy and passionately devoted to their emperor, is independent but at great cost. The burden of her splendid army and her modern navy weighs heavily upon her people, consumes a large proportion of their earnings, and sometimes seems to be threatening to strain the resources of the nation almost to the point of breaking. Advantages of American control. Surely a people is economically far more privileged if, like the philippines under the american government or australia under the british, they are compelled to sustain no portion of the burden of exterior defense. The navies of the united states today protect the integrity of the philippine archipelago. The power of nation so strong and so terrible when once aroused that no country on the globe would think for a minute of wantonly molesting its territory shields the philippino from all outside interference and permits him to expend all his energy in the development of those abilities to which his temperament and endowment inspire him. American government means freedom of opportunity. There is no honorable pursuit calling or walk of life under heaven in which the philippino may not now engage and in which he will not find his endeavors encouraged and his success met with generous appreciation. In politics his progress may be slow because progress here is not the development of the individual nor of the few but of the whole. But in the no less noble pursuits of science, literature, and art we may in this very generation see philippinos achieving more than notable success and distinction not only for themselves but for their land. Patriotic duty. Patriotic duty as regards the philippines means for the American a wholesome belief in the uprightness of the national purposes, a loyal appreciation of the men who have here worked wisely and without selfishness and have borne the brunt of the toil, a loyalty to the government of the philippines and of the united states so long as these governments live honestly, rule justly, and increase liberty, and a frank and hearty recognition of every advance made by the philippino people themselves. And for the philippinos patriotic duty means a full acceptance of government as it has now been established as better than what has proceeded and perhaps superior to what he himself would have chosen and could have devised. A loyalty to his own people and to their interests and to the public interests that shall overcome the personal selfishness that has set its cruel mark on every native institution in this land, and a resolution to obey the laws, preserve the peace, and use faithfully every opportunity for the development of his own character and the betterment of the race. Spanish governors of the philippines 1569 to 1898, 1569 to 1572, don Miguel López de Legaspi, 1572 to 1575, Guido de Labesares, 1575 to 1580, don Francisco de Sández, 1580 to 1583, don Gonzalo Ronquillo, 1583 to 1584, don Diego Ronquillo, 1584 to 1590, Dr. Don Santiago de Vera, 1590 to 1593, don Gomez Pérez Dasmarinas, 1593 to 1593, Pedro de Rojas, 1593 to 1595, Luis Pérez Dasmarinas, 1596 to 1602, don Francisco Teillo de Guzman, 1602 to 1606, don Pedro Bravo de Auna, 1606 to 1608, the Audiencia, 1608 to 1609, don Rodrigo de Vivero, 1609 to 1616, don Juan de Silva, 1616 to 1618, the Audiencia 1618 to 1624, don Alonso, Fajardo y Tensa, 1624 to 1625, the Audiencia 1625 to 1626, don Fernando de Silva, 1626 to 1632, don Juan Nino de Tabora, 1632 to 1633, the Audiencia, 1633 to 1635, don Juan Cereso de Salamanca, 1635 to 1644, don Sebastián Urtado de Curcuerra, 1644 to 1653, don Diego Fajardo y Chacon, 1653 to 1663, Sabiniano Malrique de Lara, 1666 to 1668, don Diego de Salcedo, 1663 to 1669, don Manuel de la Pefia Bonifaz, 1669 to 1677, don Manuel de León, 1677 to 1678, the Audiencia, 1678 to 1684, don Juan de Vargas Urtado, 1684 to 1689, don Gabriel de Crucea Leghi y Arriola, 1689 to 1690, don Alonso de Avile Fuertes, 1690 to 1701, don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora, 1701 to 1709, don Domingo Sabalburo de Echevarri, 1709 to 1715, don Martín de Urzua Conde de Lizarraga, 1715 to 1717, the Audiencia, 1717 to 1719, don Fernando Manuel de Bustamante y Rueda, 1719 to 1721, Archbishop Frey Francisco de la Cuesta, 1721 to 1729, don Turribio, José Cosío y Campo, 1729 to 1739, don Fernando Valdes y Tamón, 1739 to 1745, don Gaspar de la Torre, 1745 to 1750, bishop Frey Juan de Arecedera, 1750 to 1754, don José Francisco de Obando y Solis, 1754 to 1759, don Pedro Manuel de Arandia, Santisteban, 1759 to 1761, don Miguel Lino de Espeleta, Bishop of Cebu, 1761 to 1762, Archbishop Manuel Antonio Rojo de Río y Vieguela, 1762 to 1764, don Simon de Anda y Salazar, 1764 to 1765, don Francisco Javier de la Torre, 1765 to 1770, don José Rón, 1770 to 1776, doctor don Simon de Anda y Salazar, 1776 to 1778, don Pedro Sarrio, 1778 to 1787, don José Vasco y Vargas, 1787 to 1788, don Pedro Sarrio, 1788 to 1793, don Felix Perenguer de Marguina, 1793 to 1806, don Rafael María de Aguilar y Ponce de León, 1806 to 1810, don Mariano Fernández de Folgeras, 1810 to 1813, don Manuel González de Aguilar, 1813 to 1816, don José Cardoqui Jaraveitia, 1816 to 1822, don Mariano Fernández de Folgeras, 1822 to 1825, don Juan Antonio Martinez, 1825 to 1830, don Mariano Riccafort, Palacio y Abarca, 1830 to 1835, don Pascual Enrile y Alcedo, 1835 to 1835, don Gabriel de Torres, 1835 to 1835, don Juan Crame, 1835 to 1837, don Pedro Antonio Salazar, 1837 to 1838, don Andrés García Caneva, 1838 to 1841, don Luis Lardis de Abal y Bon Dojo, 1841 to 1843, don Marcelino de Horad de Cumberri, 1843 to 1844, don Francisco de Paula Alcalde de la Torre, 1844 to 1849, don Narciso Clavería y Saldúa, 1849 to 1850, don Antonio María Blanco, 1850 to 1853, don Antonio de Urbistondo y Aguía, 1853 to 1854, general Ramón Montero y Bladino, 1854 to 1854, general Manuel Bavia y Lai, 1854 to 1854, general Ramón Montero, acting, 1854 to 1856, general Manuel Crespo y Serrían, 1856 to 1857, general Ramón Montero, acting, 1857 to 1860, general Fernando de Nozagaray, 1860 to 1860, general Ramón Solano y Ledner Dahl, acting, 1860 to 1861, general Juan Herrera de Avila, acting, 1861 to 1862, general José Le Meri, 1861 to 1862, don Salvador Valdes, acting, 1862 to 1865, general Rafael Achaquille, 1865 to 1865, general Joaquín de Salas, acting, 1865 to 1866, general Juan de Lara Yrigoyen, 1866 to 1866, general Juan Laureano de Sanz, acting, 1866 to 1866, general de Marina Antonio Osorio, acting, 1866 to 1866, general Joaquín de Salas, acting, 1866 to 1869, general José de la Genara, 1869 to 1869, general Manuel Maldonado, acting, 1869 to 1871, general Carlos de la Torre, 1871 to 1873, general Rafael Isquillardo, 1873 to 1873, general de Marina Manuel, Macrojon, acting, 1873 to 1874, general Juan Aleminos Vívar, 1874 to 1874, general Manuel Blanco Valderrama, acting, 1874 to 1877, vice-armor José Malcampo y Monje, 1877 to 1880, general Domingo Moriones y Murillo, 1880 to 1880, general de Marina Rafael Rodríguez Arias, acting, 1880 to 1883, general Fernando Primo de Rivera, Marques de Estella, 1883 to 1883, general Emilio de Molins, segundo Cabo, acting, 1883 to 1885, el Capitán Jeral del ejército Joaquín Jovegar y Soler, 1885 to 1885, general Emilio de Molins, acting, 1885 to 1888, general Emilio Terrero, 1888 to 1888, general Antonio Molto, acting, 1888 to 1888, vice-armor Federico Lobatán, acting, 1888 to 1891, general Valeriano Weiler, 1891 to 1893, general Eulogio Despojol, con de De Caspa, 1893 to 1893, general Federico Ochando, segundo Cabo, acting, 1893 to 1896, general Ramón Blanco y Arenas, Marques de Plena Plata, 1896 to 1897, general Camilo, G de Polvaviejo, Marques de Polavieja, 1897 to 1897, general José de La Chambre y Dominguez, acting, 1897 to 1898, general Fernando Primo de Rivera, Capitán Jeral, Marques de Estella, 1898 to 1898, general Basilic Agustín, 1898 to 1898, general Fermín, Jodenes y Álvarez, 1898 to 1898, general Francisco Riso, 1898 to 1898, general Diego de los Ríos, governed and hopeful, from the capture of Manila to the Treaty of Paris, end of appendix, end of a history of the Philippines by David Barros.