only after exhausting all peaceful avenues of political activity-and being denied all the legitimate rights of an ordinary citizen or a legitimate political movement-did the Mojahedin act, on the basis of their inalienable rights as stipulated in the Preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, namely "to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression,"and took up arms.Even after thousands of executions by the Khomeini regime, Massoud Rajavi still expressed the movement's willingness to abandon armed resistance in a 1984 interview; We have never sought, nor do we welcome confrontation and violence...If Khomeini is prepared to hold truly free elections,I will return to my homeland immediately.The Mojahedin will lay down their arms to participate in such elections.Before the start of armed struggle, we tried to utilize all legal means of political activity,but suppression compelled us to take up arms.If Khomeini had allowed half or even a quarter of the freedoms presently enjoyed in France,we would certainly have achieved a democratic victory.Hashemi-Rafsanjani had spelled out the regime's policy on the Mojahedin ;Divine law defines our sentences for them, which must be carried out: 1- kill them, 2- hang them, 3- cut off their arms and legs, 4- banish them. Under such circumstances, the options for any democratic force are clear: resistance or surrender. The Iranian Resistance strongly condemns actions that threaten the lives of innocent people,and has never engaged in such activities, in Iran or abroad. Accusing the Iranian Resistance of terrorism is rather like accusing the movement for American independence, or the French Résistance against the Nazi occupation, of terrorism..in late June 1980 Khomeini drew the lines. "Death to the Mojahedin" became the regime's motto and Hezbollah stepped up its attacks on the organization's centers,all legal.
After heaps of condemnation on Illegal killings of PMOI supporters, Khoemieni had to make a choice: Either back down, or step up the political onslaught on the Mojahedin. There were more deaths and injuries, and thousands of arrests. Responding to a letter of complaint by Mojahedin supporters in August 1980, Mohammad Yazdi, head of the regime's Judiciary, referred to Khomeini's order to massacre the Mojahedin and their supporters.Shaul Bakhash writes about the events of that era in his book, The Reign of the Ayatollah;In February 1980, 60,000 copies of Mojahed were seized and burned. In Mashad, Shiraz, Qa'emshahr, Sari, and dozens of small towns, club wielders attacked and looted Mojahedin headquarters, student societies, and meetings. Since the Mojahedin meetings were often large, these attacks turned into huge melees. Some 700 were injured in the attack on the Mojahedin headquarters at Qa'emshahr in April, 400 in Mashad. Ten members of the organization lost their lives in clashes between February and June 1980.In Qom, anti-Mojahedin marches took place after sermons by Mohammad Taqi Falsafi and Mohammad-Javad Bahonar. In Behshahr, the Mojahedin were attacked after a sermon by Fakhr ad-Din Hejazi. Hojjat ol-Eslam Khaz'ali moved from town to town to preach against the Mojahedin. "If they do not repent," he told a crowd in Shahrud, "take them and throw them in the Caspian Sea." He accused the Mojahedin of being communists, taking part in the Kurdish uprising, killing Revolutionary Guardsmen, and misleading young girls.. We are thirsty for their blood. We must close off their jugular."...[Khomaini] was suspicious of the Mojahedin's growing strength and growing popularity. In June 1980, Khomaini publicly denounced the Mojahedin as polytheists and hypocrites and contemptuously referred to Rajavi as "this lad who calls himself the leader." The Mojahedin responded by quietly closing all their branch offices and retreating further underground. They arganized a 500 0000 peaceful demonstration asking for freedom, which was turned into a bloodbath.Ervand Abrahamian describes the Mojahedin's political behavior as "non-confrontationalist,"
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